HOHTUA    51  MA?.    ??HT    YH 


READINGS   IN   DESCRIPTIVE   AND 
HISTORICAL  SOCIOLOGY 


BY  THE    SAME  AUTHOR 


THE  PRINCIPLES   OP   SOCIOLOGY.    1896.    New  York:  The 

Macmillan  Company.  London :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd. 
French  Translation,  1897,  Paris.  Russian  Translation,  1898, 
Moscow.  Spanish  Translation,  1898,  Madrid.  Japanese  Trans- 
lation, 1900,  T6ky6.  Bohemian  Translation,  1900,  Prague. 
Hebrew  Translation,  1901,  Warsaw. 

THE  ELEMENTS  OF  SOCIOLOGY:  A  Text-book  for  Colleges 
and  Schools.  1898.  New  York:  The  Macmillan  Company. 
London :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd. 

DEMOCRACY  AND  EMPIRE:  With  Studies  of  their  Psycho- 
logical, Economic,  and  Moral  Foundations.  1900.  New  York : 
The  Macmillan  Company.  London :  Macmillan  &  Co.,  Ltd. 

INDUCTIVE  SOCIOLOGY:  A  Syllabus  of  Methods,  Analyses, 
and  Classifications,  and  Provisionally  Formulated  Laws. 
1901.  New  York:  The  Macmillan  Company.  London:  Mac- 
millan &  Co.,  Ltd. 


READINGS 


IN 


DESCRIPTIVE  AND  HISTORICAL 
SOCIOLOGY/ 


EDITED  BY 
FRANKLIN   H.   GIDDINGS,  PH.D.,  LL.D. 

PROFESSOR    OF    SOCIOLOGY    AND    THE    HISTORY    OF    CIVILIZATION 

IN    COLUMBIA   UNIVERSITY 

AUTHOR   OF  "THE   PRINCIPLES   OF   SOCIOLOGY,"   "INDUCTIVE   SOCIOLOGY," 
"DEMOCRACY    AND    EMPIRE,"    ETC. 


ff  0tft 

THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

LONDON:  MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  LTD. 


All  rights  ristrvtd 


Hi; 


/iri 


COPYRIGHT,  1906, 
BY  THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.    Published  October,  1906.    Reprinted 
July,  1909  ;  September.  IQII. 


NortoooD 

J.  8.  Gushing  Co.  —  Berwick  <fc  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

THE  chief  purpose  held  in  view  in  preparing  this  volume 
has  been  to  offer  to  the  beginner  in  sociological  studies 
significant  examples  of  the  great  facts  of  social  evolution, 
and  of  their  interpretation;  and  to  present  them  so  that 
collectively,  and  in  connection  with  a  mere  outline  of 
theory,  they  should  constitute  a  fairly  complete  scheme 
of  elementary  readings  in  descriptive  and  historical  soci- 
ology. They  should  not  be  accepted  by  the  teacher  as  a 
substitute  for  inductive  research  on  the  part  of  the  student. 
My  own  method  of  using  such  materials  in  teaching  has 
been  to  require  students  to  find,  analyze,  and  classify  simi- 
lar materials  obtained  from  historical  sources,  statistical 
and  other  official  reports,  newspapers,  and  current  litera- 
ture. The  selections  here  given  thus  become  samples  and 
points  of  comparison,  and  the  mind  of  the  student  is  kept 
alert  to  discover  essential  similarities  between  facts  drawn 
from  widely  different  sources. 

Among  the  selections  will  be  found  many  readings  that 
every  student  of  this  subject  should  be  familiar  with,  but 
which  often  are  inaccessible  to  classes  distant  from  large 
libraries.  Many  other  selections  have  purposely  been  taken 
from  a  class  of  materials  that  in  the  narrower  sense  of  the 
word  are  "  un historical,"  while  in  a  broader  sense  they 
have  an  historical  character  of  the  utmost  importance. 
Folk-lore,  legends,  and  other  early  tales,  for  example,  are 
not  to  be  accepted  as  accounts  of  events  that  ever  hap- 
pened as  related,  but  they  are  faithful  pictures  of  the 


vi  Preface 

minds  of  men.  They  show  what  things  people  believed, 
what  they  were  interested  in,  and  how  they  interpreted 
life.  In  like  manner,  such  a  passage  as  Plutarch's  famous 
account  of  the  economic  reforms  attributed  to  Lycurgus 
is,  from  one  point  of  view,  a  fine  early  example  of  yellow 
journalism.  Yet,  from  another  point  of  view,  it  is  a  price- 
less document,  showing  how  in  that  old  Grecian  world  the 
minds  of  men  were  wrestling  with  the  same  problems  of 
the  apportionment  of  economic  opportunity  that  industrial 
states  are  wrestling  with  to-day,  and  that  the  experiments 
which  appeal  to  large  classes  to-day,  appealed  in  like 
manner  to  earnest  men  then. 

Among  the  selections  that  will  generally  be  recognized  as 
"  historical,"  there  are  doubtless  some  that  may  not  with- 
stand criticism.  I  use  them  for  what  they  may  be  worth, 
and  the  teacher  may  profitably  raise  questions  of  accuracy 
for  his  class  to  consider.  In  no  case  do  I  undertake  to 
indorse  the  opinions  expressed  by  writers  quoted.  They, 
too,  are  put  before  teachers  and  students  for  what  they  are 
worth,  and  the  wise  teacher  will  encourage  his  students  to 
think  for  themselves  upon  controverted  questions  and  be- 
liefs. I  sincerely  trust  that  this  procedure  will  be  extended 
to  all  views  that  I  have  myself  expressed.  I  have  learned 
a  great  deal  in  the  course  of  my  teaching  from  the  dissent 
and  the  objections  of  my  students,  for  whose  criticisms  I 
shall  always  be  grateful. 

The  thread  of  text  that  runs  through  the  volume,  and 
which  consists  chiefly  of  mere  definitions  and  abstract 
propositions,  with  little  attempt  at  demonstration,  is  in- 
tended primarily  to  enable  the  student  to  "place"  his 
materials,  to  see  where  they  naturally  belong  in  a  logical 
scheme  of  general  sociology. 

It  is,  however,  also  somewhat  more  than  this.  As  a 
mere  outline  of  social  theory,  it  is  more  complete  in  scope 
than  anything  I  have  offered  in  my  previous  volumes. 


Preface  vii 

New  theoretical  matter,  that  is  not  to  be  found  in  my 
Principles,  Elements,  or  Inductive  Sociology,  includes  the 
following  sections,  namely :  — 

The  analysis  of  kinds  of  societies ;  the  theory  of  social 
causation  which  is  carried  throughout  the  book,  and  espe- 
cially the  application  made  of  the  laws  of  increasing  and 
diminishing  return ;  the  analysis  of  inter-stimulation  and 
response ;  the  new  analysis  of  sovereignty  and  govern- 
ment, and  the  account  of  the  great  social  policies ;  the 
hypothesis  concerning  the  genesis  of  the  various  forms  of 
the  family,  and  the  interpretation  of  the  curious  double 
process  seen  in  the  evolution  of  social  organization  whereby, 
as  society  expands  and  complicates,  the  unitary  group  is 
divided  and  subdivided,  until  finally  the  individual  is  set 
free  as  the  true  unit  in  the  highest  social  order. 

For  the  theoretical  text  and  the  general  arrangement  of 
the  materials,  I  am  alone  responsible ;  but  for  most  of  the 
actual  work  of  finding  and  choosing  the  selections,  I  am 
indebted  to  Mrs.  M.  V.  Gaden,  whose  accurate  and  exten- 
sive knowledge  of  the  literature  of  sociology  has  been 
invaluable. 

I  wish  to  acknowledge,  also,  my  obligation  to  the  fol- 
lowing publishers  and  authors  for  their  generous  permis- 
sion to  make  use  of  the  copyrighted  materials  named: 
Messrs.  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  McMaster's  History  of  the 
People  of  the  United  States ;  Mr.  Thomas  Willing  Balch, 
Some  Facts  about  Alsace  and  Lorraine ;  The  Arthur  H. 
Clark  Company,  the  Thwaites  editions,  in  Early  Western 
Travels,  of  the  Journal  of  Andre"  Micheaux,  and  Cnming's 
Tour ;  The  Columbia  University  Press,  Giles's  China  and 
the  Chinese,  and  Krans's  Irish  Life  in  Irish  Fiction ; 
Messrs.  Thomas  Y.  Crowell  &  Co.,  Hull  House  Maps  and 
Papers ;  Messrs.  Harper  and  Brothers,  Gerard's  The  Land 
beyond  the  Forest,  and  Green's  Short  History  of  the  Eng- 
lish People ;  Messrs.  Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  the  Durand  trans- 


viii  Preface 

lations  of  Taine's  The  French  Revolution,  and  Italy,  Florence, 
and  Venice,  Morgan's  Ancient  Society,  and  Warner's  Cap- 
tain John  Smith;  Messrs.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Ire- 
land's The  Far  Eastern  Tropics,  Royce's  California,  and 
Winsor's  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America; 
The  Independent,  The  Religious  Revival  in  Wales ;  Pro- 
fessor Samuel  Macaulay  Jackson,  Zwingli ;  The  J.  B. 
Lippincott  Company  and  Mr.  J.  H.  Noyes,  Noyes's 
American  Socialisms ;  Messrs.  Little,  Brown  &  Co., 
Clough's  translation  of  Plutarch's  Lives  of  Illustrious 
Men;  Messrs.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.  and  Mr.  Jeremiah 
Curtin,  Curtin's  translation  of  Sienkiewicz's  With  Fire  and 
Sword ;  Messrs.  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  Lecky's  De~ 
mocracy  and  Liberty ;  The  Outlook  Company,  Bliss's  Where 
Socialism  was  Tried ;  Messrs.  L.  C.  Page  &  Co.,  Knapp's 
Feudal  and  Modern  Japan  ;  The  Fleming  H.  Revell  Com- 
pany, Smith's  Village  Life  in  China  ;  and  Messrs.  Charles 
Scribner's  Sons,  Gummere's  Germanic  Origins. 

NEW  YORK,  September,  1906. 


CONTENTS 
BOOK   I 

SOCIETY   AND   SOCIOLOGY 
CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

SOCIETY 3 

CHAPTER  II 
THE  NATURE  OF  SOCIETY 4 

CHAPTER  III 

KINDS  OF  SOCIETIES 10 

Animal  Societies 13 

Ethnic  Societies : 

The  Tribal  Circle  of  the  Ponk  as           ......  14 

The  Tribal  Circle  of  the  Hebrews ie 

Sympathetic  Society: 

The  Greek  Kindred 18 

The  English  Kindred 1 8 

Congenial  Society : 

The  Christians  at  Jerusalem 20 

The  Huguenots  in  England 21 

Skaneateles 23 

A  London  Suburb 25 

Approbational  Society: 

California   ...........25 

Despotic  Society: 

Conquest  of  the  Canaanites         .......  29 

Israel  under  the  Judges 32 

The  Roman  Empire  under  Constantine 35 

Norman  England 37 

be 


Contents 


Authoritative  Society: 

Ancient  Egypt    ..         ........42 

France  under  Catherine 43 

England  under  the  Tudors 43 

Conspirital  Society : 

Conspiracy  of  Abimelech    ........44 

Conspiracy  of  Peisistratos .         .48 

Conspiracies  of  Catiline 49 

Ghibelline  Refugees 52 

Criminal  Conspiracies  in  the  Reign  of  Richard  II.  .        .      55 

Contractual  Society: 

The  League  of  the  Iroquois 56 

Connecticut         ..........       58 

Idealistic  Society : 

The  Sylvania  Association 59 

The  United  States  62 


BOOK   II 

THE  ELEMENTS   AND   STRUCTURE  OF   SOCIETY 

PART  I 
THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION 

CHAPTER   I 

SITUATION ' 67 

I.    The  Basis  of  Society 67 

II.     Distribution  of  Societies 67 

III.  Inhabitable  Areas         ........  67 

IV.  Primary  and  Secondary  Sources  of  Subsistence     ...  68 
V.    Chiefly  Significant  Features  of  Situation       ....  68 

I.   Classification  of  Environments     .....  68 

The  Heat  Belt  and  the  Temperate  Zones        .        .  68 

The  Domain  of  the  United  States    ....  70 

CHAPTER.  II 

AGGREGATION 72 

I.    The  Phenomena  of  Population 72 

II.    The  Inhabiting  Species 72 

An  Army  of  Blackbirds 72 


Contents  xi 


III.  Density 73 

Population  of  the  United  States  in  1862  ....  73 

Growth  of  the  American  Population         ....  74 

IV.  Multiplication 76 

V.     Genetic  Aggregation 76 

The  Primitive  Germans 76 

The  Early  Bostonians 76 

Early  Inhabitants  of  Nantucket 77 

VI.     Migration .  77 

Classification  of  Migrations 77 

Migration  of  the  Greeks  .......  79 

Migration  of  Protestant  Flemings  to  England           .         .  80 

Decay  and  Revival  of  English  Coast  Towns      ...  85 

VII.     Congregation 90 

Anglo-Norman  England 90 

VIII.     Causes  of  Aggregation 91 

Relation  of  Environment  to  Energy          ....  92 

Physical  Causes  of  Migration 94 

Causes  of  the  Great  Asiatic-European  Migrations     .        .  95 

IX.     Ultimate  Causes  of  Aggregation 96 

1.  Matter  and  Motion      .......  96 

2.  Conflicts,  Similarities,  and  Systems      ....  97 

3.  The  Laws  of  Motion 97 

4.  Equilibration .98 

5.  Evolution 98 

6.  Natural  Selection  and  Survival 102 

CHAPTER  III 

DEMOTIC  COMPOSITION 104 

I.    Variation  and  Mixture 104 

II.     Organic  Variation 104 

III.  Age 104 

IV.  Sex ios 

V.  Kinship 105 

Demotic  Composition :  Norway,  Maine    ....  106 

Composition  of  the  American  People        .         .         .         .108 

VI.     Group  Migration  and  Conquest     .         .         .        ..         .         .112 

Invasion  of  Peloponnesus          .         .         .         .         .         .112 

VII.     Compound  Populations 113 

The  Population  of  Thessaly 113 


xii  Contents 


PAGE 


The  Population  of  Gaul   .        .        .        .        .        .        .114 

Population  of  the  Isle  of  Man ne 

Population  of  Austria-Hungary 116 

VIII.     Degree  of  Homogeneity       .        .        .        .        .        .        .118 

IX.     Causes  of  Demotic  Composition   .        .        .        .        .        .118 

Environment  and  Demotic  Composition  .        .        .        .118 

X.    Amalgamation  and  Demotic  Unity 121 

Gaels 122 

Manxmen          .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .122 

Arthurian  Britons  and  Norsemen      .        .        .        .        .122 

PART  II 
THE  SOCIAL  MIND 

CHAPTER   I 

FACTORS  AND  FORMATION  OF  THE  SOCIAL  MIND         .       .       .       .124 
I.     Stimulation  and  Response    .        .        .        .        .        .        .124 

1.  Nature  of  Nervous  Phenomena 124 

2.  Primary  and  Secondary  Stimulation  and  Response      .     124 

3.  Laws  of  Stimulation  and  Response      .        .        .        .125 
II.    The  Subjective  Aspect 125 

1.  The  Ultimate  Motive 125 

2.  The  Law  of  Least  Effort 126 

3.  Modes  of  Least  Effort 126 

4.  Subjective  Aspect  of  Diminishing  Return    .        .        .126 

5.  Diversification  of  Satisfactions 127 

III.  Modes  of  Activity 127 

I.   Causes  Differentiating  the  Modes  of  Activity       .        .     128 

IV.  Unlike-  and  Like- Response 128 

1.  Unlike-Response 128 

2.  Like- Response 128 

Stimulation  and  Response :   Social  Life  in  Ancient 

Wales 128 

Like-Response :  The  Anointing  of  Solomon    .        .130 
Like-Response :  A  Greek  Election          .         .         .     131 
Like-  and  Unlike-Response  :  Pagans  and  Christians     131 
Like-Response :  Riding  the  Skimmington       .         .132 
Unlike-  and  Like-Response  :  To  Whitefield's  Revival 
Preaching    ........     134 

Lake-Response :  The  Federal  Volunteer  Army        .     135 


Contents  xiii 

PAGE 

V.    Interstimulation  and  Response 135 

1.  Communication   .         .         .         .         ,         .         .         .136 

Beginnings  of  Communication          .         .         .         .136 

The  Tidings  of  Absalom's  Death      .         .         .         .138 

Publication  of  Ahasuerus's  Decrees         .        .        .139 
Rumour  in  the  Ukraine  ......     140 

The  English  Stage  Coach 143 

2.  Suggestion  and  Suggestibility 145 

Suggestion :  The  Pillar  of  Cloud  .  .  .  .14$ 
Suggestibility  during  the  Great  Plague  .  .  .  146 
Suggestion  in  the  Witchcraft  Delusion  .  .  .  148 

3.  Impression 154 

Power  of  Napoleon's  Personality     .        .        .        .     154 

4.  Example  and  Imitation 157 

Imitation  of  Social  Superiors  in  England         .         .     157 
Dante  on  the  Refraction  and  the  Geometrical  Pro- 
gression of  Imitation 1 60 

5.  Conflict .        .        .161 

Gallic  Resistance  of  Rome 162 

Catholic-Protestant  Strife 162 

Protestant  Internal  Dissension         ....  163 

Bilingual  Teaching  in  the  Belgian  Schools      .        .  165 

6.  Association 169 

Fairs  in  Ancient  Ireland 169 

Old  German  Festivals 171 

London  Workingmen's  Clubs  .        .        .        .  171 

7.  Expansive  Association 172 

The  Commerce  of  Tyre 173 

Relations  of  Germany  to  Italy          .        .        .        .     1 75 

Early  American  Travel 175 

VI.    Derived  or  Secondary  Stimuli 176 

Chief  Stimuli  of  Modern  Social  Life         .         .         .     176 

I.   Classification  of  Secondary  Stimuli       ....     177 

VII.     Stimuli  as  Causes  of  Social  Phenomena         .         .         .         .178 

1.  Relation  of  Subjective  to  Objective  Causation     .        .178 

Nature  of  Social  Causation 178 

2.  A  Measure  of  Social  Progress 179 

VIII.    Integration  of  Like-Response 179 

1.  Degrees  and  Stages  of  Responsiveness         .         .         .     179 

Prompt  Response :  A  Domestic  Unpleasantness  in 
China 180 

2.  Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance     ,  182 


xiv  Contents 

PAGE 

3.  The  Consciousness  of  Kind 184 

4.  Concerted  Volition .184 

IX.    The  Social  Mind 184 

1.  Modes  of  the  Social  Mind 185 

2.  Definition  of  the  Social  Mind 185 

CHAPTER  II 

DIFFERENTIATION  AND  RESEMBLANCE 

I.     Socializing  Forces         .        . 186 

II.    Appreciation 186 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .187 

1.  Degrees  of  Appreciation 187 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .187 

2.  Motives  of  Appreciation 189 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .189 

3.  Methods  of  Appreciation 194 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers          .         .         .194 

III.  Types  of  Motor  Reaction,  Emotion,  and  Intellect         .        .     195 

1.  Classification  of  Types 195 

American  Quickness 196 

Athenian  Vivacity 197 

Greek  Emotional  Types 198 

Italian  Emotional  Types  .  .  .  .  .  200 

American  Emotional  Types 202 

Emotional  Types:  New  York  City  Tenement 

Dwellers 203 

American  Intellective  Types  .....  204 
Intellective  Types :  New  York  City  Tenement 

Dwellers 206 

2.  Relative  Extent  of  Resemblance  in  Instinct,  Feeling, 

and  Intellect 206 

IV.  Utilization 207 

1.  Degrees  of  Utilization 207 

2.  Motives  of  Utilization 207 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .     207 

3.  Methods  of  Utilization 208 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .208 

V.    Types  of  Disposition 209 

I.   Classification  of  Dispositions        .....     209 
American  Dispositions 209 


Contents  xv 

PACK 

2.   Relative  Extent  of  Each  of  the  Four  Types  of  Dispo- 
sition   2IO 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .  210 

VI.    Characterization 211 

1.  Degrees  of  Characterization 211 

2.  Motives  of  Characterization 21 1 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers          .         .         .211 

3.  The  Methods  of  Characterization         ....  212 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .212 

VIL    Types  of  Character 214 

1.  Classification  of  Types 214 

Genesis  of  Character  Types  .         .         .         .215 

Forceful  Character  :  Julius  Caesar    ....  218 

Forceful  Character :  John  Smith      ....  219 

Convivial  Character :  Sir  Roger  de  Coverley   .         .  223 

Irish  Conviviality     .......  224 

Austere  Character :   Lycurgus  .         .         .         .  229 

Austere  Character :  A  New  England  Example          .  230 

Rationally  Conscientious  Character :  Joseph  Priestley  231 

American  Character  Types 233 

2.  Relative  Extent  of  Each  of  the  Four  Character  Types  234 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .  235 

VIII.    Types  of  Mind 236 

1.  Ideo-Motor 237 

2.  Ideo-Emotional  ........  238 

3.  Dogmatic- Emotional 238 

4.  Critically-Intellectual 238 

5.  Relative  Extent  of  Each  of  the  Four  Types  of  Mind    .  238 

New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers         .        .        .  239 

IX.     Practical  Differences  and  Resemblances        ....  240 

1.  Cultural 240 

Unity  of  Language :  Greece 241 

Literacy  in  Japan     .......  241 

Diversity  of  Manners  and  Ceremony :  Transylvania  242 

American  Cultural  Unity 247 

Manners  in  America         ......  248 

Local  Types  of  Opinion  in  America         .         .         .  249 

2.  Economic 253 

Roman  Standards  of  Living 254 

Standards  of  Comfort :  North  and  South  before  the 

Civil  War 256 

Sclav  and  Saxon  Standards  in  the  Coal  Regions      .  259 


xvi  Contents 

PACK 

American  Occupations    .        .         ....  261 

3.  Moral  and  Legal .261 

Diversity  of  Laws  in  America           ....  262 

4.  Political 263 

Political  Unity  in  America 263 

American  Party  Solidarity 264 

Political  Ranks  in  Germany,  1803   ....  264 

5.  Degree  of  Practical  Resemblance        ....  266 
X.     Leaders  and  Followers 266 

Agamemnon 267 

Pericles 268 

XI.    Total  Resemblance 269 

I.   Degrees  of  Total  Resemblance 269 

XII.     Causes  Determining  Type  of  Mind  and  Degree  of  Total 

Resemblance 270 

1.  Proximate  Causes 270 

2.  Ultimate  Causes 270 

Mental  Effects  of  Physical  Conditions     .         .         .  272 

Relation  of  Climate  to  Emotion  and  Type  of  Mind  272 

CHAPTER  III 

THE  CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND 275 

I.    The  Subjective  Aspect 275 

The  Fact  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind    ....  275 

II.     Organic  Sympathy 276 

1.  Like  Feelings  with  Like-Response      ....  276 

2.  Similarity  of  Sensations  of  Self  and  of  Others      .        .  276 

3.  Facility  of  Imitation    .......  277 

4.  Sensations  of  Meeting         ......  277 

5.  Total  Organic  Sympathy 277 

6.  Degrees  of  Organic  Sympathy 278 

Organic  Sympathy :  Gregariousness         .         .         .  278 

Organic  Sympathy  among  Animals          .         .         .  278 

III.  Perception  of  Resemblance 281 

1.  Perceptions  of  Difference  and  of  Resemblance    .        .  281 

2.  Impressions  of  Meeting       ......  282 

3.  Attitude  toward  Strangers  .         .         .         .         .         .  282 

4.  The  Motives  of  Communication 282 

IV.  Reflective  Sympathy 283 

Spinoza  on  Reflective  Sympathy 283 

Adam  Smith  on  Reflective  Sympathy       ....  284 


Contents  xvii 


V.    Affection 284 

Aristotle  on  Friendship 285 

Dante  on  Friendship        .        .        ...        .        .        .  286 

VI.    Desire  for  Recognition 286 

Aristotle  on  Reciprocity  of  Affection        ....  287 

Spinoza  on  Desire  for  Recognition  .....  287 

The  Sympathetic  Origin  of  Virtues           ....  287 

VII.    The  Total  Consciousness  of  Kind 288 

VIII.     Scope  and  Mode  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind     .        .        .  289 

Sexual  Consciousness  and  Taboo 290 

Race  Consciousness :  The  Eastern  Jews           .        .        .  291 

Ethnic  and  Sectarian  Consciousness         ....  292 

Social- Religious  Consciousness :  The  Friends           .        .  293 

Ethnic  Solidarity  in  a  New  Environment          .         .         .  293 

Local  Consciousness  of  Kind :  The  United  States    .        .  294 

The  Consciousness  of  Nationality 295 

IX.     Mutability  and  Degrees  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind           .  297 

I.  The  Law  of  Sympathy 298 

Adam  Smith  on  the  Law  of  Sympathy    .        .        .  298 

X.    Causes  Determining  the  Consciousness  of  Kind    .        .        .  299 

1.  Common  Stimulation 299 

2.  The  Limits  of  Sympathy 299 

3.  Ejective  Interpretation 300 

Object  and  Eject 301 

4.  Causes  and  Limits  of  the  Desire  for  Recognition        .  301 
XI.    The  Consciousness  of  Kind  as  Dynamic        ....  302 

XII.    The  Expansion  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind       .        .        .  303 

1.  Potential  Resemblance 303 

2.  The  Consciousness  of  Mental  Approach      .        .        .  303 
XIII.     Assimilation  or  Socialization 304 

1.  Spontaneous  Assimilation,  and  Concerted  .         .         .  304 

2.  The  Socialization  of  Motives  and  Methods          .        .  304 

Assimilation  in  Language :  Greece          .        .        .  306 

French-Italian  Cultural  Assimilation       .        .        .  307 

Celtic-Teutonic  Assimilation 308 

Difficulties  of  Assimilation :  The  Channel  Islands   .  308 
Resistance  to  Assimilation :  Dutch  New  York         .  309 
The  Process  of  Assimilation :  Dutch-English  Albany  309 
Perfected  Assimilation:    Inhabitants  of  the   Con- 
necticut Valley     311 

General  Assimilation :  United  States      .        .        .311 


xviii  Contents 

MM 

XIV.    Causes  Entering  into  Assimilation         .        .        .        .        .311 

1.  Extent  and  Degree  of  Common  Stimulation        .        .  312 

2.  Character  and  Extent  of  Inter-mental  Action      .        .  312 

Montesquieu  on  Causes  of  Assimilation  .         .         .  312 
Assimilation  through  Social  Imitation :    Huguenot 

Influence  in  England 315 

The  Conflict  of  Imitations :  Alsace  and  Lorraine    .  319 

XV.     Social  Equilibration 322 

1.  Character  and  Degree  of  the  Equilibrative  Struggle    .  322 

2.  Mode  of  Social  Equilibration 323 

CHAPTER  IV      . 

CONCERTED  VOLITION 326 

I.    The  Nature  and  Rise  of  Concerted  Volition          .        .        .  326 

1.  Subjective  Conditions 326 

2.  Objective  Conditions 326 

3.  The  Character  of  Concerted  Volition  ....  326 

The  Argives'  Launching  of  the  Ships      .        .        .  327 

Menelaus'  Feast       .......  327 

Wat  Tyler's  Rebellion 328 

Crying  One's  Wrongs  in  China        ....  330 
II.     Causes  Affecting  the  Extent  and  the  Character  of  Concerted 

Volition 330 

1.  The  Relation  of  Concerted  Volition  to  Mental  and  to 

Practical  Resemblance 330 

2.  Relation  of  Concerted  Volition  to  Strength  of  Stimuli, 

in  Connection  with  Degree  of  Resemblance         .  331 

3.  Relative  Extent  of  Response  to  the  Four  Classes  of 

Stimuli 331 

III.     Like-mindedness 332 

1.  Instinctive  Like-mindedness        .....  332 

2.  Sympathetic  Like-mindedness 333 

Characteristics  of  the  Crowd 334 

The  Assembly  of  the  Argives           ....  335 

The  French  Revolution 335 

The  Great  Religious  Revival  in  Wales    .        .        .  338 

3.  Dogmatic  or  Formal  Like-mindedness         .         .         .  338 

The  Tradition-loving  Transylvanians       .         .         .  340 

Shaker  Doctrine  and  Discipline      ....  342 

4.  Deliberative  Like-mindedness 344 

Mazzini's  Republican  Movement     ....  347 


Contents  xix 


The  Referendum  in  Switzerland     ....  347 

5.  Relative  Extent  of  Each  Mode  of  Like-mindedness    .  349 

6.  Causes  of  the  Relative  Extent  of  Each  of  the  Four 

Modes  of  Like-mindedness 349 

IV.    Laws  of  Concerted  Volition 351 

V.    Cooperation .        .        .  352 

1.  The  Nature  of  Cooperation 352 

2.  The  Causes  of  Cooperation 353 

3.  The  Order  of  Motives 353 

4.  The  Forms  of  Cooperation 354 

5.  Causes  of  the  Diversification  of  the  Forms  of  Coopera- 

tion       355 

6.  Extent  of  Cooperation 355 

7.  Public  and  Private  Cooperation           ....  355 

Burning  the  Prairie  Dead  Grass       ....  356 

VI.     Public  Cooperation 356 

1.  Sovereignty 357 

The  Sovereignty  of  Arthur 360 

The  Rise  of  Class  Sovereignty         ....  360 

Mass  Sovereignty  in  China 362 

2.  Causes   and  Conditions  Determining  the   Prevailing 

Mode  of  Sovereignty 363 

3.  Government 364 

Limited  Minority  Rule :  Silesia      ....  366 

The  Ideal  of  Limited  Majority  Government    .        .  371 

4.  Causes  and  Conditions  Determining  the  Form  of  Gov- 

ernment         372 

VII.    The  Work  of  Cooperation :  Complex  Activities   .        .        .  374 

1.  Cultural  Thought  and  Activity 375 

Primitive  Magic 379 

Survivals  of  Ancient  Religion  in  Thuringia     .        .381 

2.  Economic  Thought  and  Activity         ....  384 

3.  Moral  Thought  and  Activity 387 

Doom  Concerning  Hot  Iron  and  Water          .        .  388 

Of  Feuds 389 

4.  Political  Thought  and  Activity   .                 .        .        .  390 
VIII.    The  Policies  of  Cooperation 395 

I.   Internal  Policies 396 

Policies  of  Unity :  The  Counsel  of  Raman      .         .  396 

Authoritative  Discipline  in  Sparta  ....  397 

Pericles'  Disposition  of  Troublesome  Elements        .  398 

Of  Him  who  Fails  to  attend  the  Gemot  .        .        .  399 


xx  Contents 

PACK 

Uniformity  of  Worship 400 

Censorship  of  the  Press  ......  404 

Genesis  of  the  Policy  of  Liberty      ....  410 

Genesis  of  the  Policy  of  Equality    .        .        .        .411 

Liberty  and  Equality  in  the  Northwest  Territory    .  412 

2.   External  Policies 413 

Subjugation  of  the  Dacians 413 

Exploitation  in  Thessaly 414 

Exploitation  in  the  Isle  of  Man       ....  415 
Genesis  of  the  Policy  of  Assistance          .        .        .415 

Assistance  under  Pericles 416 

IX.    Causes  Determining  Policy 417 

1.  Proximate:   Subjective  Causes 418 

2.  Ultimate :  Objective  Causes 420 

X.     External-Internal  Policies 421 

1.  Militarism 421 

2.  Exploitation 422 

3.  Decline  of  Militarism 422 

4.  Disintegration  and  Free  Energy          ....  423 

5.  Growth  of  Liberalism          ......  423 

6.  Decline  of  Exploitation       ......  425 

7.  Growth  of  Equality 425 

XI.     Reaction  of  Policy  upon  the  Social  Mind     .                 .        .  426 

1.  Reactions  of  Militarism :  The  Age  of  Faith         .        .  426 

2.  Reactions  of  Exploitation 427 

3.  Reactions  of  Peace :   The  Age  of  Science  and  Hu- 

manity           428 

PART   III 

SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 
CHAPTER   I 

THE  NATURE  AND  FORMS  OF  SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION  ....  429 

I.     Permanence  of  Cooperation 429 

II.     Public  Sanction 429 

III.     Forms  of  Organization 430 

1.  Public  and  Private  Organization          .        .        .        .431 

2.  Institutions 431 

3.  Incorporated  and  Unincorporated  Organizations         .  431 

4.  The  Social  Composition 432 

5.  The  Social  Constitution       .         .         .         .         .         .  432 


Contents  xxi 


CHAPTER  II 

PACK 

THE  SOCIAL  COMPOSITION 433 

I.     Resemblance  in  Component  Societies           ....  433 

II.     Types  of  Social  Composition         ......  433 

1.  Ethnic  and  Demotic  Societies 434 

2.  Metronymic  and  Patronymic  Societies         .         .         .  434 

The  Metronymic  Clan  in  Shechem           .         .         .  435 

Metronymic  Survivals  among  the  Hebrews      .         .  435 

Inheritance  by  Maternal  Right         ....  437 

Metronymic  Survivals  among  the  Tartars         .         .  438 

Metronymic  Survivals  in  Salic  Law          .         .         .  438 

The  Agnates 440 

3.  Endogamous  and  Exogamous  Societies       .        .        .  441 
III.     The  Composition  of  Ethnic  Societies 441 

1.  The  Family 441 

Polyandry  in  Ceylon        ......  443 

Bi'ni  and  Di'ga  Marriages 445 

Polyandry  in  Britain        ......  447 

Polyandry  in  Italy 448 

Survival  of  Wife  Capture  and  Sexual  Taboo    .         .  448 

2.  Causes  Determining  the  Form  of  the  Family       .         .  450 

3.  The  Horde 451 

4.  Contributions  to  Well-being 452 

5.  The  Clan 453 

The  Totem  and  Totemism       .....  454 

The  Clan  in  Ireland 456 

6.  The  Phratry 461 

7.  The  Tribe 461 

8.  The  Confederation 462 

9.  The  Transition  to  Patronymic  Kinship        .        .        .  462 

Patronymic  Origins  in  the  East        ....  463 

Patronymic  Origins  in  America       ....  463 

10.  Pastoral  Industry        .        .    • 464 

11.  Wife  Purchase 464 

12.  Ancestor  Worship 464 

Ancestor  Worship  in  Japan    .....  465 

13.  Patronymic  Organization 467 

Greek  Clan  and  Tribal  System         ....  468 

14.  Advantages  of  Patronymic  Kinship     ....  468 

15.  Barbaric  Feudalism 469 

The  Rise  of  the  Flaiths 469 

The  Laird  in  Sky 471 


xxii  Contents 

PACK 

16.  Benefits  of  Barbaric  Feudalism 472 

17.  The  Ethnic  Nation 473 

IV.    Transition  to  Civil  Society ;  473 

1.  Migration  and  Settlement 474 

England  in  the  Transition  from  Tribal  to   Civil 

Society 474 

2.  Sovereignty  and  Institutions       .....  480 

3.  The  Patriarchal  Kindred 480 

The  Greek  Kindred 483 

The  Aryan  Kindred  in  India  .....  484 

The  Irish  Kindred            .         .                  .         .         .  485 

The  Law  of  Brothers  for  Land        ....  486 

4.  The  Mark 488 

5.  The  County 488 

The  Ga  or  Shire      .        .        .        .        .        .        .  489 

6.  Developed  Feudalism 492 

Of  People's  Ranks  and  Law 493 

Of  Friendless  Men 493 

Of  Lordless  Men .  494 

7.  The  Rise  of  Towns 494 

8.  Citizenship 494 

9.  The  Civic  Nation 494 

Origins  of  Civil  Society  in  Athens  ....  495 

10.  The  Composition  of  Civil  Societies      ....  496 

11.  Minor  Divisions 496 

12.  National  States 497 

13.  The  Federal  State  or  Empire 497 

V.    The  Process  of  Development  of  the  Social  Composition       .  497 

VI.    The  Psychological  Origin  of  the  Social  Composition    .        .  499 

VII.    The  Law  of  Development  of  Social  Composition          .        .  500 

CHAPTER   III 

THE  SOCIAL  CONSTITUTION ,       .  501 

I.     Resemblance  in  Constituent  Societies           ....  501 

II.    Types  of  Constituent  Societies 502 

1.  Ethnic  and  Civil  Constitutions 502 

2.  Degree  of  Separation  from  Component  Groups   .         .  502 

3.  Secret  and  Open  Societies 503 

4.  The  Organization  of  Constituent  Societies  .        .        .  503 
III.    The  Constitution  of  Ethnic  Societies 504 


Contents  xxiii 

PACK 

1.  Component-Constituent  Societies        ,        .        .        .  504 

Fosterage  in  Ireland 505 

2.  Special  Associations    .......  507 

IV.     The  Constitution  of  Civil  Societies       .....  507 

1.  Component-Constituent  Societies        ....  507 

2.  Voluntary  Associations        ......  509 

The  Amphiktyonic  Council 509 

Voluntary  Association  in  the  Reign  of  William  III.  511 

V.     Evolution  of  the  Social  Constitution 514 

VI.     Law  of  Development    .        .        .        .        .        .        .        -517 

CHAPTER   IV 

THE  CHARACTER  AND  EFFICIENCY  OF  ORGANIZATION  .       .       .       .519 

I.    Coercion  and  Liberty 519 

1.  The  Source  of  Liberty 519 

2.  The  Laws  of  Liberty  .        .        .        .        .        .        .520 

II.     Efficiency  of  Organization    . 520 

I.   Organization  must  benefit  the  Organized    .        .        .  520 

PART   IV 
THE  SOCIAL  WELFARE 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  FUNCTIONING  OF  SOCIETY 522 

I.    The  Ends  for  which  Society  Exists 522 

1 .  Proximate  Ends :  Public  Utility           ....  522 

2.  Ultimate  Ends :   Social  Personality     ....  523 
II.     Genetic  and  Functional  Order 524 

CHAPTER   II 

PUBLIC  UTILITIES 526 

I.     Security 526 

Ancient  Insecurity  on  the  /Egean 526 

II.     Equity 527 

A  Fair  Chance  in  the  Race  of  Life           ....  528 

III.     Economic  Opportunity 529 

1.  The  Creation  of  Economic  Opportunity       .         .         .  529 

2.  The  Apportionment  of  Economic  Opportunity    .        .  529 


xxiv  Contents 

PAGE 

3.   Material  Well-being    .        .        .        .        .        .        .531 

The  Reforms  of  Lycurgus 531 

The  Aristocratic  Socialism  of  Athens       .        .        .  533 

IV.     Cultural  Opportunity 534 

1.  The  Educational  System      .        .        .        .        •        •  534 

2.  The  Cultural  Product 535 

Rise  of  Knowledge  of  Sanitation    ....  535 

Enlightenment  in  America       .....  538 

Persisting  Fear  of  the  Unconventional    ...         .  538 

A  Liberal  Education 539 

CHAPTER   III 

THE  SOCIAL  PERSONALITY 541 

I.     Final  Results 541 

Men  of  Athens 541 

CHAPTER  IV 

CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  HUMANITY      ........  543 

I.     Society  and  Humanity          .......  543 

1.  Polity 543 

2.  Equity 543 

3.  Economy 544 

4.  Scientific  Discovery 544 

5.  Religion 544 

6.  Art 545 

7.  Personality          ........  545 

INDEX 547 


BOOK   I 
SOCIETY   AND   SOCIOLOGY 


CHAPTER  I 
SOCIETY 

THE  word  "  society  "  has  three  legitimate  significations. 
The  first  is  that  of  the  Latin  word  societas,  meaning  "  com- 
panionship," "good-fellowship,"  "pleasurable  consorting 
together,"  or  meaning  the  individuals  collectively  regarded 
that  consort.  Examples  of  society  in  this  original  sense 
are  afforded  by  the  commingling  of  familiar  spirits  at 
the  tavern  or  the  club,  the  casual  association  of  chance 
acquaintances  at  the  summer  resort,  the  numberless  more 
formal  "functions"  of  "the  season."  In  the  second 
signification  of  the  word,  "  society "  is  a  group  of  indi- 
viduals cooperating  for  the  achievement  of  any  object  of 
common  interest  or  utility,  as,  for  example,  a  merchant 
guild,  an  industrial  corporation,  a  church,  a  congress  of 
arts  and  science.  Finally,  in  the  third  signification  of  the 
word,  "society"  is  a  group  of  individuals  dwelling  together 
and  sharing  many  interests  of  life  in  common.  A  nest 
of  ants,  a  savage  horde,  a  confederation  of  barbarian  tribes, 
a  hamlet  or  village,  a  city-state,  a  national  state,  a  federal 
empire  —  all  these  are  societies  within  the  third  and  com- 
prehensive definition  of  the  term.  A  scientific  conception 
of  society  must  lie  within  the  boundaries  fixed  by  these 
three  familiar  meanings,  but  it  must  seize  upon  and  make 
explicit  the  essential  fact,  whatever  it  may  be,  that  is  a 
common  element  in  all  social  relations. 

3 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  NATURE  OF  SOCIETY 

AT  the  present  time  we  find  in  sociological  literature 
two  competing  conceptions  of  the  essential  nature  of 
society.  They  are  known  respectively  as  the  organic  and 
the  psychological  conception. 

The  organic  conception  assumes  that  the  group  of  in- 
dividuals dwelling  and  working  together  is  the  true,  or 
typical,  society,  and  that  it  is  as  much  a  unity,  although 
made  up  of  individuals,  as  is  the  animal  or  the  vegetal 
body,  composed  of  cells  and  differentiated  into  mutually 
dependent  tissues  and  organs.  Sketched  in  bold  outlines 
by  Herbert  Spencer  in  his  essay  on  "  The  Social  Organ- 
ism" in  1860,  the  organic  conception  has  been  elaborated 
by  Schaffle  and  Lilienfeld,  and  is  to-day  accepted  as  the 
working  hypothesis  of  an  able  group  of  French  sociolo- 
gists, whose  work  appears  in  the  proceedings  of  L'Institut 
international  de  Sociologie. 

The  psychological  conception  assumes  that,  whether  or 
not  the  organic  conception  be  true  and  of  scientific  im- 
portance, it  fails  to  get  to  the  bottom  of  things.  It  assumes 
that  even  if  society  is  an  organism,  there  is  necessarily 
some  interaction  of  individual  with  individual,  or  some 
form  of  activity  common  to  all  individuals  that  serves  to 
bind  them  together  in  helpful  and  pleasurable  relations, 
and  that  this  activity,  instead  of  being  merely  physical, 
like  the  cohesion  of  material  cells,  is  a  mental  phenomenon. 

4 


The  Nature  of  Society  5 

It  assumes  that  all  social  bonds  may  be  resolved  into  some 
common  activity  or  some  interactivity  of  individual  minds. 
It  is,  in  short,  a  view  of  society  as  a  mode  of  mental 
activity. 

This  is  the  psychological  conception  in  general  terms. 
It  takes,  however,  four  specific  forms  in  attempting  to 
answer  the  question  :  What  definite  mode  of  mental  action 
is  the  most  elementary  form  of  the  social  relation? 

According  to  the  most  pretentious  of  these  answers,  one 
that  dates  back  to  Epicurus,  and  lies  at  the  base  of  all  the 
covenant  or  social  contract  theories  of  political  philosophy, 
the  psychological  origin  of  society  is  found  in  a  perception 
of  the  utility  of  association.  It  assumes  that  men  con- 
sciously and  purposely  create  social  relations  to  escape  the 
ills  of  a  "  state  of  nature  "  and  to  reap  the  rewards  of 
cooperation.  This  rationalistic  theory  offers  a  true  ex- 
planation of  highly  artificial  forms  of  social  organization 
in  a  civil,  especially  an  industrial,  state,  but  it  throws  no 
light  upon  the  nature  of  elemental,  spontaneous  coopera- 
tion. For  this  we  must  turn  to  the  other  three  conceptions 
—  all  of  them,  I  venture  to  think,  modernized  forms  of 
certain  very  ancient  notions. 

According  to  one  of  these,  the  most  elementary  social 
fact  is  seen  in  the  constraining  power,  the  impression,  the 
contagious  influence  that  an  aggregation,  a  mass,  of  living 
beings,  exerts  upon  each  individual  mind.  Society  is  thus 
viewed  as  a  phenomenon  closely  allied  to  suggestion  and 
hypnosis.  This  view  of  society  is  most  fully  set  forth  in 
the  writings  of  Durkheim  and  Le  Bon. 

A  third  conception,  identified  with  the  life-work  of 
Gabriel  Tarde,  assumes  that  impression,  contagion,  in- 
fluence, as  forms  of  the  interaction  of  mind  with  mind, 


6  Society  and  Sociology 

may  themselves  be  accounted  for.  It  explains  them  as 
modes  of  example  and  imitation.  All  society  is  thus 
resolved  into  products  of  imitation. 

In  strict  psychological  analysis  these  "  impression " 
and  "  imitation "  theories  must  be  classed,  I  think,  as 
scientifically  developed  forms  of  the  "  sympathy  "  theories 
of  society,  that  may  be  traced  back  through  the  literature 
of  political  philosophy  to  very  early  days.  They  offer 
proximate  explanations  of  the  great  social  facts  of  resem- 
blance, of  mutuality,  of  solidarity;  but  do  they,  beyond 
a  doubt,  trace  concerted  activity  back  to  its  absolute 
origin  ?  Above  all,  do  they  account  not  only  for  similarity, 
but  also  for  variation,  for  the  differentiation  of  com- 
munities into  leaders  and  followers,  for  competition  as 
well  as  for  combination,  for  liberty  as  well  as  for  solidarity  ? 

The  fourth  conception,  put  forth  some  years  ago  by  the 
present  writer,  should  be  classed  as  a  developed  form  of 
the  instinct  theory,  dating  back  to  Aristotle's  aphorism 
that  man  is  a  political  animal.  It  assumes  that  the  most 
elementary  form  of  social  relationship  is  discovered  in  the 
very  beginning  of  mental  phenomena.  In  its  simplest 
form  mental  activity  is  a  response  of  sensitive  matter  to 
a  stimulus.  Any  given  stimulus  may  happen  to  be  felt  by 
more  than  one  organism,  at  the  same  or  at  different  times. 
Two  or  more  organisms  may  respond  to  the  same  given 
stimulus  simultaneously  or  at  different  times.  They  may 
respond  to  the  same  given  stimulus  in  like  or  in  unlike 
ways;  in  the  same  or  in  different  degrees;  with  like  or 
with  unlike  promptitude ;  with  equal  or  with  unequal  per- 
sistence. I  have  attempted  to  show  that  in  like  response 
to  the  same  given  stimulus  we  have  the  beginning,  the 
absolute  origin,  of  all  concerted  activity  —  the  inception  of 


The  Nature  of  Society  7 

every  conceivable  form  of  cooperation ;  while  in  unlike 
response,  and  in  unequal  response,  we  have  the  beginning 
of  all  those  processes  of  individuation,  of  differentiation, 
of  competition,  which,  in  their  endlessly  varied  relations 
to  combination,  to  cooperation,  bring  about  the  infinite 
complexity  of  organized  social  life. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  argue  that  this  conception  of 
society  not  only  takes  account  of  individuality  as  well  as 
of  mutuality,  but  that  also  it  carries  our  interpretation  of 
solidarity  farther  back  than  the  theories  of  impression  and 
of  imitation,  since  both  impression  and  imitation  must  be 
accounted  for  —  in  ultimate  psychological  analysis  —  as 
phenomena  of  reciprocal  or  inter-stimulation  and  response. 
Indeed,  the  very  language  that  Tarde  uses  throughout  his 
exposition  tacitly  assumes  as  much.  Example  is  stimulus, 
the  imitative  act  is  response  to  stimulus.  The  impression 
that  the  crowd  makes  upon  an  individual  is  stimulus,  and 
the  submission,  obedience,  or  conformity  of  the  individual 
is  response  to  stimulus.  Moreover,  the  formation  of  the 
crowd  itself  has  to  be  accounted  for,  and  it  will  be  found 
that,  in  many  cases,  the  formation  of  a  crowd  is  nothing 
more  nor  less  than  the  simultaneous  like-response  of  many 
individuals  to  some  inciting  event,  circumstance,  or  sugges- 
tion. In  short,  impression,  imitation,  and  conformity  are 
specific  modes,  but  not  by  any  means  the  primary  or 
simplest  modes,  of  stimulation  and  response;  and  some  of 
the  most  important  phenomena  of  concerted  action  can  be 
explained  only  as  springing  directly  from  primary  like- 
responses,  before  either  imitation  or  impression  has 
entered  into  the  process. 

This  conception  meets  one  further  scientific  test.  It 
offers  a  simple  and  consistent  view  of  the  relation  between 


8  Society  and  Sociology 

social  life  and  the  material  universe.  It  assumes  that  the 
original  causes  of  society  lie  in  the  material  environment, 
which  may  be  regarded  as  an  infinitely  differentiated 
group  of  stimuli  of  like-response,  and,  therefore,  of  col- 
lective action ;  while  the  products  of  past  social  life,  con- 
stituting the  historical  tradition,  become  in  their  turn 
secondary  stimuli,  or  secondary  causes,  in  the  social 
process. 

A  mere  momentary  like-response  by  any  number  of  in- 
dividuals is  the  beginning  of  social  phenomena,  but  it  does 
not  constitute  a  society.  Before  society  can  exist  there 
must  be  continuous  exposure  to  like  influences,  and  re- 
peated reaction  upon  them.  When  this  happens,  the 
individuals  thus  persistently  acting  in  like  ways  become 
themselves  mentally  and  practically  alike.  But  likeness 
is  not  identity.  The  degrees  of  resemblance  or  of  differ- 
ence in  the  manner  of  response  to  common  stimuli  mani- 
fest themselves  as  distinguishable  types  of  mind  and  of 
character  in  the  aggregate  of  individuals ;  while  the  differ- 
ing degrees  of  promptitude  and  persistency  in  response 
have  as  their  consequence  a  differentiation  of  the  aggregate 
into  leaders  and  followers,  those  that  assume  initiative  and 
responsibility,  and  those  that  habitually  look  for  guidance. 
These  differences  and  resemblances  have  subjective  con- 
sequences. Differing  individuals  become  aware  of  their 
differences,  resembling  individuals  become  aware  of  their 
resemblances,  and  the  consciousness  of  kind  so  engendered 
becomes  thenceforth  a  potent  factor  in  further  social 
evolution. 

Summarizing  our  analysis  to  this  point,  we  may  say 
that  we  conceive  of  society  as  any  plural  number  of  sen- 
tient creatures  more  or  less  continuously  subjected  to  com- 


The  Nature  of  Society  9 

mon  stimuli,  to  differing  stimuli,  and  to  inter-stimulation, 
and  responding  thereto  in  like  behaviour,  concerted  activ- 
ity, or  cooperation,  as  well  as  in  unlike,  or  competitive, 
activity;  and  becoming,  therefore,  with  developing  intel- 
ligence, coherent  through  a  dominating  consciousness  of 
kind,  while  always  sufficiently  conscious  of  difference  to 
insure  a  measure  of  individual  liberty. 


CHAPTER   III 
KINDS  OF  SOCIETIES 

THERE  are  types  or  kinds  of  societies.  The  broadest 
groupings  correspond  to  the  familiar  demarcations  made 
by  natural  history.  There  are  Animal  Societies  and 
Human  Societies ;  and  the  human  societies  are  further 
divided  into  the  Ethnic  —  or  communities  of  kindred, 
and  the  Civil  —  or  communities  composed  of  individuals 
that  dwell  and  work  together  without  regard  to  their 
blood-relationships. 

More  significant  for  the  sociologist,  however,  is  a  classi- 
fication based  on  psychological  characteristics.  The  fun- 
damental division  now  is  into  Instinctive  and  Rational 
societies.  The  bands,  swarms,  flocks,  and  herds  in  which 
animals  live  and  cooperate  are  held  together  by  instinct 
and  not  by  rational  comprehension  of  the  utility  of  asso- 
ciation. Their  like-response  to  stimulus,  their  imitative 
acts,  the  frequent  appearance  among  them  of  impression 
and  submission,  are  all  purely  instinctive  phenomena. 
Not  so  are  the  social  relations  of  human  beings.  There 
is  no  human  community  in  which  instinctive  like-response 
to  stimulation  is  not  complicated  by  some  degree  of  rational 
comprehension  of  the  utility  of  association. 

The  combinations,  however,  of  instinct  and  reason  are 
of  many  gradations ;  and  the  particular  combination  found 
in  any  given  community  determines  its  modes  of  like- 

10 


Kinds  of  Societies  1 1 

response  to  stimulus  and  its  consciousness  of  kind  —  es- 
tablishes for  it  a  dominant  mode  of  the  relation  of  mind 
to  mind,  or,  as  Tarde  would  have  phrased  it,  of  inter-mental 
activity.  This  dominant  mode  of  inter-mental  activity  — 
inclusive  of  like-response  and  the  consciousness  of  kind  — 
is  the  chief  social  bond  of  the  given  community,  and  it 
affords  the  best  distinguishing  mark  for  a  classification 
of  any  society  on  psychological  grounds.  So  discrimi- 
nated, the  kinds  of  rational  or  human  societies  are  eight, 
as  follows :  — 

1.  There  is  a  homogeneous  community  of   blood-rela- 
tives,  composed   of   individuals   that   from    infancy   have 
been  exposed  to  a  common  environment  and  to  like  cir- 
cumstances, and  who,    therefore,   by  heredity  and   expe- 
rience  are    alike.       Always   conscious    of    themselves   as 
kindred,  their  chief  social  bond  is  sympathy.     The  kind 
or  type  of   society,   therefore,    that   is   represented   by  a 
group  of  kindred  may  be  called  the  Sympathetic. 

2.  There  is  a  community  made  up  of  like  spirits,  gath- 
ered  perhaps   from   widely  distant   points,    and    perhaps 
originally  strangers,  but  drawn  together  by  their  common 
response  to  a  belief  or  dogma,  or  to  an  opportunity  for 
pleasure  or  improvement.     Such  is  the  religious  colony, 
like  the  "Mayflower"    band,   or   the   Latter-Day  Saints; 
such  is  the   partisan   political   colony,  like   the    Missouri 
and  the  New  England  settlements  in  Kansas ;  and  such 
is  the  communistic  brotherhood,   like    Icaria.     Similarity 
of   nature  and  agreement  in  ideas  constitute   the   social 
bond,  and   the   kind   of   society  so   created   is   therefore 
appropriately  called  the  Congenial. 

3.  There  is  a  community  of    miscellaneous  and  some- 
times lawless  elements,  drawn  together  by  economic  op- 


12  Society  and  Sociology 

portunity  —  the  frontier  settlement,  the  cattle  range,  the 
mining  camp.  The  newcomer  enters  this  community  an 
uninvited  but  unhindered  probationer,  and  remains  in  it 
on  sufferance.  A  general  approbation  of  qualities  and 
conduct  is  practically  the  only  social  bond.  This  type  of 
society,  therefore,  I  venture  to  call  the  Approbational. 

The  three  types  of  society  thus  far  named  are  simple, 
spontaneously  formed  groups.  The  first  two  are  homo- 
geneous, and  are  found  usually  in  relatively  isolated 
environments.  The  third  is  heterogeneous,  and  has  a 
transitory  existence  where  exceptional  economic  oppor- 
tunities are  discovered  on  the  confines  of  established 
civilizations. 

Societies  of  the  remaining  five  types  are  in  a  measure 
artificial,  in  part  created  by  reflection  —  by  conscious  plan- 
ning. They  are  usually  compound,  products  of  conquest 
or  of  federation,  and,  with  few  if  any  exceptions,  they  are 
of  ^heterogeneous  composition.  They  are  found  in  the 
relatively  bountiful  and  differentiated  environments. 

4.  A  community  of  the  fourth  type  consists  of  elements 
widely  unequal  in  ability :  the  strong  and  the  weak,  the 
brave  and  the  timorous,  exploiters  and  the   exploited  — 
like  enough   conquerors  and  the  conquered.     The  social 
bonds  of  this  community  are  despotic  power  and  a  fear- 
inspired  obedience.     The  social  type  is  the  Despotic. 

5.  In  any  community  of  the  fifth  type  arbitrary  power 
has  been  established  long  enough  to  have  identified  itself 
with  tradition  and  religion.     Accepted  as  divinely  right, 
it  has  become  authority.     Reverence  for  authority  is  the 
social  bond,  and  the  social  type  is,  therefore,  the  Authori- 

v 

tative. 

6.  Society  of  the  sixth  type  arises  in  populations  that, 


Kinds  of  Societies  13 

like  the  Italian  cities  at  their  worst  estate,  have  suffered 
disintegration  of  a  preexisting  social  order.  Unscrupulous 
adventurers  come  forward  and  create  relations  of  personal 
allegiance  by  means  of  bribery,  patronage,  and  prefer- 
ment. Intrigue  and  conspiracy  are  the  social  bonds.  The 
social  type  is  the  Conspirital. 

7.  Society  of  the  seventh  type  is  deliberately  created 
by  agreement.     The  utility  of   association  has  been  per- 
ceived, and  a  compact  of  cooperation  is  entered  into  for 
the   promotion   of  the   general   welfare.      Such   was  the 
Achaean  League.     Such  was  the  League  of  the  Iroquois. 
Such  was  the  confederation  of  American  commonwealths 
in  1778.     The  social  bond  is  a  covenant  or  contract.     The 
social  type  is  the  Contractual. 

8.  Society  of  the  eighth  type  exists  where  a  population 
collectively  responds  to  certain  great  ideals,  that,  by  united 
efforts,  it  strives  to  realize.     Comprehension  of  mind  by 
mind,  confidence,  fidelity,  and  an  altruistic  spirit  of  social 
service   are   the   social   bonds.      The   social   type   is  the 
Idealistic. 

Of  these  varieties  of  society  the  higher,  compound  com- 
munities, or  commonwealths,  may,  and  usually  do,  include 
examples  of  the  lower  types  among  their  component 
groups. 

Animal  Societies 

The  plateaus,  the  Alpine  tracts,  and  the  steppes  of  the 
Old  and  the  New  World  are  stocked  with  herds  of  deer, 
antelopes,  gazelles,  fallow  deer,  buffaloes,  wild  goats,  and 
sheep,  all  of  which  are  sociable  animals.  When  the  Euro- 
peans came  to  settle  in  America,  they  found  it  so  densely 
peopled  with  buffaloes  that  pioneers  had  to  stop  their 
advance  when  a  column  of  migrating  buffaloes  came  to 
cross  the  route  they  followed,  the  march  past  of  the  dense 


14  Society  and  Sociology 

column  lasting  sometimes  for  two  or  three  days.  And 
when  the  Russians  took  possession  of  Siberia  they  found 
it  so  densely  peopled  with  deer,  antelopes,  squirrels,  and 
other  sociable  animals,  that  the  very  conquest  of  Siberia 
was  nothing  but  a  hunting  expedition  which  lasted  for  two 
hundred  years ;  while  the  grass  plains  of  eastern  Africa 
are  still  covered  with  herds  composed  of  zebra,  the  harte- 
beest,  and  other  antelopes. 

Not  long  ago  the  small  streams  of  northern  America 
and  northern  Siberia  were  peopled  with  colonies  of  beavers, 
and  up  to  the  seventeenth  century  like  colonies  swarmed 
in  northern  Russia.  The  flat  lands  of  the  four  great  con- 
tinents are  still  covered  with  countless  colonies  of  mice, 
ground-squirrels,  marmots,  and  other  rodents.  In  the  lower 
latitudes  of  Asia  and  Africa  the  forests  are  still  the  abode 
of  numerous  families  of  elephants,  rhinoceroses,  and  num- 
berless societies  of  monkeys.  In  the  far  north  the  reindeer 
aggregate  in  numberless  herds  ;  while  still  farther  north  we 
find  the  herds  of  the  musk-oxen  and  numberless  bands  of 
polar  foxes.  The  coasts  of  the  ocean  are  enlivened  by 
flocks  of  seals  and  morses ;  its  waters,  by  shoals  of  sociable 
cetaceans ;  and  even  in  the  depths  of  the  great  plateau  of 
Central  Asia  we  find  herds  of  wild  horses,  wild  donkeys, 
wild  camels,  and  wild  sheep.  All  these  mammals  live  in 
societies  and  nations,  sometimes  numbering  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  individuals,  although  now,  after  three  cen- 
turies of  gunpowder  civilization,  we  find  but  the  debris  of 
the  immense  aggregations  of  old.  How  trifling,  in  compari- 
son with  them,  are  the  numbers  of  the  carnivores !  And 
how  false,  therefore,  is  the  view  of  those  who  speak  of  the 
animal  world  as  if  nothing  were  to  be  seen  in  it  but  lions 
and  hyenas,  plunging  their  bleeding  teeth  into  the  flesh 
of  their  victims !  One  might  as  well  imagine  that  the 
whole  of  human  life  is  nothing  but  a  succession  of  war 
massacres. 

P.  KROPOTKIN,  Mutual  Aid,  38-40. 

Ethnic  Societies  :  The  Tribal  Circle  of  the  Ponkas 

In  former  days,  whenever  a  large  camping  ground  could 
not  be  found,  the  Ponkas  used  to  encamp  in  three  con- 


Kinds  of  Society  15 

centric  circles ;  while  the  Omahas,  who  were  a  smaller 
tribe,  pitched  their  tents  in  two  similar  circles.  This  cus- 
tom gave  rise  to  the  name,  "  Oyate  yamni,"  the  Three 
Nations,  as  the  Ponkas  were  styled  by  the  Dakotas,  and 
the  Omahas  became  known  as  the  Two  Nations.  But  the 
usual  order  of  encampment  has  been  to  pitch  all  the  tents 
in  one  large  circle,  or  horseshoe,  called  "  huij;uga  "  by  the 
Indians.  In  this  circle  the  gentes  took  their  regular  places, 
disregarding  their  gentile  circles,  and  pitching  the  tents, 
one  after  another,  within  the  area  necessary  for  each  gens. 
This  circle  was  not  made  by  measurement,  nor  did  any  one 
give  directions  where  each  tent  should  be  placed  ;  that  was 
left  to  the  women. 

When  the  people  built  a  village  of  earth  lodges,  and 
dwelt  in  it,  they  did  not  observe  this  order  of  camping. 
Each  man  caused  his  lodge  to  be  built  wherever  he  wished 
to  have  it,  generally  near  those  of  his  kindred.  But  when- 
ever the  whole  tribe  migrated  with  the  skin  tents,  as  when 
they  went  after  the  buffaloes,  they  observed  this  order. 

Sometimes  the  tribe  divided  into  two  parties,  some  going 
in  one  direction,  some  in  another.  On  such  occasions  the 
regular  order  of  camping  was  not  observed;  each  man 
encamped  near  his  kindred,  whether  they  were  national 
or  paternal  consanguinities. 

The  crier  used  to  tell  the  people  to  what  place  they  were 
to  go,  and  when  they  reached  it,  the  women  began  to  pitch 
the  tents. 

Third  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  219. 

Ethnic  Societies :    The  Tribal  Circle  of  the  Hebrews 

And  Jehovah  spake  unto  Moses  and  unto  Aaron,  saying, 
The  children  of  Israel  shall  encamp  every  man  by  his 
own  standard,  with  the  ensigns  of  their  fathers'  houses  : 
over  against  the  tent  of  meeting  shall  they  encamp  round 
about.  And  those  that  encamp  on  the  east  side  toward 
the  sunrising  shall  be  they  of  the  standard  of  the  camp  of 
Judah,  according  to  their  hosts :  and  the  prince  of  the 
children  of  Judah  shall  be  Nahshon  the  son  of  Ammina- 
dab.  And  his  host,  and  those  that  were  numbered  of 
them,  were  threescore  and  fourteen  thousand  and  six  hun- 


1 6  Society  and  Sociology 

dred.  And  those  that  encamp  next  unto  him  shall  be 
the  tribe  of  Issachar :  and  the  prince  of  the  children  of 
Issachar  shall  be  Nethanel  the  son  of  Zuar :  and  his 
host,  and  those  that  were  numbered  thereof,  were  fifty 
and  four  thousand  and  four  hundred  :  and  the  tribe  of 
Zebulun :  and  the  prince  of  the  children  of  Zebulun  shall 
be  Eliab  the  son  of  Helon  :  and  his  host,  and  those  that 
were  numbered  thereof,  were  fifty  and  seven  thousand  and 
four  hundred.  All  that  were  numbered  of  the  camp  of 
Judah  were  a  hundred  thousand  and  fourscore  thousand 
and  six  thousand  and  four  hundred,  according  to  their 
hosts.  They  shall  set  forth  first. 

On  the  south  side  shall  be  the  standard  of  the  camp 
of  Reuben  according  to  their  hosts :  and  the  prince  of  the 
children  of  Reuben  shall  be  Elizur  the  son  of  Shedeur. 
And  his  host,  and  those  that  were  numbered  thereof, 
were  forty  and  six  thousand  and  five  hundred.  And 
those  that  encamp  next  unto  him  shall  be  the  tribe  of 
Simeon :  and  the  prince  of  the  children  of  Simeon  shall 
be  Shelumiel  the  son  of  Zurishaddai :  and  his  host, 
and  those  that  were  numbered  of  them,  were  fifty  and 
nine  thousand  and  three  hundred :  and  the  tribe  of 
Gad :  and  the  prince  of  the  children  of  Gad  shall  be  Elia- 
saph  the  son  of  Reuel :  and  his  host,  and  those  that 
were  numbered  of  them,  were  forty  and  five  thousand  and 
six  hundred  and  fifty.  All  that  were  numbered  of  the 
camp  of  Reuben  were  a  hundred  thousand  and  fifty  and 
one  thousand  and  four  hundred  and  fifty,  according  to 
their  hosts.  And  they  shall  set  forth  second. 

Then  the  tent  of  meeting  shall  set  forward,  with  the 
camp  of  the  Levites  in  the  midst  of  the  camps :  as  they 
encamp,  so  shall  they  set  forward,  every  man  in  his  place, 
by  their  standards. 

On  the  west  side  shall  be  the  standard  of  the  camp 
of  Ephraim  according  to  their  hosts  :  and  the  prince  of 
the  children  of  Ephraim  shall  be  Elishama  the  son  of 
Ammihud.  And  his  host,  and  those  that  were  num- 
bered of  them,  were  forty  thousand  and  five  hundred. 
And  next  unto  him  shall  be  the  tribe  of  Manasseh : 
and  the  prince  of  the  children  of  Manasseh  shall  be  Gama- 
liel the  son  of  Pedahzur :  and  his  host,  and  those  that 


Kinds  of  Society  17 

were  numbered  of  them,  were  thirty  and  two  thousand 
and  two  hundred :  and  the  tribe  of  Benjamin :  and  the 
prince  of  the  children  of  Benjamin  shall  be  Abidan  the 
son  of  Gideoni :  and  his  host,  and  those  that  were 
numbered  of  them,  were  thirty  and  five  thousand  and  four 
hundred. 

All  that  were  numbered  of  the  camp  of  Ephraim 
were  a  hundred  thousand  and  eight  thousand  and  a  hun- 
dred, according  to  their  hosts.  And  they  shall  set  forth 
third. 

On  the  north  side  shall  be  the  standard  of  the  camp 
of  Dan  according  to  their  hosts :  and  the  prince  of  the 
children  of  Dan  shall  be  Ahiezer  the  son  of  Ammishaddai. 
And  his  host,  and  those  that  were  numbered  of  them, 
were  threescore  and  two  thousand  and  seven  hundred. 
And  those  that  encamp  next  unto  him  shall  be  the 
tribe  of  Asher :  and  the  prince  of  the  children  of  Asher 
shall  be  Pagiel  the  son  of  Ochran :  and  his  host,  and 
those  that  were  numbered  of  them,  were  forty  and  one 
thousand  and  five  hundred :  and  the  tribe  of  Naphtali : 
and  the  prince  of  the  children  of  Naphtali  shall  be  Ahira 
the  son  of  Enan :  and  his  host,  and  those  that  were 
numbered  of  them,  were  fifty  and  three  thousand  and  four 
hundred.  All  that  were  numbered  of  the  camp  of  Dan 
were  a  hundred  thousand  and  fifty  and  seven  thousand 
and  six  hundred.  They  shall  set  forth  hindmost  by  their 
standards. 

These  are  they  that  were  numbered  of  the  children  of 
Israel  by  their  fathers'  houses :  all  that  were  numbered 
of  the  camps  according  to  their  hosts  were  six  hundred 
thousand  and  three  thousand  and  five  hundred  and  fifty. 
But  the  Levites  were  not  numbered  among  the  children 
of  Israel ;  as  Jehovah  commanded  Moses.  Thus  did  the 
children  of  Israel;  according  to  all  that  Jehovah  com- 
manded Moses,  so  they  encamped  by  their  standards,  and 
so  they  set  forward,  every  one  by  their  families,  according 
to  their  fathers'  houses. 

Numbers,  Chap.  ii. 


1 8  Society  and  Sociology 


Sympathetic  Society :   The  Greek  Kindred 

And  Tlepolemos,  Herakles'  son,  goodly  and  tall,  led 
from  Rhodes  nine  ships  of  the  lordly  Rhodians,  that  dwelt 
in  Rhodes  in  threefold  ordering,  in  Lindos,  and  lalysos 
and  chalky  Kameiros.  These  were  led  of  Tlepolemos  the 
famous  spearman,  that  was  born  to  great  Herakles  by 
Astyocheia,  whom  he  had  brought  away  from  Ephyre  by 
the  river  Selleeis,  when  he  laid  waste  many  cities  of  strong 
men,  fosterlings  of  Zeus.  Now  when  Tlepolemos  had 
grown  to  manhood  within  the  strong  palace  walls,  anon  he 
slew  his  own  father's  dear  uncle,  an  old  man  now,  Likym- 
nios  of  the  stock  of  Ares.  Then  with  speed  built  he  ships 
and  gathered  much  folk  together,  and  went  fleeing  across 
the  deep,  because  the  other  sons  and  grandsons  of  great 
Herakles  threatened  him.  So  he  came  to  Rhodes,  a 
wanderer,  enduring  hardships,  and  his  folk  settled  by  kin- 
ship in  three  tribes,  and  were  loved  of  Zeus  that  is  king 
among  gods  and  men ;  and  Kronion  poured  upon  them 
exceeding  great  wealth. 

HOMER,  The  Iliad,  translated  by  LANG,  LEAF,  and  MYERS,  41-42. 

Sympathetic  Society :   The  English  Kindred 

Although  the  Mark  seems  originally  to  have  been 
defined  by  the  nature  of  the  district,  the  hills,  streams  and 
forests,  still  its  individual,  peculiar  and,  as  it  were,  private 
character  depended  in  some  degree  also  upon  long-subsist- 
ing relations  of  the  Markmen,  both  among  themselves, 
and  with  regard  to  others.  I  represent  them  to  myself  as 
great  family  unions,  comprising  households  of  various 
degrees  of  wealth,  rank  and  authority :  some,  in  direct 
descent  from  the  common  ancestors,  or  from  the  hero  of 
the  particular  tribe ;  others,  more  distantly  connected, 
through  the  natural  result  of  increasing  population,  which 
multiplies  indeed  the  members  of  the  family,  but  removes 
them  at  every  step  further  from  the  original  stock  :  some, 
admitted  into  communion  by  marriage,  others  by  adoption  ; 
others  even  by  emancipation  ;  but  all  recognizing  a  brother- 
hood, a  kinsmanship,  or  sibsceaft ;  all  standing  together  as 


Kinds  of  Society  19 

one  unit  in  respect  of  other,  similar  communities ;  all 
governed  by  the  same  judges  and  led  by  the  same  cap- 
tains ;  all  sharing  in  the  same  religious  rites,  and  all 
known  to  themselves  and  to  their  neighbors  by  one  general 
name. 


Once  established,  such  distinctive  appellations  must  wan- 
der with  the  migrations  of  the  communities  themselves,  or 
such  portions  of  them  as  want  of  land  and  means,  and  ex- 
cess of  population  at  home,  compelled  to  seek  new  settle- 
ments. In  the  midst  of  restless  movements,  so  general 
and  extensive  as  those  of  our  progenitors,  it  cannot  sur- 
prise us,  when  we  find  the  gentile  names  of  Germany,  Nor- 
way, Sweden  and  Denmark,  reproduced  upon  our  own 
shores.  Even  where  a  few  adventurers  —  one  only  —  bear- 
ing a  celebrated  name,  took  possession  of  a  new  home, 
comrades  would  readily  be  found,  glad  to  constitute  them- 
selves around  him  under  an  appellation  long  recognized  as 
heroic ;  or  a  leader,  distinguished  for  his  skill,  his  valour 
and  success,  his  power  or  superior  wealth,  may  have  found 
little  difficulty  in  imposing  the  name  of  his  own  race  upon 
all  who  shared  in  his  adventures.  Thus  Harlings  and 
Waslsings,  names  most  intimately  connected  with  the  great 
epos  of  the  Germanic  and  Scandinavian  races,  are  repro- 
duced in  several  localities  in  England :  Billing,  the  noble 
progenitor  of  the  royal  race  of  Saxony,  has  more  than  one 
enduring  record ;  and  similarly,  I  believe  all  the  local  de- 
nominations of  the  early  settlements  to  have  arisen  and 
been  perpetuated. 

******* 

The  Waelsings,  the  Volsungar  of  the  Edda,  and  Vol- 
sungen  of  the  German  Heldensage,  have  already  been 
noticed  in  a  cursory  manner:  they  are  the  family  whose 
hero  is  Siegfried  or  Sigurdr,  the  centre  round  which  the 
Nibelungen  epos  circles.  Another  of  their  princes,  Fitela, 
the  Norse  Sinfiotli,  is  recorded  in  the  poem  of  Beowulf, 
and  from  him  appear  to  have  been  derived  the  Fitelingas, 
whose  name  survives  in  Fitling. 

The  Herelingas  or  Harlings  have  also  been  noticed ; 
they  are  connected  with  the  same  great  cycle,  and  are  men- 


2O  Society  and  Sociology 

tioned  in  the  Traveller's  Song,  i.  224.  As  Harlingen  in 
Friesland  retains  a  record  of  the  same  name,  it  is  possible 
that  it  may  have  wandered  to  the  coast  of  Norfolk  with  the 
Batavian  auxiliaries,  numerus  Batavorum,  who  served 
under  their  own  chiefs  in  Britain.  The  Swsefas,  a  border 
tribe  of  the  Angles,  reappear  at  Swaffham.  The  Brent- 
ings  are  found  again  in  Brentingby.  The  Scyldings  and 
Scylfings,  perhaps  the  most  celebrated  of  the  Northern 
races,  give  their  names  to  Skelding  and  Shilvington.  The 
Ardings,  whose  memorial  is  retained  in  Ardingley,  Arding- 
ton,  and  Ardingworth,  are  the  Azdingi,  the  royal  race  of 
the  Visigoths  and  Vandals :  a  name  which  confirms  the 
tradition  of  a  settlement  of  Vandals  in  England.  With 
these  we  probably  should  not  confound  the  Heardingas, 
who  have  left  their  name  to  Hardingham  in  Norfolk.  The 
Banings,  over  whom  Becca  ruled,  are  recognized  in  Ban- 
ningham ;  the  Haelsings  in  Helsington,  and  in  the  Swedish 
Helsingland :  the  Myrgings,  perhaps  in  Merring  and  Mer- 
rington  :  the  Hundings,  perhaps  in  Hunningham  and  Hun- 
nington :  the  Hocings,  in  Hucking ;  the  Seringas  meet 
us  in  Sharington,  Sherington,  and  Sheringham.  The 
Dyringas,  in  Thorington  and  Thorrington,  are  likely  to 
be  offshoots  of  the  great  Hermunduric  race,  the  Thyringi 
or  Thoringi,  now  Thuringians,  always  neighbours  of  the 
Saxons.  The  Bleccingas,  a  race  who  probably  gave  name 
to  Bleckingen  in  Sweden,  are  found  in  Bletchington  and 
Bletchingley.  In  the  Gytingas,  known  to  us  from  Guiting, 
we  can  yet  trace  the  Alamannic  tribe  of  the  Juthungi,  or 
Jutungi.  Perhaps  in  the  Scytingas  or  Scydingas,  we  may 
find  another  Alamannic  tribe,  the  Scudingi,  and  in  the 
Dylingas,  an  Alpine  or  Highdutch  name,  the  Tulingi. 
The  Waeringas  are  probably  the  Norman  Vseringjar,  whom 
we  call  Varangians.  The  Wylfingas,  another  celebrated 
race,  well  known  in  Norse  tradition,  are  recorded  in  Beo- 
wulf and  the  Traveller's  Song. 

KEMBLE,  The  Saxons  in  England,  Vol.  I.  56-57,  58-59,  61-63. 

Congenial  Society:  The  Christians  at  Jerusalem 

And  the  multitude  of  them  that  believed  were  of  one 
heart  and  soul :  and  not  one  of  them  said  that  aught  of  the 


Kinds  of  Society  21 

things  which  he  possessed  was  his  own  ;  but  they  had 
all  things  common.  And  with  great  power  gave  the 
apostles  their  witness  of  the  resurrection  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  :  and  great  grace  was  upon  them  all.  For  neither 
was  there  among  them  any  that  lacked :  for  as  many 
as  were  possessors  of  lands  or  houses  sold  them,  and 
brought  the  prices  of  the  things  that  were  sold,  and  laid 
them  at  the  apostles'  feet :  and  distribution  was  made  unto 
each,  according  as  any  one  had  need. 

Acts,  Chap.  iv.  32-35. 

Congenial  Society:  The  Huguenots  in  England 

Another  highly  interesting  memorial  of  the  asylum  given 
to  the  persecuted  Protestants  of  Flanders  and  France  so 
many  centuries  ago,  is  presented  by  the  Walloon  or  French 
church  which  exists  to  this  day  in  Canterbury  Cathedral. 
It  was  formed  at  a  very  early  period  —  some  suppose  as 
early  as  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.,  like  those  of  London 
and  Southampton ;  though  the  first  record  preserved  of 
its  existence  is  early  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  Shortly 
after  the  landings  of  the  foreign  Protestants  at  Sandwich 
and  Rye,  a  body  of  them  proceeded  to  Canterbury,  and 
sought  permission  of  the  mayor  and  aldermen  to  settle  in 
the  place.  They  came  principally  from  Lisle,  Nuelle, 
Turcoing,  Waterloo,  Darmentieres,  and  other  places  situ- 
ated along  the  present  French  frontier. 

The  first  arrivals  of  the  fugitives  consisted  of  eighteen 
families,  led  by  their  pastor,  Hector  Hamon,  "  minister 
verbi  Dei."  They  are  described  as  having  landed  at  Rye, 
and  temporarily  settled  at  Winchelsea,  from  which  place 
they  had  come  across  the  country  to  Canterbury.  Perse- 
cution had  made  these  poor  exiles  very  humble.  All  that 
they  sought  was  freedom  to  worship  and  to  labour.  They 
had  no  thought  but  to  pursue  their  several  callings  in 
peace  and  quiet  —  to  bring  up  their  children  virtuously  — 
and  to  lead  a  diligent,  sober,  and  religious  life,  according 
to  the  dictates  of  their  conscience.  Men  such  as  these  are 
the  salt  of  the  earth  at  all  times ;  yet  they  had  been  forced 
by  a  ruthless  persecution  from  their  homes,  and  driven 
forth  as  wanderers  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 


22  Society  and  Sociology 

In  their  memorial  to  the  mayor  and  aldermen,  in  1564, 
they  set  forth  that  they  had,  for  the  love  of  religion  (which 
they  earnestly  desired  to  hold  fast  with  a  free  conscience), 
relinquished  their  country  and  their  worldly  goods ;  and 
they  humbly  prayed  that  they  might  be  permitted  the  free 
exercise  of  their  religion  within  the  city,  and  allowed  the 
privilege  of  a  temple  to  hold  their  worship  in,  together 
with  a  place  of  sepulture  for  their  dead.  They  further 
requested  that  lest,  under  the  guise  of  religion,  profane 
and  evil-minded  men  should  seek  to  share  in  the  privileges 
which  they  sought  to  obtain,  none  should  be  permitted  to 
join  them  without  giving  satisfactory  evidences  of  their 
probity  of  character.  And,  in  order  that  the  young  per- 
sons belonging  to  their  body  might  not  remain  untaught, 
they  also  asked  permission  to  maintain  a  teacher,  for  the 
purpose  of  instructing  them  in  the  French  tongue.  Finally, 
they  declared  their  intention  of  being  industrious  citizens, 
and  of  proceeding,  under  the  favour  and  protection  of  the 
magistrates,  to  make  Florence  serges,  bombazine,  Orleans 
silk,  bayes,  mouquade,  and  other  stuffs. 

Canterbury  was  fortunate  in  being  appealed  to  by  these 
fugitives  for  an  asylum  —  bringing  with  them,  as  they  did, 
skill,  industry,  and  character.  The  authorities  at  once 
cheerfully  granted  all  that  they  asked,  in  the  terms  of 
their  own  memorial.  The  mayor  and  aldermen  gave  them 
permission  to  carry  on  their  trades  within  the  precincts  of 
the  city.  At  the  same  time,  the  liberal-minded  Matthew 
Parker,  then  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with  the  sanction 
of  the  queen,  granted  to  the  exiles  the  free  use  of  the 
under  croft  of  the  Cathedral,  where  "  the  gentle  and  profit- 
able strangers,"  as  the  archbishop  styled  them,  not  only 
celebrated  their  worship  and  taught  their  children,  but  set 
up  their  looms  and  carried  on  their  industry. 


The  Huguenot  exiles  remained  unmolested  in  the  exer- 
cise of  their  worship  until  the  advent  of  Charles  I.  as  King 
of  England,  and  of  Laud  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
An  attempt  was  then  made  to  compel  the  refugees,  who 
were  for  the  most  part  Calvinists,  to  conform  to  the  Angli- 
can ritual.  The  foreign  congregations  appealed  to  the 


Kinds  of  Society  23 

king,  pleading  the  hospitality  extended  to  them  by  the 
nation  when  they  had  fled  from  Papal  persecution  abroad, 
and  the  privileges  and  exemptions  granted  to  them  by 
Edward  VI.,  which  had  been  confirmed  by  Elizabeth  and 
James,  and  even  by  Charles  I.  himself.  The  utmost  con- 
cession that  the  king  would  grant  was,  that  those  who 
were  born  aliens  might  still  enjoy  the  use  of  their  own 
church  service;  but  that  all  their  children  born  in  Eng- 
land should  regularly  attend  the  parish  churches.  Even 
this  small  concession  was  limited  only  to  the  congregation 
at  Canterbury,  and  measures  were  taken  to  enforce  con- 
formity in  the  other  dioceses. 

The  refugees  thus  found  themselves  exposed  to  an 
Anglican  persecution,  instead  of  a  Papal  one.  Rather 
than  endure  it,  several  thousands  of  them  left  the  country, 
abandoning  their  new  homes,  and  again  risking  the  loss 
of  everything,  in  preference  to  giving  up  their  views  as  to 
religion.  About  a  hundred  and  forty  families  emigrated 
from  Norwich  into  Holland,  where  the  Dutch  received 
them  hospitably,  and  gave  them  house  accommodation  free, 
with  exemption  from  taxes  for  seven  years,  during  which 
they  instructed  the  natives  in  the  woollen  manufacture,  of 
which  they  had  before  been  ignorant.  But  the  greater 
number  of  the  exiles  emigrated  with  their  families  to  North 
America,  and  swelled  the  numbers  of  the  little  colony 
already  formed  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  which  eventually 
laid  the  foundation  of  the  New  England  States. 

SAMUEL  SMILES,  Huguenots  in  England  and  Ireland,  124-126; 
128-129. 

Congenial  Society:  Skaneateles 

In  October  Mr.  Collins  bought  at  Skaneateles  a  farm  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty  acres  for  $15,000,  paying  $5000 
down,  and  giving  back  a  mortgage  for  the  remainder. 
There  was  a  good  stone  farm-house  with  barns  and  other 
buildings  on  the  place.  Mr.  Collins  gave  a  general  invita- 
tion to  join.  One  hundred  and  fifty  responded  to  the  call, 
and  on  the  first  of  January,  1844,  the  Community  was  under 
way,  and  the  first  number  of  its  organ,  the  Communitist, 
was  given  to  the  world. 


24  Society  and  Sociology 

The  only  document  we  find  disclosing  the  fundamental 
principles  of  this  Community  is  the  following  —  which, 
however,  was  not  ventilated  in  the  Communitist,  but  found 
its  way  to  the  public  through  the  Skaneateles  Columbian, 
a  neighbouring  paper.  We  copy  verbatim:  — 

Articles  of  Belief  and  Disbelief,  and  Creed  prepared  and 
read  by  John  A.  Collins,  November  19,  1843. 

"  BELOVED  FRIENDS  :  By  your  consent  and  advice,  I  am 
called  upon  to  make  choice  of  those  among  you  to  aid  me 
in  establishing  in  this  place,  a  Community  of  property  and 
interest,  by  which  we  may  be  brought  into  love  relations, 
through  which  plenty  and  intelligence  may  be  ultimately 
secured  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  globe.  To  accomplish 
this  great  work  there  are  but  very  few,  in  consequence  of 
their  original  organization,  structure  of  mind,  education, 
habits,  and  preconceived  opinions,  who  are  at  the  present 
time  adapted  to  work  out  this  great  problem  of  human 
redemption.  All  who  come  together  for  this  purpose, 
should  be  united  in  thought  and  feeling  on  certain  fun- 
damental principles  ;  for  without  this,  a  community  of 
property  would  be  but  a  farce.  Therefore  it  may  be  said 
with  great  propriety  that  the  success  of  the  experiment 
will  depend  upon  the  wisdom  exhibited  in  the  choice  of 
the  materials  as  agents  for  its  accomplishment. 

"  Without  going  into  the  detail  of  the  principles  upon 
which  this  Community  is  to  be  established,  I  will  state  briefly 
a  few  of  the  fundamental  principles  which  I  regard  as  essen- 
tial to  be  assented  to  by  every  applicant  for  admission  :  — 

"  i.  Religion.  —  A  disbelief  in  any  special  revelation  of 
God  to  man,  touching  his  will,  and  thereby  binding  upon 
man  as  authority  in  any  arbitrary  sense ;  that  all  forms  of 
worship  should  cease ;  that  all  religions  of  every  age  and 
nation,  have  their  origin  in  the  same  great  falsehood,  viz., 
God's  special  Providences ;  that  while  we  admire  the  pre- 
cepts attributed  to  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  we  do  not  regard 
them  as  binding  because  uttered  by  him,  but  because  they 
are  true  in  themselves,  and  best  adapted  to  promote  the 
happiness  of  the  race :  therefore  we  regard  the  Sabbath 
as  other  days ;  the  organized  church  as  adapted  to  produce 
strife  and  contention  rather  than  love  and  peace ;  the  clergy 
as  an  imposition;  the  Bible  as  no  authority;  miracles  as 


Kinds  of  Society  25 

unphilosophical ;  and  salvation  from  sin,  or  from  punish- 
ment in  a  future  world,  through  a  crucified  God,  as  a  rem- 
nant of  heathenism. 


"  6.  Dietetics.  —  That  a  vegetable  and  fruit  diet  is  essen- 
tial to  the  health  of  the  body,  and  purity  of  the  mind,  and 
the  happiness  of  society ;  therefore,  the  killing  and  eating 
of  animals  is  essentially  wrong,  and  should  be  renounced 
as  soon  as  possible,  together  with  the  use  of  all  narcotics 
and  stimulants. 

"  7.  That  all  applicants  shall,  at  the  discretion  of  the 
Community,  be  put  upon  probation  of  three  or  six  months. 

"  8.  Any  person  who  shall  force  himself  or  herself  upon 
the  Community,  who  has  received  no  invitation  from  the 
Community,  or  who  does  not  assent  to  the  views  above 
enumerated,  shall  not  be  treated  or  considered  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Community ;  no  work  shall  be  assigned  to  him 
or  her  if  solicited,  while  at  the  same  time,  he  or  she  shall 
be  regarded  with  the  same  kindness  as  all  or  any  other 
strangers  —  shall  be  furnished  with  food  and  clothing  ;  that 
if  at  any  time  any  one  shall  dissent  from  any  or  all  of  the 
principles  above,  he  ought  at  once,  in  justice  to  himself,  to 
the  Community,  and  to  the  world,  to  leave  the  Association. 
To  these  views  we  hereby  affix  our  respective  signatures." 
J.  H.  NOYES,  American  Socialisms,  163-165,  166. 

Congenial  Society :   A  London  Suburb 

Hampstead  is  at  present  one  of  the  largest  and  most 
prosperous  of  the  well-to-do  residential  suburbs  of  Lon- 
don, being  inhabited  principally  by  city  men,  and  sharing 
with  St.  John's  Wood  an  influential  colony  of  workers  in 
art,  science,  and  literature. 

CHARLES  BOOTH,  Labour  and  Life  of  the  People,  Vol.  II.  424-425. 

Approbational  Society :   California 

A  Typical  History  of  a  Mining  Camp  in  1851-1852. 

******* 

Fortune  has  preserved  to  us  from  the  pen  of  a  very 
intelligent  woman,  who  writes  under  an  assumed  name,  a 


26  Society  and  Sociology 

marvellously  skilful  and  undoubtedly  truthful  history  of 
a  mining  community  during  a  brief  period,  first  of  cheer- 
ful prosperity,  and  then  of  decay  and  disorder.  The  wife 
of  a  physician,  and  herself  a  well-educated  New  England 
woman,  "  Dame  Shirley,"  as  she  chooses  to  call  herself,  was 
the  right  kind  of  witness  to  describe  for  us  the  social  life 
of  a  mining  camp  from  actual  experience.  This  she  did 
in  the  form  of  letters  written  on  the  spot  to  her  own  sister, 
and  collected  for  publication  some  two  or  three  years  later. 
******* 

"Shirley"  entered  the  mines  with  her  husband  in  1851, 
and  passed  the  following  winter,  and  the  summer  of  1852, 
at  Rich  Bar  and  Indian  Bar  successively,  both  of  them 
busy  camps,  near  together,  on  the  North  Fork  of  the 
Feather  River.  The  climate  agreed  with  her  very  well, 
and  on  the  whole  she  seems  to  have  endured  the  hard- 
ships of  the  life  most  cheerfully. 

Rich  Bar  was,  in  September,  1851,  when  she  first  saw 
it,  a  town  of  one  street,  "  thickly  planted  with  about  forty 
tenements  "  ;  tents,  rag  and  wooden  houses,  plank  hovels, 
log  cabins.  One  hotel  there  was  in  it,  the  "Empire." 
Rich  Bar  had  had,  in  its  early  days,  a  great  reputation 
for  its  wealth,  insomuch  that  during  its  first  summer,  it 
had  suddenly  made  wealthy,  then  converted  into  drunken 
gamblers,  and  so  utterly  ruined,  several  hundred  miners, 
all  by  giving  them  occasional  returns  of  some  hundreds 
of  dollars  to  the  panful.  It  had  now  entered  into  a  sec- 
ond stage  of  more  modestly  prosperous  and  more  steadily 
laborious  life ;  it  was  a  very  orderly  place,  and  was  inhab- 
ited partly  by  American,  partly  by  foreign  miners.  Some 
of  the  latter  were  South  Americans.  "  Shirley  "  on  her 
arrival  found  herself  one  of  five  women  on  the  Bar;  and 
was  of  course  very  pleasantly  and  respectfully  treated  by 
those  miners  whom  she  had  occasion  to  know. 

In  the  "  Empire,"  the  only  two-story  building  in  town, 
built  originally  as  a  gamblers'  palace,  but,  by  reason  of 
the  temporary  industry  and  sobriety  of  the  Bar,  now  con- 
verted into  a  very  quiet  hotel,  "  Shirley  "  found  temporary 
lodgings.  The  hotel  office  was  "  fitted  up  with  that  eter- 
nal crimson  calico,  which  flushes  the  whole  social  life  of 
the  '  Golden  State '  with  its  everlasting  red."  In  this  room 


Kinds  of  Society  27 

there  was  a  bar,  and  a  shop  of  miners'  clothing  and  gro- 
ceries. The  "  parlor  "  was  behind  this  room,  on  the  first 
floor :  a  room  straw-carpeted,  and  furnished  with  a  big 
mirror,  a  red-seated  "sofa,  fourteen  feet  long,"  a  "round 
table  with  a  green  cloth,  red  calico  curtains,  a  cooking-stove, 
a  rocking-chair,  and  a  woman  and  a  baby,  the  latter  wearing 
a  scarlet  frock  to  match  the  sofa  and  curtains."  Upstairs 
were  several  bedrooms,  with  immense,  heavy  bedsteads, 
warped  and  uneven  floors,  purple  calico  linings  on  the 
walls,  and  red  calico  curtains.  The  whole  house  was  very 
roughly  and  awkwardly  pieced  together  by  a  careless 
carpenter,  and  cost  its  builders  $8000.  It  was  the  great 
pride  and  ornament  of  the  Camp. 

******* 

Among  the  miners,  perfect  good-humour  prevailed  on  the 
Bar.  On  the  anniversary  of  Chilian  independence,  Yankee 
miners  walked  fraternally  in  procession  with  the  Chilians, 
every  member  of  the  procession  "intensely  drunk,"  and 
yet  there  seems  to  have  been  no  quarrelling. 

******* 

Before  October  had  fairly  begun,  she  had  moved  with 
her  husband  to  the  neighboring  Indian  Bar,  where  he  had 
many  personal  friends.  The  scenery  here  was  wilder; 
but  the  society  was  much  the  same  in  its  busy  and  peace- 
ful joviality.  Here  were  some  twenty  tents  and  cabins 
on  the  Bar  itself ;  other  houses  were  on  the  hill,  the  whole 
place  evidently  growing  very  fast;  and  other  inhabited 
bars  were  near.  The  whole  region  was  full  of  activity ; 
dams,  wing-dams,  flumes,  artificial  ditches,  were  to  be 
seen  all  about.  "  Shirley  "  now  began  to  live  in  her  own 
log  cabin,  which  she  found  already  hung  with  a  gaudy 
chintz.  The  one  hotel  of  Indian  Bar  was  near  her  cabin, 
too  near,  in  fact;  for  there  much  drinking,  and  music, 
with  dancing  (by  men  with  men),  went  on.  "Shirley" 
found  and  improvised  very  amusing  furniture  for  her 
dwelling;  trunks,  claret-cases,  three-legged  stools,  monte- 
table  covers,  and  candle-boxes  furnishing  the  materials 
for  her  ingenuity.  In  her  little  library  she  had  a  Bible, 
a  prayer-book,  Shakespeare,  and  Lowell's  Fable  for 
Critics,  with  two  or  three  other  books.  The  negro  cook 


28  Society  and  Sociology 

of  the  hotel,  who  for  some  time  did  her  own  cooking  as 
well,  played  finely  on  the  violin  when  he  chose,  and  was 
very  courteous  to  "Shirley."  She  speaks  of  him  often 
with  infinite  amusement.  Prominent  in  the  society  of  the 
Bar  was  a  trapper,  of  the  old  Fremont  party,  who  told 
blood-curdling  tales  of  Indian  fights ;  another  character 
was  a  learned  Quaker,  who  lectured  at  length  to  "  Shirley  " 
on  literature,  but  never  liked  to  listen  to  her  on  any  sub- 
ject, and  told  her  as  much  very  frankly.  The  camp  had 
just  become  possessed  also  of  a  justice  of  the  peace,  a 
benevolent-looking  fat  man,  with  a  big  head,  slightly  bald, 
and  a  smooth  fat  face.  He  was  genial  and  sweet-tempered, 
was  commonly  supposed  to  be  incompetent,  and  had  got 
himself  elected  by  keeping  both  the  coming  election  and 
his  candidacy  a  secret,  save  from  his  friends.  Most  of  the 
miners,  when  they  came  to  hear  of  him  and  of  his  election, 
thought  such  an  officer  a  nuisance  in  those  diggings,  as 
the  camp  could  surely  keep  order  without  his  help.  But 
so  long  as  he  had  nothing  to  do  he  was  permitted  to  do 
it,  and  to  be  as  great  a  man  for  his  pains  as  he  liked. 
Late  in  October,  one  case  of  supposed  theft  occurred,  the 
trial  taking  place  at  Rich  Bar,  before  a  miners'  meeting. 
The  "  Squire  "  was  allowed  to  look  on  from  the  platform, 
while  the  improvised  popular  magistrate,  sitting  by  his 
side,  administered  justice.  The  thief,  as  "  Shirley  "  heard, 
was  lightly  flogged,  and  was  then  banished. 

Not  until  December,  however,  was  the  general  peace 
broken  further.  But  then  it  was  indeed  broken  by  a  de- 
cidedly barbarous  case  of  hanging  for  theft.  The  "  Squire  " 
was  powerless  to  affect  the  course  of  events;  the  "people" 
of  Indian  Bar,  many  of  them  drunken  and  full  of  disor- 
derly desire  for  a  frolic,  tried  the  accused,  whose  guilt  was 
certain  enough,  although  his  previous  character  had  been 
fair ;  and,  when  he  had  been  found  guilty,  the  crowd 
hanged  him  in  a  very  brutal  fashion.  He  was  himself 
drunken  to  the  last  moment.  The  more  reckless  people 
of  the  Bar  were  the  ones  concerned  in  this  affair,  and  all 
"  Shirley's  "  own  friends  disapproved  of  it. 

******* 

In  March  a  man  at  a  camp  near  by  was  stabbed  in  the 
back  during  a  drunken  frolic,  and  without  any  sort  of 


Kinds  of  Society  29 

cause.  Yet  people  took,  at  the  time,  no  notice  of  the 
affair.  In  April  a  Mexican,  at  Indian  Bar,  asked  an 
American  for  some  money  due  the  former.  The  Ameri- 
can promptly  stabbed  his  creditor ;  but  again  nothing  was 
done.  The  Mexicans  were,  in  fact,  now  too  numerous  for 
comfort  at  Indian  Bar,  since  Rich  Bar  had  just  expelled 
all  foreigners,  who  therefore  now  came  to  this  place. 
******* 

The  mining  operations  that  summer  were  not  a  distin- 
guished success  at  Indian  Bar,  and  in  autumn  there  was 
what  miners  call  a  "general  stampede  from  those  dig- 
gings." The  physician  and  his  wife  took  leave  of  the 
mines  not  unwillingly.  "  Shirley's  "  health,  to  be  sure,  had 
wonderfully  improved.  In  closing  her  mining  life  she 
notices  that  "  the  few  men  that  have  remained  on  the  Bar 
have  amused  themselves  by  prosecuting  one  another  right 
and  left."  "The  'Squire,'"  she  adds,  "comes  out  strong 
on  these  occasions." 

JOSIAH  ROYCE,  California,  344-352,  355-356. 

Despotic  Society :   Conquest  of  the  Canaanites 

And  it  came  to  pass  after  the  death  of  Joshua,  that 
the  children  of  Israel  asked  of  Jehovah,  saying,  Who  shall 
go  up  for  us  first  against  the  Canaanites,  to  fight  against 
them  ?  And  Jehovah  said,  Judah  shall  go  up :  behold, 
I  have  delivered  the  land  into  his  hand.  And  Judah 
said  unto  Simeon  his  brother,  Come  up  with  me  into  my 
lot,  that  we  may  fight  against  the  Canaanites ;  and  I  like- 
wise will  go  with  thee  into  thy  lot.  So  Simeon  went  with 
him.  And  Judah  went  up;  and  Jehovah  delivered  the 
Canaanites  and  the  Perizzites  into  their  hand :  and  they 
smote  of  them  in  Bezek  ten  thousand  men.  And  they 
found  Adoni-bezek  in  Bezek :  and  they  fought  against 
him,  and  they  smote  the  Canaanites  and  the  Perizzites. 
But  Adoni-bezek  fled ;  and  they  pursued  after  him,  and 
caught  him,  and  cut  off  his  thumbs  and  his  great  toes. 
And  Adoni-bezek  said,  Threescore  and  ten  kings,  having 
their  thumbs  and  their  great  toes  cut  off,  gathered  their 
food  under  my  table :  as  I  have  done,  so  God  hath  requited 
me.  And  they  brought  him  to  Jerusalem,  and  he  died  there. 


30  Society  and  Sociology 

And  the  children  of  Judah  fought  against  Jerusalem, 
and  took  it,  and  smote  it  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  and 
set  the  city  on  fire.  And  afterward  the  children  of  Judah 
went  down  to  fight  against  the  Canaanites  that  dwelt  in 
the  hill  country,  and  in  the  South,  and  in  the  lowland. 
And  Judah  went  against  the  Canaanites  that  dwelt  in 
Hebron :  (now  the  name  of  Hebron  beforetime  was  Kiri- 
ath-arba:)  and  they  smote  Sheshai,  and  Ahiman,  and  Tal- 
mai.  And  from  thence  he  went  against  the  inhabitants  of 
Debir.  (Now  the  name  of  Debir  beforetime  was  Kiriath- 
sepher.)  And  Caleb  said,  He  that  smiteth  Kiriath-sepher, 
and  taketh  it,  to  him  will  I  give  Achsah  my  daughter  to 
wife.  And  Othniel  the  son  of  Kenaz,  Caleb's  younger 
brother,  took  it :  and  he  gave  him  Achsah  his  daughter  to 
wife.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  she  came  tinto  him,  that 
she  moved  him  to  ask  of  her  father  a  field :  and  she 
lighted  down  from  off  her  ass ;  and  Caleb  said  unto  her, 
What  wouldst  thou?  And  she  said  unto  him,  Give  me  a 
blessing ;  for  that  thou  hast  set  me  in  the  land  of  the  South, 
give  me  also  springs  of  water.  And  Caleb  gave  her  the 
upper  springs  and  the  nether  springs. 

And  the  children  of  the  Kenite,  Moses'  brother  in  law, 
went  up  out  of  the  city  of  palm  trees  with  the  children 
of  Judah  into  the  wilderness  of  Judah,  which  is  in  the 
south  of  Arad ;  and  they  went  and  dwelt  with  the  people. 
And  Judah  went  with  Simeon  his  brother,  and  they  smote 
the  Canaanites  that  inhabited  Zephath,  and  utterly  destroyed 
it.  And  the  name  of  the  city  was  called  Hormah.  Also 
Judah  took  Gaza  with  the  border  thereof,  and  Ashkelon 
with  the  border  thereof,  and  Ekron  with  the  border 
thereof.  And  Jehovah  was  with  Judah ;  and  he  drove 
out  the  inhabitants  of  the  hill  country  ;  for  he  could  not 
drive  out  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley,  because  they  had 
chariots  of  iron.  And  they  gave  Hebron  unto  Caleb,  as 
Moses  had  spoken  :  and  he  drove  out  thence  the  three  sons 
of  Anak.  And  the  children  of  Benjamin  did  not  drive 
out  the  Jebusites  that  inhabited  Jerusalem  :  but  the  Jebu- 
sites  dwelt  with  the  children  of  Benjamin  in  Jerusalem,  unto 
this  day. 

And  the  house  of  Joseph,  they  also  went  up  against 
Beth-el :  and  Jehovah  was  with  them.  And  the  house  of 


Kinds  of  Society  31 

Joseph  sent  to  spy  out  Beth-el.  (Now  the  name  of  the 
city  beforetime  was  Luz.)  And  the  watchers  saw  a 
man  come  forth  out  of  the  city,  and  they  said  unto  him, 
Show  us,  we  pray  thee,  the  entrance  into  the  city,  and  we 
will  deal  kindly  with  thee.  And  he  showed  them  the 
entrance  into  the  city,  and  they  smote  the  city  with  the 
edge  of  the  sword ;  but  they  let  the  man  go  and  all  his 
family.  And  the  man  went  into  the  land  of  the  Hittites, 
and  built  a  city,  and  called  the  name  thereof  Luz  :  which- 
is  the  name  thereof  unto  this  day. 

And  Manasseh  did  not  drive  out  the  inhabitants  of 
Beth-shean  and  her  towns,  nor  of  Taanach  and  her  towns, 
nor  the  inhabitants  of  Dor  and  her  towns,  nor  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Ibleam  and  her  towns,  nor  the  inhabitants  of 
Megiddo  and  her  towns  :  but  the  Canaanites  would  dwell 
in  that  land.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Israel  was 
waxen  strong,  that  they  put  the  Canaanites  to  task-work, 
and  did  not  utterly  drive  them  out. 

And  Ephraim  drove  not  out  the  Canaanites  that  dwelt 
in  Gezer;  but  the  Canaanites  dwelt  in  Gezer  among  them. 

Zebulun  drove  not  out  the  inhabitants  of  Kitron,  nor 
the  inhabitants  of  Nahalol ;  but  the  Canaanites  dwelt 
among  them,  and  became  tributary. 

Asher  drove  not  out  the  inhabitants  of  Acco,  nor  the 
inhabitants  of  Zidon,  nor  of  Ahlab,  nor  of  Achzib,  nor  of 
Helbah,  nor  of  Aphik,  nor  of  Rehob:  but  the  Asherites 
dwelt  among  the  Canaanites,  the  inhabitants  of  the  land: 
for  they  did  not  drive  them  out. 

Naphtali  drove  not  out  the  inhabitants  of  Bethshe- 
mesh,  nor  the  inhabitants  of  Beth-anath ;  but  he  dwelt 
among  the  Canaanites,  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  :  never- 
theless the  inhabitants  of  Beth-shemesh  and  of  Beth-anath 
became  tributary  unto  them. 

And  the  Amorites  forced  the  children  of  Dan  into  the 
hill  country :  for  they  would  not  suffer  them  to  come 
down  to  the  valley :  but  the  Amorites  would  dwell  in 
mount  Heres,  in  Aijalon,  and  in  Shaalbim  :  yet  the  hand 
of  the  house  of  Joseph  prevailed,  so  that  they  became  trib- 
utary. And  the  border  of  the  Amorites  was  from  the 
ascent  of  Akrabbim,  from  the  rock,  and  upward. 

Judges,  Chap.  i. 


32  Society  and  Sociology 


Despotic  Society :   Israel  under  the  Judges 

And  the  angel  of  Jehovah  came  up  from  Gilgal  to 
Bochim.  And  he  said,  I  made  you  to  go  up  out  of  Egypt, 
and  have  brought  you  unto  the  land  which  I  sware  unto 
your  fathers  ;  and  I  said,  I  will  never  break  my  covenant 
with  you  :  and  ye  shall  make  no  covenant  with  the  in- 
habitants of  this  land ;  ye  shall  break  down  their  altars : 
but  ye  have  not  hearkened  unto  my  voice :  why  have  ye 
done  this  ?  Wherefore  I  also  said,  I  will  not  drive  them 
out  from  before  you ;  but  they  shall  be  as  thorns  in  your 
sides,  and  their  gods  shall  be  a  snare  unto  you.  And  it 
came  to  pass,  when  the  angel  of  Jehovah  spake  these  words 
unto  all  the  children  of  Israel,  that  the  people  lifted  up 
their  voice,  and  wept.  And  they  called  the  name  of  that 
place  Bochim  :  and  they  sacrificed  there  unto  Jehovah. 

Now  when  Joshua  had  sent  the  people  away,  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  went  every  man  unto  his  inheritance  to  pos- 
sess the  land.  And  the  people  served  Jehovah  all  the 
days  of  Joshua,  and  all  the  days  of  the  elders  that  outlived 
Joshua,  who  had  seen  all  the  great  work  of  Jehovah,  that 
he  had  wrought  for  Israel.  And  Joshua  the  son  of 
Nun,  the  servant  of  Jehovah,  died,  being  a  hundred  and 
ten  years  old.  And  they  buried  him  in  the  border  of 
his  inheritance  in  Timnath-heres,  in  the  hill  country  of 
Ephraim,  on  the  north  of  the  mountain  of  Gaash.  And 
also  all  that  generation  were  gathered  unto  their  fathers : 
and  there  arose  another  generation  after  them,  that  knew 
not  Jehovah,  nor  yet  the  work  which  he  had  wrought  for 
Israel. 

And  the  children  of  Israel  did  that  which  was  evil 
in  the  sight  of  Jehovah,  and  served  the  Baalim :  and  they 
forsook  Jehovah,  the  God  of  their  fathers,  who  brought 
them  out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  followed  other  gods, 
of  the  gods  of  the  peoples  that  were  round  about  them, 
and  bowed  themselves  down  unto  them :  and  they  pro- 
voked Jehovah  to  anger.  And  they  forsook  Jehovah, 
and  served  Baal  and  the  Ashtaroth.  And  the  anger  of 
Jehovah  was  kindled  against  Israel,  and  he  delivered  them 
into  the  hands  of  spoilers  that  spoiled  them,  and  he  sold 


Kinds  of  Society  33 

them  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies  round  about,  so  that 
they  could  not  any  longer  stand  before  their  enemies. 
Whithersoever  they  went  out,  the  hand  of  Jehovah  was 
against  them  for  evil,  as  Jehovah  had  spoken,  and  as  Je- 
hovah had  sworn  unto  them  :  and  they  were  sore  distressed. 
And  Jehovah  raised  up  judges,  who  saved  them  out 
of  the  hand  of  those  that  spoiled  them.  And  yet  they 
hearkened  not  unto  their  judges,  for  they  played  the  har- 
lot after  other  gods,  and  bowed  themselves  down  unto 
them :  they  turned  aside  quickly  out  of  the  way  wherein 
their  fathers  walked,  obeying  the  commandments  of  Jeho- 
vah ;  but  they  did  not  so.  And  when  Jehovah  raised 
them  up  judges,  then  Jehovah  was  with  the  judge,  and 
saved  them  out  of  the  hand  of  their  enemies  all  the  days 
of  the  judge:  for  it  repented  Jehovah  because  of  their 
groaning  by  reason  of  them  that  oppressed  them  and 
vexed  them.  But  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  judge  was 
dead,  that  they  turned  back,  and  dealt  more  corruptly  than 
their  fathers,  in  following  other  gods  to  serve  them,  and 
to  bow  down  unto  them  ;  they  ceased  not  from  their  doings, 
nor  from  their  stubborn  way.  And  the  anger  of  Jehovah 
was  kindled  against  Israel;  and  he  said,  Because  this 
nation  have  transgressed  my  covenant  which  I  commanded 
their  fathers,  and  have  not  hearkened  unto  my  voice;  I 
also  will  not  henceforth  drive  out  any  from  before  them 
of  the  nations  that  Joshua  left  when  he  died :  that  by 
them  I  may  prove  Israel,  whether  they  will  keep  the  way 
of  Jehovah  to  walk  therein,  as  their  fathers  did  keep  it  or 
not  So  Jehovah  left  those  nations,  without  driving  them 
out  hastily ;  neither  delivered  he  them  into  the  hand  of 
Joshua. 

Now  these  are  the  nations  that  Jehovah  left,  to  prove 
Israel  by  them,  even  as  many  of  Israel  as  had  not  known 
all  the  wars  of  Canaan ;  only  that  the  generations  of  the 
children  of  Israel  might  know,  to  teach  them  war,  at  the 
least  such  as  beforetime  knew  nothing  thereof;  namely, 
the  five  lords  of  the  Philistines,  and  all  the  Canaanites,  and 
the  Zidonians,  and  the  Hivites  that  dwelt  in  mount  Leb- 
anon, from  mount  Baal-hermon  unto  the  entering  in  of 
Hamath.  And  they  were  to  prove  Israel  by  them,  to 
know  whether  they  would  hearken  unto  the  command- 


34  Society  and  Sociology 

ments  of  Jehovah,  which  he  commanded  their  fathers  by 
the  hand  of  Moses.  And  the  children  of  Israel  dwelt 
among  the  Canaanites ;  the  Hittite,  and  the  Amorite,  and 
the  Perizzite,  and  the  Hivite,  and  the  Jebusite :  and  they 
took  their  daughters  to  be  their  wives,  and  gave  their  own 
daughters  to  their  sons,  and  served  their  gods. 

And  the  children  of  Israel  did  that  which  was  evil  in 
the  sight  of  Jehovah,  and  forgat  Jehovah  their  God,  and 
served  the  Baalim  and  the  Asheroth.  Therefore  the 
anger  of  Jehovah  was  kindled  against  Israel,  and  he  sold 
them  into  the  hand  of  Cushan-rishathaim  king  of  Mesopo- 
tamia :  and  the  children  of  Israel  served  Cushan-rishathaim 
eight  years.  And  when  the  children  of  Israel  cried  unto 
Jehovah,  Jehovah  raised  up  a  saviour  to  the  children  of 
Israel,  who  saved  them,  even  Othniel  the  son  of  Kenaz, 
Caleb's  younger  brother.  And  the  spirit  of  Jehovah 
came  upon  him,  and  he  judged  Israel ;  and  he  went  out  to 
war,  and  Jehovah  delivered  Cushan-rishathaim  king  of 
Mesopotamia  into  his  hand  :  and  his  hand  prevailed  against 
Cushan-rishathaim.  And  the  land  had  rest  forty  years. 
And  Othniel  the  son  of  Kenaz  died. 

And  the  children  of  Israel  again  did  that  which  was 
evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah :  and  Jehovah  strengthened 
Eglon  the  king  of  Moab  against  Israel,  because  they  had 
done  that  which  was  evil  in  the  sight  of  Jehovah.  And 
he  gathered  unto  him  the  children  of  Ammon  and  Ama- 
lek ;  and  he  went  and  smote  Israel,  and  they  possessed  the 
city  of  palm  trees.  And  the  children  of  Israel  served 
Eglon  the  king  of  Moab  eighteen  years.  But  when  the 
children  of  Israel  cried  unto  Jehovah,  Jehovah  raised  them 
up  a  saviour,  Ehud  the  son  of  Gera,  the  Benjamite,  a  man 
lefthanded:  and  the  children  of  Israel  sent  a  present  by 
him  unto  Eglon  the  king  of  Moab.  And  Ehud  made 
him  a  sword  which  had  two  edges,  of  a  cubit  length ;  and 
he  girded  it  under  his  raiment  upon  his  right  thigh. 
And  he  offered  the  present  unto  Eglon  king  of  Moab : 
now  Eglon  was  a  very  fat  man.  And  when  he  had 
made  an  end  of  offering  the  present,  he  sent  away  the 
people  that  bare  the  present.  But  he  himself  turned 
back  from  the  quarries  that  were  by  Gilgal,  and  said,  I 
have  a  secret  errand  unto  thee,  O  king.  And  he  said,  Keep 


Kinds  of  Society  35 

silence.  And  all  that  stood  by  him  went  out  from  him. 
And  Ehud  came  unto  him ;  and,  he  was  sitting  by  him- 
self alone  in  the  cool  upper  room.  And  Ehud  said,  I  have 
a  message  from  God  unto  thee.  And  he  arose  out  of  his 
seat.  And  Ehud  put  forth  his  left  hand,  and  took  the 
sword  from  his  right  thigh,  and  thrust  it  into  his  body : 
and  the  haft  also  went  in  after  the  blade ;  and  the  fat 
closed  upon  the  blade,  for  he  drew  not  the  sword  out  of 
his  body ;  and  it  came  out  behind.  Then  Ehud  went 
forth  into  the  porch,  and  shut  the  doors  of  the  upper  room 
upon  him,  and  locked  them.  Now  when  he  was  gone 
out,  his  servants  came ;  and  they  saw,  and,  behold,  the 
doors  of  the  upper  room  were  locked;  and  they  said, 
Surely  he  covereth  his  feet  in  the  upper  chamber.  And 
they  tarried  till  they  were  put  to  shame :  and,  behold,  he 
opened  not  the  doors  of  the  upper  room ;  therefore  they 
took  the  key,  and  opened  them :  and,  behold,  their  lord 
was  fallen  down  dead  on  the  earth.  And  Ehud  escaped 
while  they  tarried,  and  passed  beyond  the  quarries,  and 
escaped  unto  Seirah. 

And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  was  come,  that  he  blew  a 
trumpet  in  the  hill  country  of  Ephraim,  and  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel  went  down  with  him  from  the  hill  country, 
and  he  before  them.  And  he  said  unto  them,  Follow  after 
me :  for  Jehovah  hath  delivered  your  enemies  the  Moab- 
ites  into  your  hand.  And  they  went  down  after  him,  and 
took  the  fords  of  Jordan  against  the  Moabites,  and  suffered 
not  a  man  to  pass  over. 

And  they  smote  of  Moab  at  that  time  about  ten  thousand 
men,  every  lusty  man,  and  every  man  of  valour ;  and  there 
escaped  not  a  man.  So  Moab  was  subdued  that  day  under 
the  hand  of  Israel.  And  the  land  had  rest  fourscore  years. 

And  after  him  was  Shamgar  the  son  of  Anath,  who 
smote  of  the  Philistines  six  hundred  men  with  an  ox  goad  : 

and  he  also  saved  Israel.  ,   ,       „,  ,  ... 

Judges,  Chaps,  n  and  m. 


Despotic  Society :   The  Roman  Empire  under  Constantine 

The  grateful  applause  of  the  clergy  has  consecrated  the 
memory  of  a  prince  who  indulged  their  passions  and  pro- 


36  Society  and  Sociology 

moted  their  interest.  Constantine  gave  them  security, 
wealth,  honours,  and  revenge :  and  the  support  of  the 
orthodox  faith  was  considered  as  the  most  sacred  and  im- 
portant duty  of  the  civil  magistrate.  The  edict  of  Milan, 
the  great  charter  of  toleration,  had  confirmed  to  each 
individual  of  the  Roman  world  the  privilege  of  choosing 
and  professing  his  own  religion.  But  this  inestimable 
privilege  was  soon  violated  :  with  the  knowledge  of  truth, 
the  Emperor  imbibed  the  maxims  of  persecution  ;  and  the 
sects  which  dissented  from  the  Catholic  church  were  af- 
flicted and  oppressed  by  the  triumph  of  Christianity.  Con- 
stantine easily  believed  that  the  Heretics  who  presumed 
to  dispute  his  opinions  or  to  oppose  his  commands  were 
guilty  of  the  most  absurd  and  criminal  obstinacy  ;  and  that 
a  seasonable  application  of  moderate  severities  might  save 
those  unhappy  men  from  the  danger  of  an  everlasting 
condemnation.  Not  a  moment  was  lost  in  excluding  the 
ministers  and  teachers  of  the  separated  congregation  from 
any  share  of  the  rewards  and  immunities  which  the  Em- 
peror had  so  liberally  bestowed  on  the  orthodox  clergy. 
But,  as  the  sectaries  might  still  exist  under  the  cloud  of 
royal  disgrace,  the  conquest  of  the  East  was  immediately 
followed  by  an  edict  which  announced  their  total  destruc- 
tion. After  a  preamble  filled  with  passion  and  reproach, 
Constantine  absolutely  prohibits  the  assemblies  of  the 
Heretics,  and  confiscates  their  public  property  to  the  use 
either  of  the  revenue  or  of  the  Catholic  church.  The  sects 
against  whom  the  Imperial  severity  was  directed  appear  to 
have  been  the  adherents  of  Paul  of  Samosota;  the  Monta- 
nists  of  Phrygia,  who  maintained  an  enthusiastic  succession 
of  prophecy ;  the  Novatians,  who  sternly  rejected  the  tem- 
poral efficacy  of  repentance;  the  Marcionites  and  Valen- 
tinians,  under  whose  leading  banners  the  various  Gnostics 
of  Asia  and  Egypt  had  insensibly  rallied  ;  and  perhaps 
the  Manichaeans,  who  had  recently  imported  from  Persia 
a  more  artful  composition  of  Oriental  and  Christian  the- 
ology. The  design  of  extirpating  the  name,  or  at  least  of 
restraining  the  progress,  of  these  odious  Heretics  was 
prosecuted  with  vigour  and  effect.  Some  of  the  penal 
regulations  were  copied  from  the  edicts  of  Diocletian; 
and  this  method  of  conversion  was  applauded  by  the  same 


Kinds  of  Society  37 

• 

bishops  who  had   felt  the   hand   of   oppression  and   had 
pleaded  for  the  rights  of  humanity. 
GIBBON,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  Vol.  II.  330-331. 

Despotic  Society:   Norman  England 

The  immediate  changes  which  the  conquest  introduced 
were  undoubtedly  great,  but  they  were  practical  rather 
than  formal.  The  power  of  the  Crown  was  vastly  in- 
creased. As  the  government  became  more  centralized, 
local  self-government,  the  essential  characteristic  of  our 
Teutonic  Constitution,  was  for  a  time  depressed ;  but  only 
to  arise  again  later  on,  when  the  nobles  and  people  be- 
came united  against  the  tyranny  of  the  Crown.  The 
social  aspect  of  England  was  enormously  changed.  The 
old  dynasty  had  been  supplanted  by  an  alien  family. 
The  old  aristocracy  was  superseded  by  a  new  nobility. 
The  old  offices  received  new  names  —  the  ealdorman,  or 
earl,  became  the  comes,  the  sheriff  the  vice-comes ;  and 
with  the  new  names  and  alien  officials,  the  old  laws,  though 
retained,  and  even  promulgated  anew,  must  have  been 
considerably  modified  in  practical  administration. 

The  most  important  result  of  the  conquest,  in  its  con- 
stitutional aspect,  was  the  assimilation  of  all  the  institu- 
tions of  the  country,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  to  the 
feudal  type.  This  was  a  consequence  of  the  immense 
confiscations  of  landed  estates,  which,  occurring  not  all  at 
once,  but  from  time  to  time  ultimately  placed  King  William 
in  the  position  of  supreme  landowner,  and  established  the 
feudal  system  in  England. 

******* 

At  first  the  Conqueror,  with  an  appearance  of  strict 
legality,  appropriated  merely  the  extensive  royal  domains 
—  \hefolkland,  now  finally  changed  into  terra  regis  —  and 
the  large  forfeited  estates  of  the  Godwin  family  and  of  all 
those  who  had,  or  were  suspected  of  having,  taken  up  arms 
against  him.  Reserving  to  himself  as  the  demesne  of  the 
Crown  more  than  fourteen  hundred  large  manors  scattered 
over  various  counties,  he  divided  the  rest  among  his  com- 
panions in  arms.  Although  William  affected  to  regard  all 


38  Society  and  Sociology 

Englishmen  as  more  or  less  tainted  with  treason  and  liable 
to  forfeiture  of  their  estates,  inasmuch  as  they  had  either 
fought  against  him  or  failed  to  range  themselves  on  his 
side,  yet  the  bulk  of  the  landowners  were  at  first  suffered 
to  retain  their  possessions.  But  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  this  was  subject  to  the  condition  of  accepting  a  re- 
grant  from  the  Conqueror;  the  more  important  personages, 
in  return  for  their  adhesion,  receiving  back  their  estates  as 
a  free  gift,  the  smaller  owners  on  payment  of  a  money 
consideration.  By  this  means  William  procured  a  peace- 
able acknowledgment  of  his  title  over  extensive  districts 
into  which  his  arms  had  not  yet  penetrated. 

During  the  Conqueror's  first  absence  from  England  a 
reaction  set  in  after  the  panic ;  and  the  oppression  and  in- 
solence of  the  Normans,  Odo  of  Bayeux  and  William  Fitz 
Osbern,  who  had  been  left  in  charge  of  the  kingdom  as 
justices  regent,  excited  the  natives  to  rebel.  One  rising 
was  no  sooner  suppressed  than  others  broke  out  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  first  four  years  of  his 
reign  were  occupied  by  William  in  acquiring  the  actual 
sovereignty  of  his  new  dominions.  Each  insurrection,  as 
it  occurred,  was  followed  by  a  confiscation  of  the  estates  of 
those  who  in  the  eye  of  the  law  were  rebels,  however 
patriotic  and  morally  justifiable  may  have  been  the  motives 
by  which  they  were  actuated.  Thus,  by  a  gradual  process 
and  with  an  outward  show  of  legality,  nearly  all  the  lands 
of  the  kingdom  came  into  the  hands  of  the  King,  and 
were  by  him  granted  out  to  his  Norman  nobles,  to  be  held 
by  the  feudal  tenure,  to  which  they  were  alone  accustomed 
in  their  own  country.  The  maxim  of  later  times,  "Tout 
fuit  en  lui  et  vient  de  lui  al  commencement"  seems  to 
have  been  something  more  than  a  fiction.  At  the  time  of 
the  Domesday  Survey  there  still  remained  some  few  ex- 
ceptions to  the  general  feudal  tenure,  but  before  the 
accession  of  Henry  I.  all  tenures  seem  to  have  become 
uniformly  feudal. 

******* 

Both  in  the  kingdom  of  France  and  in  his  own  duchy  of 
Normandy,  William  had  been  familiar  with  the  evils  of 
feudalism  as  there  established.  His  recollection  of  con- 
tests with  his  own  barons  was  too  keen  and  too  recent  not 


Kinds  of  Society  39 

to  induce  him  to  prevent,  if  possible,  a  recurrence  of  the 
struggle  in  his  newly  acquired  kingdom.  From  the  very 
first  he  took  measures  to  check  the  natural  development  of 
feudalism  in  England  ;  and  although  by  gradually  substi- 
tuting the  Prankish  system  of  land  tenure  for  the  compli- 
cated system  which  had  grown  up  in  England,  he  may  be 
said  to  have  established  the  feudal  system,  it  was  as  a 
system  of  tenure  only,  not  of  government  organization. 
He  was  determined  to  reign  as  the  King  of  the  nation, 
not  merely  as  feudal  lord.  While,  therefore,  availing  him- 
self of  all  the  advantages  of  the  feudal  system,  he  broke 
into  its  "  most  essential  attribute,  the  exclusive  dependence 
of  a  vassal  upon  his  lord,"  by  requiring  in  accordance 
with  the  old  English  practice,  that  all  landowners,  mesne 
tenants  as  well  as  tenants-in-chief,  should  take  the  oath  of 
fealty  to  the  King.  This  was  formally  decreed  at  the 
celebrated  Gemot  held  on  Salisbury  Plain,  on  the  ist  of 
August,  1086,  at  which  the  witan  and  all  the  landowners 
of  substance  in  England,  whose  vassals  soever  they  were, 
attended,  to  the  number,  as  is  reported,  of  sixty  thousand. 
The  statute,  as  soon  as  passed,  was  carried  into  immediate 
effect,  and  all  the  landowners  (landsittende  men]  became 
"  this  man's  men,"  and  "  swore  him  oaths  of  allegiance  that 
they  would  against  all  other  men  be  faithful  to  him." 

This  national  act  of  homage  and  allegiance  to  the  King, 
which,  far  from  marking  the  formal  acceptance  of  feudal- 
ism, as  some  have  contended,  was,  in  reality,  anti-feudal, 
followed  immediately  upon  the  compilation  of  the  Domes- 
day Survey,  which  had  been  decreed  in  the  memorable 
midwinter  Gemot  of  Gloucester,  1085-1086. 

******* 

In  addition  to  his  exaction  of  homage  from  the  sub- 
tenants, William  took  other  effective  measures  to  keep  the 
great  feudatories  in  check.  The  lordships  which  he 
bestowed  upon  his  principal  barons  were  scattered  over  the 
kingdom,  so  that  in  no  one  district  should  the  territories  of 
one  man  be  great  enough  to  tempt  him  to  rebellion.  An 
unforeseen  but  very  important  result  of  this  arrangement 
was  the  necessity  under  which  the  nobles  found  themselves 
of  combining  with  one  another,  and  ultimately  of  seeking 
the  help  of  the  people,  in  order  to  resist  the  royal  power. 


4O  Society  and  Sociology 

"Thus  the  Old  English  parliamentary  instincts  which  the 
Conquest  for  a  while  checked  were  again  awakened  and 
strengthened."  William  abolished  the  great  earldoms 
which  had  threatened  the  integrity  of  the  kingdom  under 
Edward,  and,  reverting  to  the  earlier  English  practice, 
restricted  the  jurisdiction  of  the  earl  to  a  single  shire. 
The  government  of  the  shire  —  judicial,  military,  and  finan- 
cial—  was,  moreover,  practically  executed  by  the  sheriff, 
who  was  directly  responsible  to  the  King.  An  apparent 
exception  to  the  general  policy  pursued  by  the  Conqueror 
occurs  in  the  creation  of  the  three  palatine  counties  of 
Chester,  Durham,  and  Kent.  The  extraordinary  powers 
thus  conferred  were,  however,  requisite  for  the  defence 
of  the  kingdom  against  attacks  from  Wales,  Scotland,  and 
the  Continent  respectively,  and  two  of  the  persons  in- 
trusted with  them  were  ecclesiastics,  who  could  not  become 
the  founders  of  families.  A  further  check  to  the  power  of 
the  baronage  resulted  from  the  maintenance  in  full  vigour 
of  the  popular  courts  of  the  Shire  and  the  Hundred,  by 
which  the  private  manorial  jurisdictions  of  the  nobles  were 
restrained,  as  far  as  possible,  within  narrow  limits. 

******* 

Tenure  by  knight-service  was  also  subject  to  several 
other  incidents  of  a  burdensome  character,  the  unfair  and 
oppressive  exactions  of  which  by  the  Norman  and  earlier 
Angevin  kings  supplied  one  of  the  chief  incentives  to  the 
barons  who  wrested  the  Great  Charter  from  King  John. 
These  incidental  burdens  were  :  — 

1.  The   tenant   was   at    first    expected,    and    afterward 
obliged,  to  render  to  his  immediate  lord  certain  contribu- 
tions termed  aids.     These,  which  were  to  be  reasonable 
in  amount,  were  due  on  three  special  occasions  —  to  ran- 
som the  lord's  person  from  captivity ;  to  make  his  eldest 
son  a  knight ;    and  to  provide  a  suitable  portion  for  his 
eldest  daughter  on  her  marriage.     The  Stat.  of  Westmin- 
ster I.  (3  Edw.  I.)  fixed  the  reasonable  aid  at  2os.  for  every 
knight's  fee,  and  for  every  ^20  value  of  land  in  socage. 

2.  On  the  death  of  the  tenant,  his  fief  descended  to  his 
heir,  sons  being  preferred  to  daughters,  and  the  elder  to 
the   younger  son.     But  before  taking  up   his   ancestor's 
estate,  the  heir,  if  of  age,  had  to  pay  a  fine  called  a  relief, 


Kinds  of  Society  41 

which  closely  resembled  and  was  apparently  a  feudalized 
form  of  the  ancient  English  Heriot.  By  demanding  arbi- 
trary and  exorbitant  reliefs  the  Norman  kings,  William 
Rufus  especially,  often  obliged  the  heir  in  effect  to  pur- 
chase or  redeem  his  lands.  This  abuse  was  specially  pro- 
vided against  in  the  Charter  of  Henry  I.,  in  which  the 
King  promised  to  exact,  and  required  his  tenants  to  exact 
from  their  under  tenants,  only  the  accustomed  and  legal 
reliefs.  Glanvill,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  II.,  tells  us  that 
the  reasonable  relief  for  a  knight's  fee  was  locw.,  but  that 
the  sum  due  for  a  barony  varied  juxta  voluntatem  et  miseri- 
cordiam  domini  regis.  The  amount  was  not  finally  fixed 
till  Magna  Charta  defined  the  antiquum  relevium  as  ;£ioo 
for  a  barony,  loos,  for  a  knight's  fee. 

Tenants-in-chief  were  subject  to  a  kind  of  additional  re- 
lief termed  primer  seisin,  which  consisted  in  the  right  of 
the  King,  on  the  death  of  one  of  his  tenants  leaving  an  heir 
of  full  age,  to  receive  one  year's  profits  of  the  inherited  land. 

3.  If  the  heir  were  under  age,  the  lord  was  entitled, 
under  the  name  of  wardship,  to  the  custody  of  his  body 
and  lands,  without  any  account  of  the  profits.     At  the  age 
of  twenty-one  in  males,  and  sixteen  in  females,  the  wards 
were  entitled  to  ousterlemain  or  "  sue  out  their  livery  "  — 
that  is,  to  require  delivery  of  their  lands  out  of  their  guar- 
dian's hands,  on  payment  of  half  a  year's  profits  in  lieu  of 
all  reliefs  and  primer  seisins. 

4.  The  lord  also  possessed  the  right  of  disposing  of  his 
female  wards  in  marriage.     The  rejection  by  the  ward  of 
a  suitable  match  incurred  the  forfeiture  of  a  sum  of  money 
equal  to  the  value  of  the  marriage  —  that  is,  as  much  as 
the  suitor  was  willing  to  pay  down  to  the  lord  as  the  price 
of  the  alliance.     If  the  ward  presumed  to  marry  without 
the  lord's  consent,  she  forfeited  double  the  market  value 
of   the  marriage.     This  right,  which  applied  not  only  to 
female  wards,  but  to  daughters  who  were  the  presumptive 
heirs  of  living  vassals,  was  originally  intended  as  a  security 
against  the  lord  being  obliged  to  receive  the  homage  of  a 
hostile  or  otherwise  objectionable  tenant ;  but  it  was  after- 
wards, without  any  feudal  justification,  extended  to  male 
wards,  and  used  as  a  lucrative  source  of  extortion  both  by 
the  Crown  and  mesne  lords. 


42  Society  and  Sociology 

5.  The  right  of  devising  land  by  will  ceased  (with  a 
few  local  exceptions)  at  the  Conquest,  and  for  some  time 
afterwards  the  freedom  of  alienation  inter  vivos,  which  had 
existed  in  Anglo-Saxon  times,  seems  to  have  been  limited 
by  certain  restrictions  in  favor  of   the   heir.     Indirectly, 
however,  alienation  of  portions  of  fiefs  was  effected  through 
the  medium  of  sub-infeudation,  a  process  which,  by  the  time 
of  Henry  II.,  had  been  most  extensively  applied  through- 
out the  country.     By  this  time  also  the  ancestor  appears 
to  have  acquired  a  limited  right  to  defeat  the  expectation 
of  his  heir.    Subsequently  by  the  Statute  of  Quia  Emptores 
(18  Edw.  I.  c.  i)  sub-infeudation  was  forbidden,  and  every 
freeman  was  allowed  to  aliene  his  land  at  pleasure  (except 
by  will)  to  be  held  not  of  the  alienor,  but  of  the  lord  of 
whom  the  alienor  had  immediately  held.     All  tenants-in- 
chief,  however,  still  required  a  license  from  the  King  before 
they  could  aliene,  for  which  a  fine  was,  of  course,  demanded. 
By  a  statute  of  Edward  III.  the  necessity  for  a  license  was 
done  away  with,  and  tenants-in-chief  were  allowed  to  aliene 
at  will,  on  payment  of  a  reasonable  fine  to  the  king. 

6.  Lastly,  there  was  the  valuable  right  of    escheat,  by 
which,  on  the  determination  of  the  tenant's  estate,  —  either 
on  failure  of  legal  heirs  (propter  defectum  sanguinis\  or  on 
conviction  of  the  actual  tenant  of  felony  or  treason  (propter 
delictum  tenentis),  —  the  fief  reverted  to  the  lord  by  whom 
or  by  whose  ancestors  it  had  been  originally  granted.     In- 
dependently of  escheat,  the  lands  of  a  convicted  felon  were 
also  liable  to  forfeiture  to  the  Crown  (which  intercepted  the 
escheat  to  the  mesne  lord)  —  in  the  case  of  treason,  for- 
ever ;  in  other  felonies  for  a  year  and  a  day. 

T.  P.  TASWELL-LANGMEAD,  English  Constittitional  History,  50-53, 
56-59,  61-65. 

Authoritative  Society:  Ancient  Egypt 

Teach  (the  people)  to  render  homage  to  a  great  man. 
If  thou  dost  gather  the  harvest  for  him  among  men,  cause  it 
to  return  in  its  entirety  to  its  owner,  at  whose  hands  thou 
findest  thy  subsistence.  (But)  the  gift  of  affection  is  of 
more  value  than  the  offerings  (themselves),  with  which 
thy  back  is  covered.  For  what  he  receives  from  thee  will 


Kinds  of  Society  43 

be  life  to  thy  house,  without  speaking  of  the  consideration 
which  thou  enjoyest,  (and)  which  thou  desirest  to  preserve  ; 
(it  is)  by  this  he  extends  a  beneficent  hand,  and  that  in  thy 
house  good  things  are  added  to  the  good.  Let  the  love 
which  thou  feelest  pass  into  the  heart  of  those  who  love 
thee.  Act  that  the  people  may  be  loving  and  obedient. 
******* 

If  thou  art  a  son  of  one  of  the  guardians  deputed  to 
watch  over  the  public  tranquillity,  execute  (thy  orders) 
without  comprehending  (understanding  them  ?).  Speak 
firmly.  Do  not  substitute  for  what  the  instructor  has  said 
(what  thou  believest  to  be)  his  intention ;  the  great  use 
words  as  are  agreeable  (to  them).  Thy  part  is  that  of 
transmitter,  rather  than  of  judge. 

The  Book  of  Ptah  Hotep,  in  the  Oldest  Books  in  the   World,  edited 
by  ISAAC  MEYER,  86,  87. 

Authoritative  Society :   France  under  Catherine 

The  Queen-Mother  at  once  declared  it  impossible  for 
two  religions  to  exist  side  by  side  in  France.  The  Catho- 
lics were  clearly  the  stronger  party ;  the  Edict  of  January 
must  go.  Conde  then  made  a  last  offer.  If  the  Edict 
were  allowed  to  stand,  he  and  the  other  leaders,  as  soon  as 
the  Guises  had  left  the  court,  would  quit  France  altogether 
and  remain  abroad  until  they  should  be  recalled.  Some- 
what to  their  surprise,  Catharine  closed  with  this  proposal. 
The  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  III.  2. 

Authoritative  Society:   England  under  the  Tudors 

A  proclamation  had  been  issued  in  1547  by  Henry  VIII., 
"  that  all  women  should  not  meet  together  to  babble  and 
talk,  and  that  all  men  should  keep  their  wives  in  their 
houses."  The  conduits  and  dipping  places  in  running 
streams  were  the  places  of  constant  resort  of  the  gossips. 

After  a  presentment  at  the  Manorial  Court  of  Seabor- 
ough,  near  Crewkerne,  in  1486,  two  women  were  fined  a 
penny  each  as  common  scolds.  At  the  same  time  an  order 
was  made  that  the  tenants  of  the  manor  should  not  scold 


44  Society  and  Sociology 

their  wives  under  pain  of  forfeiting  their  tenements  and 
cottages.  Not  fifty  years  afterwards  an  order  was  made 
that  tenants'  wives  should  not  scold  under  pain  of  6s., 
one-half  to  go  to  the  repairs  of  the  chapel,  and  the  other 
half  to  the  lord  of  the  manor. 

In  the  parish  book  of  Axminster  is  an  item  (1675): 
"  For  a  warrant  to  ly  against  the  scoulds,  is."  The  evil 
must  have  become  no  longer  endurable. 

The  long  church  porch  of  Lyme  contained  one  part  of 
the  dreaded  CUCKING-STOOL,  ready  for  the  correction  of 
certain  offenders.  Sundry  entries  are  here  given  to  prove 
that  this  branch  of  borough  discipline  was  not  neglected. 

Cucking  is  a  corruption  of  coquine,  so  that  cucking- 
stool  is  that  for  troublesome,  noisy  women. 

In  1608,  a  woman  was  ordered  to  leave  the  town  of 
Southampton,  who  had  been  guilty  of  slander,  and  when 
a  few  days  later  it  was  discovered  that  she  had  not  gone 
away  and  had  repeated  the  offence,  she  was  condemned 
to  be  set  in  a  cage  with  a  paper  before  her. 

Scolds  used  to  be  punished  at  Leicester  by  the  mayor 
on  a  cuck-stool  before  their  doors,  and  then  carried  to  the 
four  gates  of  the  town. 

G.  ROBERTS,  Social  History  of  the  Southern  Counties  of  England, 
154-155' 

Conspirital  Society :  Conspiracy  of  Abimelech 

And  Abimelech  the  son  of  Jerubbaal  went  to  Shechem 
unto  his  mother's  brethren,  and  spake  with  them,  and 
with  all  the  family  of  the  house  of  his  mother's  father, 
saying,  Speak,  I  pray  you,  in  the  ears  of  all  the  men  of 
Shechem,  Whether  is  better  for  you,  that  all  the  sons  of 
Jerubbaal,  who  are  threescore  and  ten  persons,  rule  over 
you,  or  that  one  rule  over  you  ?  remember  also  that  I  am 
your  bone  and  your  flesh. 

And  his  mother's  brethren  spake  of  him  in  the  ears 
of  all  the  men  of  Shechem  all  these  words :  and  their 
hearts  inclined  to  follow  Abimelech ;  for  they  said,  He 
is  our  brother.  And  they  gave  him  threescore  and  ten 
pieces  of  silver  out  of  the  house  of  Baal-berith,  wherewith 
Abimelech  hired  vain  and  light  fellows,  that  followed  him. 


Kinds  of  Society  45 

And  he  went  unto  his  father's  house  at  Ophrah,  and 
slew  his  brethren  the  sons  of  Jerubbaal,  being  threescore 
and  ten  persons,  upon  one  stone  :  but  Jotham  the  youngest 
son  of  Jerubbaal  was  left ;  for  he  hid  himself. 

And  all  the  men  of  Shechem  assembled  themselves 
together,  and  all  the  house  of  Millo,  and  went  and  made 
Abimelech  king,  by  the  oak  of  the  pillar  that  was  in  She- 
chem. And  when  they  told  it  to  Jotham,  he  went  and 
stood  in  the  top  of  mount  Gerizim,  and  lifted  up  his  voice, 
and  cried,  and  said  unto  them,  Hearken  unto  me,  ye  men 
of  Shechem,  that  God  may  hearken  unto  you.  The 
trees  went  forth  on  a  time  to  anoint  a  king  over  them; 
and  they  said  unto  the  olive  tree,  Reign  thou  over  us. 

But  the  olive  tree  said  unto  them,  Should  I  leave  my 
fatness,  wherewith  by  me  they  honour  God  and  man,  and  go 
to  wave  to  and  fro  over  the  trees?  And  the  trees  said 
to  the  fig  tree,  Come  thou,  and  reign  over  us.  But 
the  fig  tree  said  unto  them,  Should  I  leave  my  sweet- 
ness, and  my  good  fruit,  and  go  to  wave  to  and  fro  over 
the  trees  ?  And  the  trees  said  unto  the  vine,  Come 
thou,  and  reign  over  us.  And  the  vine  said  unto  them, 
Should  I  leave  my  new  wine,  which  cheereth  God  and 
man,  and  go  to  wave  to  and  fro  over  the  trees  ?  Then 
said  all  the  trees  unto  the  bramble,  Come  thou,  and  reign 
over  us.  And  the  bramble  said  unto  the  trees,  If 
in  truth  ye  anoint  me  king  over  you,  then  come  and 
take  refuge  in  my  shade :  and  if  not,  let  fire  come  out  of 
the  bramble,  and  devour  the  cedars  of  Lebanon.  Now 
therefore,  if  ye  have  dealt  truly  and  uprightly,  in  that  ye 
have  made  Abimelech  king,  and  if  ye  have  dealt  well  with 
Jerubbaal  and  his  house,  and  have  done  unto  him  accord- 
ing to  the  deserving  of  his  hands ;  (for  my  father 
fought  for  you,  and  adventured  his  life,  and  delivered  you 
out  of  the  hand  of  Midian :  and  ye  are  risen  up  against 
my  father's  house  this  day,  and  have  slain  his  sons,  three- 
score and  ten  persons,  upon  one  stone,  and  have  made 
Abimelech,  the  son  of  his  maid-servant,  king  over  the 
men  of  Shechem,  because  he  is  your  brother;)  if  ye 
then  have  dealt  truly  and  uprightly  with  Jerubbaal  and 
with  his  house  this  day,  then  rejoice  ye  in  Abimelech,  and 
let  him  also  rejoice  in  you :  but  if  not,  let  fire  come  out 


46  Society  and  Sociology 

from  Abimelech,  and  devour  the  men  of  Shechem,  and  the 
house  of  Millo ;  and  let  fire  come  out  from  the  men  of 
Shechem,  and  from  the  house  of  Millo,  and  devour  Abime- 
lech. And  Jotham  ran  away,  and  fled,  and  went  to 
Beer,  and  dwelt  there,  for  fear  of  Abimelech  his  brother. 

And  Abimelech  was  prince  over  Israel  three  years. 
And  God  sent  an  evil  spirit  between  Abimelech  and 
the  men  of  Shechem ;  and  the  men  of  Shechem  dealt 
treacherously  with  Abimelech :  that  the  violence  done 
to  the  threescore  and  ten  sons  of  Jerubbaal  might  come, 
and  that  their  blood  might  be  laid  upon  Abimelech  their 
brother,  who  slew  them,  and  upon  the  men  of  Shechem, 
who  strengthened  his  hands  to  slay  his  brethren.  And 
the  men  of  Shechem  set  Hers  in  wait  for  him  on  the  tops 
of  the  mountains,  and  they  robbed  all  that  came  along 
that  way  by  them :  and  it  was  told  Abimelech. 

And  Gaal  the  son  of  Ebed  came  with  his  brethren, 
and  went  over  to  Shechem  :  and  the  men  of  Shechem  put 
their  trust  in  him.  And  they  went  out  into  the  field, 
and  gathered  their  vineyards,  and  trode  the  grapes,  and 
held  festival,  and  went  into  the  house  of  their  god,  and 
did  eat  and  drink,  and  cursed  Abimelech.  And  Gaal 
the  son  of  Ebed  said,  Who  is  Abimelech,  and  who  is  She- 
chem, that  we  should  serve  him  ?  is  not  he  the  son  of 
Jerubbaal  ?  and  Zebul  his  officer  ?  serve  ye  the  men  of 
Hamor  the  father  of  Shechem :  but  why  should  we  serve 
him  ?  And  would  to  God  this  people  were  under  my 
hand !  then  would  I  remove  Abimelech.  And  he  said  to 
Abimelech,  Increase  thine  army,  and  come  out.  And 
when  Zebul  the  ruler  of  the  city  heard  the  words  of  Gaal 
the  son  of  Ebed,  his  anger  was  kindled.  And  he  sent 
messengers  unto  Abimelech  craftily,  saying,  Behold,  Gaal 
the  son  of  Ebed  and  his  brethren  are  come  to  Shechem; 
and,  behold,  they  constrain  the  city  to  take  part  against 
thee.  Now  therefore,  up  by  night,  thou  and  the  people 
that  is  with  thee,  and  lie  in  wait  in  the  field :  and  it 
shall  be,  that  in  the  morning,  as  soon  as  the  sun  is  up, 
thou  shalt  rise  early,  and  rush  upon  the  city :  and,  behold, 
when  he  and  the  people  that  is  with  him  come  out  against 
thee,  then  mayest  thou  do  to  them  as  thou  shalt  find 
occasion. 


Kinds  of  Society  47 

And  Abimelech  rose  up,  and  all  the  people  that 
were  with  him,  by  night,  and  they  laid  wait  against  She- 
chem  in  four  companies.  And  Gaal  the  son  of  Ebed 
went  out,  and  stood  in  the  entering  of  the  gate  of  the  city : 
and  Abimelech  rose  up,  and  the  people  that  were  with 
him,  from  the  ambushment.  And  when  Gaal  saw  the 
people,  he  said  to  Zebul,  Behold,  there  come  people  down 
from  the  tops  of  the  mountains.  And  Zebul  said  unto 
him,  Thou  seest  the  shadow  of  the  mountains  as  if  they 
were  men.  And  Gaal  spake  again  and  said,  See,  there 
come  people  down  by  the  middle  of  the  land,  and  one 
company  cometh  by  the  way  of  the  oak  of  Meonenim. 
Then  said  Zebul  unto  him,  Where  is  now  thy  mouth, 
that  thou  saidst,  Who  is  Abimelech,  that  we  should  serve 
him  ?  is  not  this  the  people  that  thou  hast  despised  ?  go 
out  now,  I  pray,  and  fight  with  them.  And  Gaal  went 
out  before  the  men  of  Shechem,  and  fought  with  Abime- 
lech. And  Abimelech  chased  him,  and  he  fled  before 
him,  and  there  fell  many  wounded,  even  unto  the  entering 
of  the  gate.  And  Abimelech  dwelt*  at  Arumah  :  and 
Zebul  drove  out  Gaal  and  his  brethren,  that  they  should 
not  dwell  in  Shechem.  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the 
morrow,  that  the  people  went  out  into  the  field ;  and  they 
told  Abimelech.  And  he  took  the  people,  and  divided 
them  into  three  companies,  and  laid  wait  in  the  field; 
and  he  looked,  and,  behold,  the  people  came  forth  out  of 
the  city;  and  he  rose  up  against  them  and  smote  them. 
And  Abimelech,  and  the  companies  that  were  with 
him,  rushed  forward,  and  stood  in  the  entering  of  the  gate 
of  the  city :  and  the  two  companies  rushed  upon  all  that  were 
in  the  field,  and  smote  them.  And  Abimelech  fought 
against  the  city  all  that  day ;  and  he  took  the  city,  and 
slew  the  people  that  was  therein :  and  he  beat  down  the 
city,  and  sowed  it  with  salt. 

And  when  all  the  men  of  the  tower  of  Shechem 
heard  thereof,  they  entered  into  the  stronghold  of  the 
house  of  Elberith.  And  it  was  told  Abimelech  that 
all  the  men  of  the  tower  of  Shechem  were  gathered  to- 
gether. And  Abimelech  gat  him  up  to  mount  Zalmon, 
he  and  all  the  people  that  were  with  him ;  and  Abimelech 
took  an  axe  in  his  hand,  and  cut  down  a  bough  from  the 


48  Society  and  Sociology 

trees,  and  took  it  up,  and  laid  it  on  his  shoulder :  and  he 
said  unto  the  people  that  were  with  him,  What  ye  have 
seen  me  do,  make  haste,  and  do  as  I  have  done.  And 
all  the  people  likewise  cut  down  every  man  his  bough,  and 
followed  Abimelech,  and  put  them  to  the  stronghold,  and 
set  the  stronghold  on  fire  upon  them ;  so  that  all  the  men 
of  the  tower  of  Shechem  died  also,  about  a  thousand  men 
and  women. 

Then  went  Abimelech  to  Thebez,  and  encamped 
against  Thebez,  and  took  it.  But  there  was  a  strong 
tower  within  the  city,  and  thither  fled  all  the  men  and 
women,  and  all  they  of  the  city,  and  shut  themselves  in,  and 
gat  them  up  to  the  roof  of  the  tower.  And  Abimelech 
came  unto  the  tower,  and  fought  against  it,  and  drew  near 
unto  the  door  of  the  tower  to  burn  it  with  fire.  And 
a  certain  woman  cast  an  upper  millstone  upon-  Abime- 
lech's  head,  and  brake  his  skull.  Then  he  called 
hastily  unto  the  young  man  his  armour-bearer,  and  said 
unto  him,  Draw  thy  sword,  and  kill  me,  that  men  say  not 
of  me,  A  woman  ^lew  him.  And  his  young  man  thrust 
him  through,  and  he  died.  And  when  the  men  of 
Israel  saw  that  Abimelech  was  dead,  they  departed  every 
man  unto  his  own  place.  Thus  God  requited  the 
wickedness  of  Abimelech,  which  he  did  unto  his  father,  in 
slaying  his  seventy  brethren :  and  all  the  wickedness  of 
the  men  of  Shechem  did  God  requite  upon  their  heads : 
and  upon  them  came  the  curse  of  Jotham  the  son  of 
Jerubbaal. 

Judges,  chap.  ix. 

Conspirital  Society:   Conspiracy  of  Peisistratos 

Of  these  races  then  Croesus  was  informed  that  the 
Athenian  was  held  subject  and  torn  with  faction  by  Peisis- 
tratos the  son  of  Hippocrates,  who  then  was  despot  of 
the  Athenians.  For  to  Hippocrates,  when  as  a  private 
citizen  he  went  to  view  the  Olympic  games,  a  great  marvel 
had  occurred.  After  he  had  offered  the  sacrifice,  the  cal- 
drons which  were  standing  upon  the  hearth,  full  of  pieces 
of  flesh  and  water,  boiled  without  fire  under  them  and  ran 
over.  And  Chilon  the  Lacedemonian,  who  chanced  to 


Kinds  of  Society  49 

have  been  present  and  to  have  seen  the  marvel,  advised 
Hippocrates  first  not  to  bring  into  his  house  a  wife  to  bear 
him  children,  and  secondly,  if  he  happened  to  have  one 
already,  to  dismiss  her,  and  if  he  chanced  to  have  a  son,  to 
disown  him.  When  Chilon  had  thus  recommended,  Hip- 
pocrates, they  say,  was  not  willing  to  be  persuaded,  and  so 
there  was  born  to  him  afterwards  this  Peisistratos ;  who, 
when  the  Athenians  of  the  shore  were  at  feud  with  those 
of  the  plain,  Megacles  the  son  of  Alcmaion  being  leader  of 
the  first  faction,  and  Lycurgos  the  son  of  Aristola'fdes  of 
that  of  the  plain,  aimed  at  the  despotism  for  himself  and 
gathered  a  third  party.  So  then,  after  having  collected 
supporters  and  called  himself  leader  of  the  men  of  the 
mountain-lands,  he  contrived  a  device  as  follows :  he 
inflicted  wounds  upon  himself  and  upon  his  mules,  and 
then  drove  his  car  into  the  market-place,  as  if  he  had  just 
escaped  from  his  opponents,  who,  as  he  alleged,  had 
desired  to  kill  him  when  he  was  driving  into  the  country  ; 
and  he  asked  the  commons  that  he  might  obtain  some 
protection  from  them,  for  before  this  he  had  gained  repu- 
tation in  his  command  against  the  Megarions,  during  which 
he  took  Nisaia  and  performed  other  signal  service.  And  the 
commons  of  the  Athenians,  being  deceived,  gave  him  those 
men,  chosen  from  the  dwellers  in  the  city,  who  became  not 
indeed  the  spearmen  of  Peisistratos,  but  his  clubmen  ;  for 
they  followed  behind  him  bearing  wooden  clubs.  And 
these  made  insurrection  with  Peisistratos  and  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  Acropolis.  Then  Peisistratos  was  ruler  of 
the  Athenians,  not  having  disturbed  the  existing  magis- 
trates nor  changed  the  ancient  laws  ;  but  he  administered 
the  State  under  that  constitution  of  things  which  was 
already  established,  ordering  it  fairly  and  well. 

HERODOTUS,  History  —  Translated  by  G.  C.  MACAULAY,  Vol.  I. 
26-27. 

Conspirital  Society:   Conspiracies  of  Catiline 

How  a  conspiracy  was  formed  in  Rome  by  Catiline  and 
his  followers. 

At  the  time  when  Rome  was  still  ruled  by  the  govern- 
ment of  consuls,  in  the  year  680  from  the  foundation  of 


50  Society  and  Sociology 

the  said  city,  Mark  Tully  Cicero  and  Caius  Antony  being 
consuls,  and  Rome  in  great  and  happy  state  and  lordship, 
Catiline,  a  very  noble  citizen,  descended  by  birth  from  the 
royal  house  of  Tarquin,  being  a  man  of  dissolute  life,  but 
brave  and  daring  in  arms  and  a  fine  orator,  but  not  wise, 
being  envious  of  the  good  and  rich  and  wise  men  who  ruled 
the  city,  their  lordship  not  being  pleasing  to  him,  formed  a 
conspiracy  with  many  other  nobles  and  other  followers  dis- 
posed to  evil-doing,  and  purposed  to  slay  the  consuls  and 
part  of  the  senators,  and  to  destroy  their  office,  and  to 
overrun  the  city,  robbing  and  setting  fire  to  many  parts 
thereof,  and  to  make  himself  ruler  thereof ;  and  this  he 
would  have  done  had  it  not  been  warded  off  by  the  wit  and 
foresight  of  the  wise  consul,  Mark  Tully.  So  he  defended 
the  city  from  such  ruin,  and  found  out  the  said  conspiracy 
and  treason  ;  but  because  of  the  greatness  and  power  of 
the  said  Catiline,  and  because  Tully  was  a  new  citizen  in 
Rome,  his  father  having  come  from  Capua  or  from  some 
other  town  of  the  Campagna,  he  did  not  dare  to  have 
Catiline  seized  or  to  bring  him  to  justice,  as  his  misdeeds 
required  ;  but  by  his  great  wit  and  fine  speech  he  caused 
him  to  depart  from  the  city ;  but  many  of  his  fellow-con- 
spirators and  companions,  from  among  the  greatest  citi- 
zens, and  even  of  the  order  of  senators,  who  abode  still  in 
Rome  after  Catiline's  departure,  he  caused  to  be  seized,  and 
to  be  strangled  in  prison,  so  that  they  died,  as  the  great 
scholar,  Sallust,  relates  in  due  order. 

How  Catiline  caused  the  city  of  Fiesole  to  rebel  against 
the  city  of  Rome. 

Catiline  having  departed  from  Rome,  with  part  of  his 
followers  came  into  Tuscany,  where  Manlius,  one  of  his 
principal  fellow-conspirators,  who  was  captain,  had  gath- 
ered his  people  in  the  ancient  city  of  Fiesole,  and  Catiline 
being  come  thither,  he  caused  the  said  city  to  rebel  against 
the  lordship  of  the  Romans,  assembling  all  the  rebels  and 
exiles  from  Rome  and  from  many  other  provinces,  with 
lewd  folk  disposed  for  war  and  for  ill-doing,  and  he  began 
fierce  war  with  the  Romans.  The  Romans,  hearing  this, 
decreed  that  Caius  Antony,  the  consul,  and  Publius  Petreius, 
with  an  army  of  horse  and  many  foot,  should  march  into 
Tuscany  against  the  city  of  Fiesole  and  against  Catiline ; 


Kinds  of  Society  51 

and  they  sent  by  them  letters  and  messengers  to  Quintus 
Metellus,  who  was  returning  from  France  with  a  great 
host  of  the  Romans,  that  he  should  likewise  come  with  his 
force  from  the  other  side  to  the  siege  of  Fiesole,  and  to 
pursue  Catiline  and  his  followers. 

Hoiv  Catiline  and  his  followers  were  discomfited  by  the 
Romans  in  the  plain  of  Piceno. 

Now  when  Catiline  heard  that  the  Romans  were  coming 
to  besiege  him  in  the  city  of  Fiesole,  and  that  Antony  and 
Petreius  were  already  with  their  host  in  the  plain  of  Fiesole, 
upon  the  bank  of  the  river  Arno,  and  how  that  Metellus 
was  already  in  Lombardy  with  his  host  of  three  legions 
which  were  coming  from  France,  and  the  succour  which 
he  was  expecting  from  his 'allies  which  had  remained  in 
Rome  had  failed  him,  he  took  counsel  not  to  shut  himself 
up  in  the  city  of  Fiesole,  but  to  go  into  France ;  and  there- 
fore he  departed  from  that  city  with  his  people  and  with  a 
lord  of  Fiesole  who  was  called  Fiesolanus,  and  he  had  his 
horses'  shoes  reversed,  to  the  end  that  when  they  departed 
the  hoof  prints  of  the  horses  might  show  as  if  folk  had 
entered  into  Fiesole,  and  not  sallied  forth  thence,  to  cause 
the  Romans  to  tarry  near  the  city,  that  he  might  depart 
thence  the  more  safely.  And  having  departed  by  night, 
to  avoid  Metellus,  he  did  not  hold  the  direct  road  through 
the  mountains  which  we  call  the  Alps  of  Bologna,  but  took 
the  plain  by  the  side  of  the  mountains,  and  came  where 
to-day  is  the  city  of  Pistoia,  in  the  place  called  Campo 
Piceno,  that  was  below  where  to-day  is  the  fortress  of 
Piteccio,  purposing  to  cross  the  Apennine  Mountains  by 
that  way,  and  descend  thence  into  Lombardy ;  but  Antony 
and  Petreius,  hearing  of  his  departure,  straightway  followed 
after  him  with  their  host  along  the  plain,  so  that  they  over- 
took him  in  the  said  place,  and  Metellus,  on  the  other  hand, 
set  guards  at  the  passes  of  the  mountains,  to  the  end  he 
might  not  pass  thereby.  Catiline,  seeing  himself  to  be  thus 
straitened,  and  that  he  could  not  avoid  the  battle,  gave 
himself  and  his  followers  to  the  chances  of  combat  with 
great  courage  and  boldness,  in  the  which  battle  there  was 
great  slaughter  of  Romans  from  the  city  and  of  rebel 
Romans  and  of  Fiesolans ;  at  the  end  of  which  fierce  battle 
Catiline  was  defeated  and  slain  in  that  place  of  Piceno 


52  Society  and  Sociology 

with  all  his  followers ;  and  the  field  remained  to  the 
Romans  but  with  such  dolorous  victory  that  the  said  two 
consuls,  with  twenty  horse,  who  alone  escaped,  did  not 
care  to  return  to  Rome.  The  which  thing  could  not  gain 
credence  with  the  Romans  till  the  senators  sent  thither  to 
learn  the  truth ;  and,  this  known,  there  was  the  greatest 
sorrow  thereat  in  Rome.  And  he  who  desires  to  see  this 
history  more  fully,  let  him  read  the  book  of  Sallust  called 
Catilinarius.  The  injured  and  wounded  of  Catiline's  peo- 
ple who  had  escaped  death  in  the  battle,  albeit  they  were 
but  few,  withdrew  where  is  to-day  the  city  of  Pistoia,  and 
there  in  vile  habitations  became  the  first  inhabitants  thereof, 
whilst  their  wounds  were  healing.  And  afterwards,  by 
reason  of  the  good  situation  and  fruitful  soil,  the  inhabit- 
ants thereof  increased,  which  afterwards  built  the  city  of 
Pistoia,  and  by  reason  of  the  great  mortality  and  pestilence 
which  was  near  that  place,  both  of  their  people  and  of  the 
Romans,  they  gave  it  the  name  of  Pistoia ;  and  therefore 
it  is  not  to  be  marvelled  at  if  the  Pistoians  have  been  and 
are  a  fierce  and  cruel  people  in  war  among  themselves  and 
against  others,  being  descended  from  the  race  of  Catiline 
and  from  the  remnants  of  such  people  as  his,  discomfited 
and  wounded  in  battle. 

VILLANI,  Croniche  Florentine  —  selections,  translated  by  SELFE  and 

WlCKSTEED,  1 8-2 1. 

Conspirital  Society:   Ghibelline  Refugees 

How  the  Ghibelline  refugees  from  Florence  prepared  to  de- 
ceive the  commonwealth  and  people  of  Florence,  and  caused 
them  to  be  betrayed. 

The  Florentine  refugees,  by  whose  embassy  and  deed 
King  Manfred  had  sent  Count  Giordano  with  eight  hun- 
dred German  horsemen,  thought  within  themselves  that 
they  had  done  nothing  if  they  could  not  draw  the  Floren- 
tines out  into  the  field,  inasmuch  as  the  aforesaid  Germans 
were  not  paid  save  for  three  months,  and  already  more 
than  one  month  and  a  half  of  this  had  passed,  since  their 
coming,  nor  had  they  more  money  wherewith  to  pay  them, 
nor  did  they  look  for  any  from  Manfred ;  and  should  the 
time  for  which  they  had  been  paid  pass  by  without  having 


Kinds  of  Society  53 

done  aught,  they  would  return  into  Apulia,  to  the  great 
peril  of  the  state.  They  reasoned  that  this  could  not  be 
contrived  without  skill  and  subtlety  of  war,  which  business 
was  committed  to  M.  Farinata  degli  Uberti  and  M.  Ghe- 
rardo  Ciccia  de'  Lamberti.  These  subtly  chose  out  two 
wise  minor  friars  as  their  messengers  to  the  people  of 
Florence,  and  first  caused  them  to  confer  with  nine  of  the 
most  powerful  men  of  Siena,  who  made  endless  show  to 
the  said  friars  that  the  government  of  Messer  Provenzano 
Salvini  was  displeasing  to  them,  who  was  the  greatest  of 
the  citizens  of  Siena,  and  that  they  would  willingly  yield 
up  the  city  to  the  Florentines  in  return  for  ten  thousand 
florins  of  gold,  and  that  they  were  to  come  with  a  great 
host,  under  guise  of  fortifying  Montalcino,  as  far  as  the 
river  Arbia  ;  and  then  they  with  their  own  forces,  and  with 
those  of  their  followers,  would  give  up  to  the  Florentines 
the  gate  of  Santo  Vito,  which  is  on  the  road  to  Arezzo. 
The  friars,  under  this  deceit  and  treachery,  came  to 
Florence  with  letters  and  seals  from  the  aforesaid,  and 
were  brought  before  the  Ancients  of  the  people,  and  pro- 
posed to  them  means  whereby  they  might  do  great  things 
for  the  honour  of  the  people  and  commonwealth  of 
Florence ;  but  the  thing  was  so  secret  that  it  must  under 
oath  be  revealed  to  but  few.  Then  the  Ancients  chose 
from  among  themselves  Spedito  di  Porte  San  Piero,  a  man 
of  great  vigour  and  boldness,  and  one  of  the  principal 
leaders  of  the  people,  and  with  him  Messer  Gianni  Cal- 
cagni,  of  Vacchereccia ;  and  when  they  had  sworn  upon 
the  altar,  the  friars  unfolded  the  said  plot,  and  showed  the 
said  letters.  The  said  two  Ancients,  who  showed  more 
eagerness  than  judgment,  gave  faith  to  the  plot;  and  im- 
mediately the  said  ten  thousand  golden  florins  were  pro- 
cured, and  were  deposited,  and  a  council  was  assembled  of 
magnates  and  people,  and  they  represented  that  of  neces- 
sity it  behooved  to  send  a  host  to  Siena  to  strengthen 
Montalcino,  greater  than  the  one  sent  in  May  last  to  Santa 
Petronella.  The  nobles  of  the  great  Guelf  houses  of 
Florence,  and  Count  Guido  Guerra,  which  was  with  them, 
not  knowing  of  the  pretended  plot,  and  knowing  more  of 
war  than  the  popolani  did,  being  aware  of  the  new  body  of 
German  troops  which  was  come  to  Siena,  and  of  the  sorry 


54  Society  and  Sociology 

show  which  the  people  made  at  Santa  Petronella  when  the 
hundred  Germans  attacked  them,  considered  the  enterprise 
not  to  be  without  great  peril.  And  also  esteeming  the 
citizens  to  be  divided  in  mind,  and  ill  disposed  to  raise  an- 
other host,  they  gave  wise  counsel,  that  it  were  best  that 
the  host  should  not  go  forth  at  present,  for  the  reasons 
aforesaid ;  and  also  they  showed  how  for  little  cost  Mont- 
alcino  could  be  fortified,  and  how  the  men  of  Orvieto  were 
prepared  to  fortify  it,  and  alleged  that  the  said  Germans 
had  pay  only  for  three  months,  and  had  already  served  for 
half  the  time,  and  by  giving  them  play  enough,  without 
raising  a  host,  shortly  they  would  be  scattered,  and  would 
return  into  Apulia ;  and  the  Sienese  and  the  Florentine 
refugees  would  be  left  in  worse  plight  than  they  were 
before.  And  the  spokesman  for  them  all  was  M.  Teg- 
ghiaio  Aldobrandi  degli  Adimari,  a  wise  knight  and  valiant 
in  arms,  and  of  great  authority,  and  he  counselled  the  bet- 
ter course  in  full.  His  counsel  ended,  the  aforesaid 
Spedito,  the  Ancient,  a  very  presumptuous  man,  rudely  re- 
plied, bidding  him  to  look  to  his  breeches  if  he  was  afraid; 
and  M.  Tegghiaio  replied  that  at  the  pinch  he  would  not 
dare  to  follow  him  into  the  battle  where  he  would  lead ; 
and  these  words  ended,  next  uprose  M.  Cece  de  Gherardini 
to  say  the  same  that  Messer  Tegghiaio  had  said.  The 
Ancients  commanded  him  not  to  speak,  and  the  penalty 
was  one  hundred  pounds  if  any  one  held  forth  contrary 
to  the  command  of  the  Ancients.  The  knight  was 
willing  to  pay  it,  so  that  he  might  oppose  the  going ; 
but  the  Ancients  would  not  have  it,  rather  they  made  the 
penalty  double ;  again  he  desired  to  pay,  and  so  it  reached 
three  hundred  pounds;  and  when  he  yet  wanted  to  speak  and 
to  pay,  the  command  was  that  his  head  should  be  forfeit ; 
and  there  it  stopped.  But,  through  the  proud  and  heedless 
people,  the  worse  counsel  won  the  day,  that  the  said  host 
should  proceed  immediately  and  without  delay. 

VILLANI,  Croniche  Florentine  —  selections,  translated  by  SELFE  and 
WICKSTEED,  174-177. 


Kinds  of  Society  55 


Conspirital  Society :  Criminal  Conspiracies  in  the 
Reign  of  Richard  II 

The  2  Richard  II.  cap.  6,  recites  that  the  king  hath 
perceived,  as  well  by  complaints  made  to  him  as  by 
his  own  knowledge,  "that  divers  of  his  liege  people  in 
sundry  parts  of  this  realm,  as  also  the  people  of  Wales, 
in  the  County  of  Hereford,  and  the  people  of  the  County 
of  Chester,  with  the  counties  adjoining,  some  of  them 
claiming  to  have  right  to  divers  lands,  tenements,  and 
other  possessions,  and  some  espying  women  and  damsels 
unmarried,  and  some  desiring  to  make  maintainence  in 
their  marches,  do  gather  them  together  to  a  great  number 
of  men-at-arms  and  archers  in  the  manner  of  war,  and 
confederate  themselves  by  oath  and  other  confederacy,  not 
having  consideration  to  God  nor  to  the  laws  of  Holy 
Church,  nor  of  the  land,  nor  to  right  nor  justice  ;  but, 
refusing  and  setting  apart  all  process  of  the  law,  do  ride 
in  great  routs  in  divers  parts  of  England,  and  take  pos- 
session and  fix  themselves  within  divers  manors,  lands, 
and  other  possessions,  of  their  own  authority,  and  hold 
the  same  with  such  force,  doing  there  many  apparelments 
of  war ;  and  in  some  places  do  ravish  women  and  dam- 
sels, and  bring  them  into  strange  countries,  where  please 
them  ;  and  in  some  places  lying  in  wait  with  such  routs, 
do  beat  and  maim,  murder  and  slay  the  people,  for  to  have 
their  wives  and  their  goods,  and  the  same  women  and  goods 
retain  to  their  own  use ;  and  sometimes  take  the  king's 
liege  people  in  their  houses  and  bring  and  hold  them  as 
prisoners,  and  at  the  last  bring  them  to  fine  and  ransom, 
as  it  were  in  a  land  of  war ;  and  sometimes  come  before 
the  justices  in  their  sessions  in  such  guise  with  great  force, 
whereby  the  justices  be  afraid,  and  not  hardy  to  do  the 
law  ;  and  do  many  other  riots  and  horrible  offences,  whereby 
the  realm  is  put  in  great  trouble,"  etc.  For  remedy  of 
which  evils,  and  desiring  above  all  things  the  peace  and 
quietness  of  the  realm,  and  that  the  good  laws  and  customs 
thereof  be  kept  and  maintained  in  all  points,  and  offenders 
duly  punished,  it  is  ordained  by  the  King,  with  the  assent 
of  Parliament,  "  that  none  be  so  hardy  from  henceforth  as 


56  Society  and  Sociology 

to  do  anything  that  shall  be  in  affray  of  the  people  or 
against  the  peace."  And  it  is  further  ordained,  "  that  cer- 
tain sufficient  and  valiant  persons,  lords,  and  others,  shall  be 
assigned  by  the  King's  commission  in  every  county,  which 
shall  have  power,  as  soon  as  they  know  or  be  credibly  certi- 
fied of  any  assemblies,  routs,  or  riotings,  of  offenders,  bara- 
tours,  and  other  such  rioters,  in  affray  of  the  people  and 
against  the  peace,  to  arrest  them  incontinent  without  tarry- 
ing for  indictments  or  other  process  of  law,  especially  the 
chieftains  and  leaders  of  such  routs,  and  send  them  to  the 
next  gaol,  with  the  cause  of  their  arrest  clearly  put  in  writ- 
ing, there  to  abide  till  the  coming  of  the  justices  into  the 
country,  without  being  delivered  in  the  meantime  by  main- 
prise,  bail,  or  other  manner." 

SIR  G.  NICHOLLS,  History  of  the  English  Poor  Law,  Vol.  I.  49-50. 


Contractual  Society:   The  League  of  the  Iroquois 

When  the  confederacy  was  formed,  about  A.D.  1400-1450, 
the  conditions  previously  named  were  present.  The  Iro- 
quois were  in  five  independent  tribes,  occupied  territories 
contiguous  to  each  other,  and  spoke  dialects  of  the  same 
language  which  were  mutually  intelligible.  Beside  these 
facts  certain  gentes  were  common  in  the  several  tribes  as 
has  been  shown.  In  their  relations  to  each  other,  as  sep- 
arated parts  of  the  same  gens,  these  common  gentes  af- 
forded a  natural  and  enduring  basis  for  a  confederacy. 
With  these  elements  existing,  the  formation  of  a  confed- 
eracy became  a  question  of  intelligence  and  skill.  Other 
tribes  in  large  numbers  were  standing  in  precisely  the  same 
relations  in  different  parts  of  the  continent  without  con- 
federating. The  fact  that  the  Iroquois  tribes  accomplished 
the  work  affords  evidence  of  their  superior  capacity. 
Moreover,  as  the  confederacy  was  the  ultimate  stage  of 
organization  among  the  American  aborigines  its  existence 
would  be  expected  in  the  most  intelligent  tribes  only. 

It  is  affirmed  by  the  Iroquois  that  the  confederacy  was 
formed  by  a  council  of  wise  men  and  chiefs  of  the  five 
tribes  which  met  for  that  purpose  on  the  north  shore  of 
Onondaga  Lake,  near  the  site  of  Syracuse ;  and  that  be- 


Kinds  of  Society  57 

fore  its  session  was  concluded  the  organization  was  per- 
fected, and  set  in  immediate  operation.  At  their  periodical 
councils  for  raising  up  sachems  they  still  explain  its  origin 
as  the  result  of  one  protracted  effort  of  legislation.  It  was 
probably  a  consequence  of  a  previous  alliance  for  mutual 
defence,  the  advantages  of  which  they  had  perceived  and 
which  they  sought  to  render  permanent 


The  Iroquois  affirm  that  the  confederacy  as  formed  by 
this  council,  with  its  powers,  functions,  and  mode  of  ad- 
ministration, has  come  down  to  them  through  many  gen- 
erations to  the  present  time  with  scarcely  a  change  in  its 
internal  organization.  When  the  Tuscaroras  were  sub- 
sequently admitted,  their  sachems  were  allowed  by  courtesy 
to  sit  as  equals  in  the  general  council,  but  the  original  num- 
ber of  sachems  was  not  increased,  and  in  strictness  those 
of  the  Tuscaroras  formed  no  part  of  the  ruling  body. 

The  general  features  of  the  Iroquois  Confederacy  may 
be  summarized  in  the  following  propositions  :  — 

I.  The  Confederacy  was  a  union  of  Five  Tribes,  com- 
posed of  common  gentes,  under  one  government  on  the 
basis  of  equality ;  each  Tribe  remaining  independent  in  all 
matters  pertaining  to  local  self-government. 

II.  It  created  a  General  Council  of  Sachems,  who  were 
limited  in  number,  equal  in  rank  and  authority,  and  in- 
vested with  supreme  powers  over  all  matters  pertaining  to 
the  Confederacy. 

III.  Fifty  Sachemships  were  created  and  named  in  per- 
petuity in  certain  gentes  of  the  several  Tribes  ;  with  power 
in  these  gentes  to  fill  vacancies,  as  often  as  they  occurred, 
by  election  from  among  their  respective  members,  and  with 
the  further  power  to  depose  from  office  for  cause ;  but  the 
right  to  invest  these  Sachems  with  office  was  reserved  to 
the  General  Council. 

IV.  The  Sachems  of  the  Confederacy  were  also  Sachems 
in  their  respective  Tribes,  and  with  the  Chiefs  of  these 
Tribes  formed  the  Council  of  each,  which  was  supreme 
over  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  Tribe  exclusively. 

V.  Unanimity  in  the  Council  of   the  Confederacy  was 
made  essential  to  every  public  act. 


58  Society  and  Sociology 

VI.  In  the  General  Council  the  Sachems  voted  by  Tribes, 
which  gave  to  each  Tribe  a  negative  upon  the  others. 

VII.  The  Council  of  each  Tribe  had  power  to  convene 
the  General  Council ;  but  the  latter  had  no  power  to  con- 
vene itself. 

VIII.  The  General  Council  was  open  to  the  orators  of 
the  people  for  the  discussion  of  public  questions ;  but  the 
Council  alone  decided. 

IX.  The   Confederacy  had   no  chief  Executive  Magis- 
trate, or  official  head. 

X.  Experiencing  the  necessity  for  a  General  Military 
Commander  they  created  the  office  in  a  dual  form,  that 
one  might  neutralize  the  other.     The  two  principal  War- 
Chiefs  created  were  made  equal  in  powers. 

LEWIS  H.  MORGAN,  Ancient  Society,  126-129. 

Contractual  Society:  Connecticut 

Forasmuch  as  it  hath  pleased  the  Allmighty  God  by  the 
wise  disposition  of  his  diuine  pruidence  so  to  Order  and  dis- 
pose of  things  that  we  the  Inhabitants  and  Residents  of 
Windsor,  Harteford  and  Wethersfield  are  now  cohabiting 
and  dwelling  in  and  vppon  the  River  of  Conectecotte  and 
the  Lands  thereunto  adioyneing  ;  And  well  knowing  where 
a  people  are  gathered  togather  the  word  of  God  requires 
that  to  mayntayne  the  peace  and  vnion  of  such  a  people 
there  should  be  an  orderly  and  decent  Gouerment  estab- 
lished according  to  God,  to  order  and  dispose  of  the  affayres 
of  the  people  at  all  seasons  as  occation  shall  require ;  doe 
therefore  assotiate  and  conioyne  our  selues  to  be  as  one 
Publike  State  or  Comonwelth  ;  and  doe,  for  our  selues  and 
our  Successors  and  such  as  shall  be  adioyned  to  vs  att  any 
tyme  hereafter,  enter  into  Combination  and  Confederation 
togather,  to  mayntayne  and  prsearue  the  liberty  and  purity 
of  the  gospell  of  our  Lord  Jesus  wch  we  now  prfesse,  as 
also  the  disciplyne  of  the  Churches,  wch  according  to  the 
truth  of  the  said  gospell  is  now  practised  amongst  vs ;  As 
also  in  or  Ciuell  Affaires  to  be  guided  and  gouerned 
according  to  such  Lawes,  Rules,  Orders  and  decrees  as 
shall  be  made  ordered  and  decreed,  as  followeth  : 

The  Fundamental  Orders  of  Connecticut  (1638). 


Kinds  of  Society  59 


Idealistic  Society:   The  Sylvania  Association 

"  This  Association  has  been  formed  by  warm  friends  of 
the  Cause  from  the  cities  of  New  York  and  Albany. 
Thomas  W.  Whitley  is  President,  and  Horace  Greeley, 
Treasurer.  Operations  were  commenced  in  May  last,  and 
have  already  proved  incontestably  the  great  advantages  of 
Association ;  having  thus  far  more  than  fulfilled  the  most 
sanguine  hopes  of  success  of  those  engaged  in  the  enterprise. 
Temporary  buildings  have  been  erected,  and  the  foundation 
laid  of  a  large  edifice ;  a  great  deal  of  land  has  been  cleared 
and  a  saw-  and  grist-mill  on  the  premises  when  purchased, 
have  been  put  in  excellent  repair ;  several  branches  of 
industry,  shoemaking  particularly,  have  been  established, 
and  the  whole  concern  is  now  in  full  operation.  Upwards 
of  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, are  on  the  domain,  all  contented  and  happy,  and 
much  gratified  with  their  new  mode  of  life,  which  is  new  to 
most  of  the  members  as  a  country  residence,  as  well  as  an 
associated  household;  for  nearly  all  the  mechanics  for- 
merly resided  in  cities,  New  York  and  Albany  principally. 
******* 

"  The  Sylvania  domain  consists  of  twenty-three  hundred 
acres  of  arable  land,  situated  in  the  township  of  Lacka- 
waxen,  County  of  Pike,  State  of  Pennsylvania.  It  lies  on 
the  Delaware  river,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Lackawaxen  creek, 
fourteen  miles  from  Milford,  about  eighty-five  miles  in  a 
straight  line  west  by  north  of  New  York  City  (by  stage  route 
ninety-four,  and  by  New  York  and  Erie  Railroad  to  Middle- 
town,  one  hundred  and  ten  miles  ;  seventy-four  of  which 
are  now  traversed  by  railroad).  The  railroad  will  certainly 
be  carried  to  Port  Jervis,  on  the  Delaware,  only  fifteen 
miles  below  the  domain ;  certainly  if  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  will  permit.  The  Delaware  and  Hudson  Canal  now 
passes  up  the  Delaware  directly  across  from  the  domain, 
affording  an  unbroken  water  communication  with  New 
York  City ;  and  the  turnpike  from  Milford,  Pennsylvania 
to  Owego,  New  York,  bounds  on  the  south  the  lands  of 
the  Association,  and  crosses  the  Delaware  by  a  bridge 
about  one  mile  from  the  dwellings.  The  domain-  may  be 


60  Society  and  Sociology 

said,  not  very  precisely,  to  be  bounded  by  the  Delaware  on 
the  north,  the  Lackawaxen  on  the  west,  the  Shoholy  on  the 
east,  and  the  turnpike  on  the  south. 


The  Executive  officers  issued  a  pamphlet  soon  after  the 
commencement  of  operations,  from  which  we  extract  the 
following :  — 

"This  Association  was  formed  early  in  1843,  by  a  few 
citizens  of  New  York,  mainly  mechanics,  who,  deeply  im- 
pressed with  the  present  defective,  vice-engendering  and 
ruinous  system  of  society,  with  the  wasteful  complication 
of  its  isolated  households,  its  destructive  competition  and 
anarchy  in  industry,  its  constraint  of  millions  to  idleness 
and  consequent  dependence  or  famine  for  want  of  employ- 
ment, and  its  failure  to  secure  education  and  development 
to  the  children  growing  up  all  around  and  among  us  in  igno- 
rance and  vice,  were  impelled  to  immediate  and  energetic 
action  in  resistance  to  these  manifold  and  mighty  evils. 
Having  earnestly  studied  the  system  of  industrial  organiza- 
tion and  social  reform  propounded  by  Charles  Fourier,  and 
been  led  to  recognize  in  it  a  beneficent,  expansive  and  practi- 
cal plan  for  the  melioration  of  the  condition  of  man  and  his 
moral  and  intellectual  elevation,  they  most  heartily  adopted 
that  system  as  the  basis  and  guide  of  their  operations.  Hold- 
ing meetings  from  time  to  time,  and  through  the  press  in- 
forming the  public  of  their  enterprise  and  its  objects,  their 
numbers  steadily  increased ;  their  organization  was  per- 
fected ;  explorations  with  a  view  to  the  selection  of  a  do- 
main were  directed  and  made ;  and  in  the  last  week  of 
April  a  location  was  finally  determined  on  and  its  purchase 
effected.  During  the  first  week  in  May,  a  pioneer  division 
of  some  forty  persons  entered  upon  the  possession  and  im- 
provement of  the  land.  Their  number  has  since  been 
increased  to  nearly  sixty,  of  whom  over  forty  are  men, 
generally  young  or  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  all  recogniz- 
ing labor  as  the  true  and  noble  destiny  of  man  on  earth. 
The  Sylvania  Association  is  the  first  attempt  in  North 
America  to  realize  in  practice  the  vast  economies,  intel- 
lectual advantages  and  social  enjoyments  resulting  from 
Fourier's  system. 


Kinds  of  Society  61 

"  Any  person  may  become  a  stockholder  by  subscribing 
for  not  less  than  one  share  ($25);  but  the  council,  having 
as  yet  its  headquarters  in  New  York,  is  necessarily  in- 
trusted with  power  to  determine  at  what  time  and  in  what 
order  subscribers  and  their  families  can  be  admitted  to  resi- 
dent membership  on  the  domain.  Those  who  are  judged 
best  calculated  to  facilitate  the  progress  of  the  enterprise 
must  be  preferred  ;  those  with  large  families  unable  to  labor 
must  await  the  construction  of  buildings  for  their  proper 
accommodation ;  while  such  as  shall,  on  critical  inquiry,  be 
found  of  unfit  moral  character  or  debasing  habits,  cannot 
be  admitted  at  all.  This,  however,  will  nowise  interfere 
with  their  ownership  in  the  domain ;  they  will  be  promptly 
paid  the  dividends  on  their  stock,  whenever  declared,  the 
same  as  resident  members. 

"  The  enterprise  here  undertaken,  however  humble  in 
its  origin,  commends  itself  to  the  respect  of  the  sceptical 
and  the  generous  cooperation  of  the  philanthropic.  Its 
consequences,  should  success  (as  we  cannot  doubt  it  will) 
crown  our  exertions,  must  be  far-reaching,  beneficent,  un- 
bounded. It  aims  at  no  aggrandizement  of  individuals,  no 
upbuilding  or  overthrow  of  sect  or  party,  but  at  the  found- 
ing of  a  new,  more  trustful,  more  benignant  relationship 
between  capital  and  labor,  removing  discord,  jealousy  and 
hatred,  and  replacing  them  by  concord,  confidence  and 
mutual  advantage.  The  end  aimed  at  is  the  emancipation 
of  the  mass ;  of  the  depressed  toiling  millions,  the  slaves 
of  necessity  and  wretchedness,  of  hunger  and  constrained 
idleness,  of  ignorance,  drunkenness  and  vice;  and  their 
elevation  to  independence,  moral  and  intellectual  develop- 
ment; in  short,  to  a  true  and  hopeful  manhood.  This 
enterprise  now  appeals  to  the  lovers  of  the  human  race  for 
aid  ;  not  for  praises,  votes  or  alms,  but  for  cooperation  in 
rendering  its  triumph  signal  and  speedy.  It  asks  of  the 
opulent  and  the  generous,  subscriptions  to  its  stock,  in  order 
that  its  lands  may  be  promptly  cleared  and  improved,  its 
buildings  erected,  &c.  ;  as  they  must  be  far  more  slowly,  if 
the  resident  members  must  devote  their  energies  at  once  and 
henceforth  to  the  providing,  under  the  most  unfavorable 
circumstances,  of  the  entire  means  of  their  own  subsistence." 
J.  H.  NOYES,  American  Socialisms,  233-238. 


62  Society  and  Sociology 


Idealistic  Society :  The  United  States 

I  profess,  sir,  in  my  career  hitherto,  to  have  kept  steadily 
in  view  the  prosperity  and  honor  of  the  whole  country,  and 
the  preservation  of  our  Federal  Union.  It  is  to  that  Union 
that  we  owe  our  safety  at  home  and  our  consideration  and 
dignity  abroad.  It  is  to  that  Union  that  we  are  chiefly 
indebted  for  whatever  makes  us  most  proud  of  our  country. 
That  Union  we  reached  only  by  the  discipline  of  our  vir- 
tues in  the  severe  school  of  adversity.  It  had  its  origin  in 
the  necessities  of  disordered  finance,  prostrate  commerce, 
and  ruined  credit.  Under  its  benign  influences,  these  great 
interests  immediately  awoke,  as  from  the  dead,  and  sprang 
forth  with  newness  of  life.  Every  year  of  its  duration  has 
teemed  with  fresh  proofs  of  its  utility  and  its  blessings ; 
and,  although  our  territory  has  stretched  out  wider  and 
wider,  and  our  population  spread  farther  and  farther,  they 
have  not  outrun  its  protection  or  its  benefits.  It  has  been 
to  us  all  a  copious  fountain  of  national,  social,  and  personal 
happiness. 

I  have  not  allowed  myself,  sir,  to  look  beyond  the  Union, 
to  see  what  might  lie  hidden  in  the  dark  recess  behind.  I 
have  not  coolly  weighed  the  chances  of  preserving  liberty 
when  the  bonds  that  unite  us  together  shall  be  broken 
asunder.  I  have  not  accustomed  myself  to  hang  over  the 
precipice  of  disunion,  to  see  whether,  with  my  short  sight, 
I  can  fathom  the  depth  of  the  abyss  below ;  nor  could  I 
regard  him  as  a  safe  counsellor  in  the  affairs  of  this  Gov- 
ernment, whose  thoughts  should  be  mainly  bent  on  consid- 
ering, not  how  the  Union  may  be  best  preserved,  but  how 
tolerable  might  be  the  condition  of  the  people  when  it 
should  be  broken  up  and  destroyed.  While  the  Union 
lasts  we  have  high  exciting,  gratifying  prospects  spread 
out  before  us,  for  us  and  our  children.  Beyond  that  I  seek 
not  to  penetrate  the  veil.  God  grant  that  in  my  day  at 
least  that  curtain  may  not  rise  !  God  grant  that  on  my 
vision  never  may  be  opened  what  lies  behind  !  When  my 
eyes  shall  be  turned  to  behold  for  the  last  time  the  sun  in 
heaven,  may  I  not  see  him  shining  on  the  broken  and  dis- 
honored fragments  of  a  once  glorious  Union;  on  States 


Kinds  of  Society  63 

dissevered,  discordant,  belligerent ;  on  a  land  rent  with  civil 
feuds,  or  drenched,  it  may  be,  in  fraternal  blood  !  Let  their 
last  feeble  and  lingering  glance  rather  behold  the  gorgeous 
ensign  of  the  Republic,  now  known  and  honored  through- 
out the  earth,  still  full  high  advanced,  its  arms  and  trophies 
streaming  in  their  original  lustre,  not  a  stripe  erased  or 
polluted,  not  a  single  star  obscured,  bearing  for  its  motto, 
no  such  miserable  interrogatory  as  "  What  is  all  this 
worth?"  nor  those  other  words  of  delusion  and  folly, 
"  Liberty  first  and  Union  afterward ; "  but  everywhere, 
spread  all  over  in  characters  of  living  light,  blazing  on 
all  its  ample  folds,  as  they  float  over  the  sea  and  over 
the  land,  and  in  every  wind  under  the  whole  heavens, 
that  other  sentiment,  dear  to  every  true  American  heart  — 
Liberty  and  Union,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable  ! 

DANIEL  WEBSTER,  Reply  to  Hayne  (1830). 

Fourscore  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth 
upon  this  continent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and 
dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal. 
Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether 
that  nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated, 
can  long  endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battlefield  of  that 
war.  We  have  come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field  as 
a  final  resting-place  for  those  who  here  gave  their  lives  that 
that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting  and  proper 
that  we  should  do  this.  But  in  a  larger  sense  we  cannot 
dedicate,  we  cannot  consecrate,  we  cannot  hallow  this 
ground.  The  brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled 
here,  have  consecrated  it  far  above  our  power  to  add  or 
detract.  The  world  will  little  note,  nor  long  remember, 
what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they  did 
here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedicated  here 
to  the  unfinished  work  which  they  who  fought  here  have 
thus  far  nobly  advanced.  It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here 
dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before  us,  that  from 
these  honored  dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to  that 
cause  for  which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of  devo- 
tion ;  that  we  here  highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not 
have  died  in  vain ;  that  this  nation,  under  God,  shall  have 


64  Society  and  Sociology 

a  new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish  from  the 

C3.rth 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  Gettysburg  Address  (1863). 

Happily  it  is  the  historic  faith  of  the  race  from  which 
we  are  chiefly  sprung,  that  eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of 
liberty.  It  is  that  faith  which  has  made  our  mother  Eng- 
land the  great  parent  of  free  states.  The  same  faith  has 
made  America  the  political  hope  of  the  world.  Fortunately 
removed  by  our  position  from  the  entanglements  of  Euro- 
pean politics,  and  more  united  and  peaceful  at  home  than 
at  any  time  within  the  memory  of  living  men,  the  mo- 
ment is  most  auspicious  for  remedying  that  abuse  in  our 
political  system  whose  nature,  proportions,  and  perils  the 
whole  country  begins  clearly  to  discern.  The  will  and  the 
power  to  apply  the  remedy  will  be  a  test  of  the  sagacity 
and  the  energy  of  the  people.  The  reform  of  which  I  have 
spoken  is  essentially  the  people's  reform.  With  the  instinct 
of  robbers  who  run  with  the  crowd  and  lustily  cry,  "  Stop 
thief ! "  those  who  would  make  the  public  service  the 
monopoly  of  a  few  favorites  denounce  the  determination 
to  open  that  service  to  the  whole  people  as  a  plan  to  estab- 
lish an  aristocracy.  The  huge  ogre  of  patronage,  gnawing 
at  the  character,  the  honor,  and  the  life  of  the  country, 
grimly  sneers  that  the  people  cannot  help  themselves  and 
that  nothing  can  be  done.  But  much  greater  things  have 
been  done.  Slavery  was  the  Giant  Despair  of  many  good 
men  of  the  last  generation,  but  slavery  was  overthrown. 
If  the  Spoils  System,  a  monster  only  less  threatening  than 
slavery,  be  unconquerable,  it  is  because  the  country  has 
lost  its  convictions,  its  courage,  and  its  common-sense. 
...  I  know  that  patronage  is  strong,  but  I  believe  that 
the  American  people  are  very  much  stronger. 

GEORGE  WILLIAM  CURTIS,  On  the  Spoils  System  and  the  Progress 
of  Civil  Service  Reform  (1881). 


BOOK  II 

THE  ELEMENTS  AND  STRUCTURE  OF 
SOCIETY 


PART   I 
THE  SOCIAL  POPULATION 

CHAPTER  I 

SITUATION 
The  Basis  of  Society 

EVERY  society  presupposes  a  certain  number  of  concrete 
living  individuals.  The  basis  of  every  society,  therefore, 
is  a  population. 

Distribution  of  Societies 

Natural  societies,  accordingly,  are  found  only  where  the 
physical  features  of  land  and  climate  are  favorable  to  the 
grouping  of  living  beings  ;  and  the  larger  and  more  flour- 
ishing natural  societies  only  where  physical  conditions 
admit  of  the  maintenance  of  relatively  large  populations. 

Inhabitable  Areas 

Among  the  features  of  situation  that  have  an  important 
relation  to  social  phenomena  are,  first  of  all,  Position  and 
Extent,  secondly,  such  Natural  Features  as  topography,  nat- 
ural resources  —  including  metals,  vegetation  and  animal 
life  useful  to  man  —  soil  and  climate,  and  lastly,  Artificial 
Features  consequent  upon  human  occupation  and  trans- 
formation. 

67 


68       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Primary  and  Secondary  Sources  of  Subsistence 
The  sources  of  subsistence  which  environments  offer 
to  their  inhabiting  populations  are  both  primary  and 
secondary,  the  former  consisting  of  those  wild  fruits,  grains, 
roots,  fish  and  game  that  primitive  man  can  have  for  the 
taking,  the  other  of  those  food  supplies  that  are  produced 
by  man's  forethought  and  systematic  effort. 

Chiefly  Significant  Features  of  Situation 

The  most  significant  features  of  situation  are  those  that 
determine  the  size  and  the  composition  of  the  population 
that  dwells  within  a  given  area,  its  differentiation,  its 
energy,  and  its  relation  to  other  communities. 

Classification  of  Environments.  —  In  their  relation  to 
population  environments  are  of  two  fundamental  types, 
namely,  those  poorly,  and  those  richly,  endowed  with 
resources. 

Those  of  the  one  type  can  maintain  and  attract  only 
relatively  small  numbers  of  inhabitants.  Those  of  the 
other  type  support  large  populations  of  the  native  born, 
and  tend  to  draw  a  large  immigration  from  elsewhere. 

Of  each  type  there  are  two  well-marked  subdivisions, 
namely,  the  isolated,  or  difficult  of  access  or  of  egress, 
and  the  accessible. 

The  Heat  Belt  and  the  Temperate  Zones 

If  we  divide  geographical  environment  into  its  un- 
changeable and  its  changeable  factors,  we  find  the  former 
to  consist  of  climate,  the  configuration  of  the  land,  and  the 
nature  of  the  soil ;  and  the  latter,  of  the  surface  conditions, 
which  may  be  changed,  for  example,  by  afforestation,  de- 


Situation  69 

forestation,  or  agriculture ;  the  situation  of  a  country,  the 
effects  of  which  may  be  modified  by  the  introduction  of 
railways,  steamships,  and  telegraph  lines;  the  unhealthi- 
ness  of  a  country,  which  may  be  counteracted  to  some 
extent  by  hygienic  science. 

******* 

If  we  draw  across  a  map  of  the  world  the  northern  and 
southern  isotherm  of  68°  Fahrenheit  —  that  is  to  say,  a 
line  passing  through  those  places  in  the  northern  and 
southern  hemispheres  which  have  a  mean  annual  tempera- 
ture of  68°  Fahrenheit  —  we  cut  off  a  belt  of  the  earth's 
surface  thirty-six  hundred  miles  across,  lying  roughly  be- 
tween 30°  north  latitude  and  30°  south  latitude.  This  belt 
is  called,  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  the  heat  belt.  In  this 
heat  belt  lie  Mexico,  the  Central  American  Republics,  the 
West  Indies,  the  greater  part  of  South  America,  practically 
the  whole  of  Africa,  Arabia,  India,  Burma,  Indo-China,  the 
Malay  Peninsula,  the  Malay  Archipelago,  Polynesia,  and 
the  Philippine  Islands.  Outside  the  heat  belt  lie  the 
United  States,  the  United  Kingdom,  Canada,  the  greater 
part  of  Australia,  Central  and  Northern  Asia,  Japan,  the 
greater  part  of  China,  and  the  Continent  of  Europe. 

The  extreme  significance  of  this  grouping  becomes  appar- 
ent when  we  reflect  that,  apart  from  the  work  done  by 
Europeans  and  Americans  in  the  tropics,  the  civilization 
of  the  heat  belt  has  remained  stationary  for  a  thousand 
years,  and  that  the  advancement  of  humanity  during  that 
period  has  been  carried  on  entirely  by  the  inhabitants  of 
those  countries  which  lie  outside  the  heat  belt. 

Bearing  in  mind  the  elements  which  go  to  make  up  our 
own  civilization,  —  western  civilization,  so  called,  —  it  is 
most  important  to  realize  that  during  the  past  five  hundred 
years,  to  go  no  further,  the  people  of  the  heat  belt  have 
added  nothing  whatever  to  what  we  understand  by  human 
advancement.  Those  natives  of  the  tropics  and  subtropics 
who  have  not  been  under  direct  European  influence  have 
not  during  that  time  made  a  single  contribution  of  the  first 
importance  to  art,  literature,  science,  manufactures,  or  in- 
ventions ;  they  have  not  produced  an  engineer,  or  a  chem- 
ist, or  a  biologist,  or  a  historian,  or  a  painter,  or  a  musician 
of  the  first  rank ;  and  even  if  we  include  half-castes  and 


yo       The  Elements  aud  Structure  of  Society 

such  natives  as  have  enjoyed  European  education,  the  list 
of  eminent  men  in  the  domain  of  art,  science,  literature, 
and  invention,  produced  by  the  heat  belt  can  be  counted 
on  the  fingers  of  one  hand. 

ALLEYNE  IRELAND,  The  Far  Eastern  Tropics,  2-4. 

The  Domain  of  the  United  States 

The  domain  of  the  United  States  embraces  a  land  area 
of  2,970,000  square  miles  of  continuous  territory  between 
the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  Oceans,  and  from  British 
North  America  to  Mexico.  Under  the  American  flag, 
also,  are  Alaska,  with  531,000  square  miles,  the  territory 
of  Hawaii,  with  an  area  of  6640  square  miles,  Porto  Rico, 
with  an  area  of  3600  square  miles,  the  Philippine  and  Sulu 
Islands,  with  an  area  of  1 14,000  square  miles,  Guam,  with 
an  area  of  200  square  miles,  Tutuila,  Manua,  and  other 
small  islands  in  the  Samoan  group,  with  an  area  of  79 
square  miles,  a  total  area  under  American  sovereignty  of 
3,625,519  square  miles. 

*###**# 

There  have  been  and  there  are  greater  empires  in  the 
world  if  area  alone  be  regarded.  But  no  other  domain  of 
equal  extent  within  the  limits  of  a  temperate  climate  is  so 
diversified  in  features  and  so  richly  endowed  with  natural 
resources.  The  Atlantic  coast  region  east  of  the  Alle- 
ghanies  has  a  varied  soil,  superb  forest  growths,  a  marvel- 
lous wealth  of  iron  and  coal,  and  great  river  systems, 
furnishing  power  for  manufacturing  industries.  It  has 
also  a  score  of  great  harbors,  including  that  of  New  York, 
which  is  without  equal  in  the  world.  The  Mississippi 
valley,  of  unrivalled  agricultural  fertility,  divided  into  wheat 
and  corn  belts  in  the  north,  cotton  and  sugar  regions  in  the 
south,  is  likewise  abundantly  provided  with  the  raw  mate- 
rials for  manufacturing  industry,  and  natural  facilities  for 
transportation.  The  whole  region  east  of  the  one  hundredth 
meridian  enjoys  a  fertility  almost  unknown  elsewhere  out- 
side of  the  tropics.  In  no  other  land  of  equal  extent  does 
the  soil  bring  forth  so  great  a  variety  of  products  fit  for 
human  use.  No  other  continent  enjoys  such  a  system  of 


Situation  7 1 

internal  lake  and  river  connections.  The  shores  of  the 
Great  Lakes  have  the  maritime  activity  of  a  sea-coast,  and 
the  lake  traffic  alone  exceeds  the  commerce  of  any  but  the 
greatest  European  nations.  To  the  westward  the  great 
plains  have  become  the  most  important  ranching  region  of 
the  world.  The  mountain  systems  of  the  Rockies  and  the 
Sierras  contain  unestimated  riches  of  gold  and  .silver,  while 
California,  as  Professor  Royce  once  pointed  out  in  the 
pages  of  this  review,  enjoys  a  climate  and  a  combination  of 
natural  features  all  tending  to  produce  an  effect  upon 
the  human  mind  experienced  only  in  Greece. 

GIDDINGS,  The  American  People,  in  The  International  Quarterly, 
Vol.  VII,  No.  2,  June,  1903.     Quoted  infra  as  A.  P. 


CHAPTER   II 

AGGREGATION 
The  Phenomena  of  Population 

EVERY  social  population  offers  for  observation  phenom- 
ena of  Aggregation,  or  distribution  of  density  ;  phenomena 
of  Composition,  by  age,  sex,  and  race ;  and  phenomena  of 
Amalgamation  or  unity. 

The  Inhabiting  Species 

That  gathering  of  living  beings  about  certain  points  or 
centres,  which  we  call  Aggregation,  is  seen  not  only  in 
the  distribution  of  human  life,  but  also  in  the  distribution 
of  vegetal  and  animal  species,  and,  within  the  broader  geo- 
graphical distribution,  in  the  formation  of  swarms,  bands, 
or  companies. 

An  Army  of  Blackbirds 

Last  Wednesday  army  after  army  of  blackbirds  flew 
over  Aline,  headed  north.  The  advance  guard  was  about 
a  half-mile  long  and  flying  in  lines  or  files  reaching  from 
the  Rock  Island  to  the  Orient  track.  The  second  flew  in 
column  formation  and  was  fully  three-quarters  of  a  mile 
long.  At  intervals  of  from  fifteen  minutes  to  an  hour  all 
through  the  forenoon  patches  and  squares  of  birds  followed. 
A  conservative  estimate  of  the  number  that  passed  during 
the  forenoon  would  be  five  hundred  thousand.  The  birds 
flew  very  low,  and  their  wings  and  chattering  could  be 
heard  at  a  great  distance. 

Kansas  City  Journal,  April,  1905. 

72 


Aggregation  73 

Density 

The  measure  of  human  aggregation  at  any  given  time 
and  place  is  density  of  population.  Density  is  statistically 
expressed  as  the  total  number  of  human  inhabitants  dwell- 
ing within  a  given  area;  or,  as  the  number  per  square 
mile,  so  dwelling;  or,  sometimes,  in  cities,  as  the  number 
per  acre,  so  dwelling. 

Population  of  the  United  States  in  1862 

At  the  same  ratio  of  increase  which  we  have  maintained, 
on  an  average,  from  our  first  national  census,  in  1790, 
until  that  of  1860,  we  should  in  1900  have  a  population  of 
103,208,415.  And  why  may  we  not  continue  that  ratio 
far  beyond  that  period  ?  Our  abundant  room,  our  broad 
national  homestead,  is  our  ample  resource.  Were  our  terri- 
tory as  limited  as  the  British  Isles,  very  certainly  our  popu- 
lation could  not  expand  as  stated.  Instead  of  receiving 
the  foreign  born  as  now,  we  should  be  compelled  to  send 
part  of  the  native  born  away.  But  such  is  not  our  condi- 
tion. We  have  2,963,000  square  miles.  Europe  has 
3,800,000,  with  a  population  averaging  73^-  persons  to  the 
square  mile.  Why  may  not  our  country  at  some  time 
average  as  many  ?  Is  it  less  fertile  ?  Has  it  more  waste 
surface  by  mountains,  rivers,  lakes,  deserts,  or  other  causes  ? 
Is  it  inferior  to  Europe  in  any  natural  advantage  ?  If,  then, 
we  are  at  some  time  to  be  as  populous  as  Europe,  how  soon  ? 
As  to  when  this  may  be,  we  can  judge  by  the  past  and  the 
present ;  as  to  when  it  will  be,  if  ever,  depends  much  on 
whether  we  maintain  the  Union.  Several  of  our  states 
are  already  above  the  average  of  Europe  —  73^-  to  the 
square  mile.  Massachusetts  has  157;  Rhode  Island,  133; 
Connecticut,  99;  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  each  80. 
Also  two  other  great  states,  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  are 
not  far  below,  the  former  having  63  and  the  latter  59. 
The  states  already  above  the  European  average,  except  New 
York,  have  increased  in  as  rapid  a  ratio  since  passing  that 
point  as  ever  before,  while  no  one  of  them  is  equal  to  some 
other  parts  of  our  country  in  natural  capacity  for  sustaining  a 
dense  population. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  Second  Annual  Message. 


74       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Growth  of  the  American  Population 

Past  human  history  affords  no  parallel  to  the  growth  of  the 
American  population.  The  first  census  of  the  United  States, 
taken  in  1790,  enumerated  a  population  of  3,929,214  souls. 
The  twelfth  census,  taken  in  1900,  enumerated  in  the  states 
and  territories,  not  including  Indian  Territory,  Indian  reser- 
vations, Alaska,  and  Hawaii,  75,568,686  souls.  Of  this 
number  no  less  than  20,901,816  have  come  as  immigrants 
since  the  year  1820.  The  smallest  immigration  in  any  one 
year  since  that  date  was  in  1823,  namely,  6354  persons. 
The  greatest  immigration  in  any  one  year  until  the  present 
was  in  1882,  namely,  788,992.  The  total  immigration  for 
the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1903,  promises  to  surpass 
that  for  1882.  The  fluctuations  have  been  governed  chiefly 
by  economic  conditions.  Years  of  great  prosperity  have 
been  followed  by  an  increasing  number  of  arrivals,  while 
after  years  of  depression  the  number  has  as  regularly  fallen 
away.  On  the  whole,  this  immigrant  population  has  been  in 
point  of  physical  health  and  energy  a  select  stock.  A  small 
percentage  of  our  foreign  born  has  from  the  first  consisted 
of  the  relatively  helpless  and  inefficient,  but  a  large  major- 
ity has  consisted  of  men  and  women  that  have  had  the 
enterprise  and  the  resolution  to  accumulate  the  means  nec- 
essary for  the  Atlantic  journey,  and  voluntarily  to  cut  loose 
from  old  associations. 

The  relation  between  environment  and  national  growth 
is  exemplified  in  the  distribution  of  the  American  people 
according  to  certain  natural  features  within  the  United 
States  even  more  strikingly  than  in  the  total  growth  of  our 
population.  Few,  even  among  the  educated,  realize  what 
large  portions  of  every  continent  are  either  unfit  for  human 
habitation,  or  present  such  obstacles  to  domicile  that  the 
great  currents  of  migration  flow  all  around  or  across  them 
without  leaving  much  permanent  trace.  Of  our  entire 
population  no  less  than  12,104,275,  or  15.9  per  cent,  live 
at  sea-level,  that  is  to  say,  at  an  altitude  of  less  than  100 
feet,  and  within  an  area  of  184,584  square  miles.  At  an 
altitude  of  between  100  and  500  feet  live  16,611,853  per- 
sons, or  21.8  per  cent  of  our  total  number.  The  land  area 
at  this  level  is  376,372  square  miles  in  extent.  At  an  alti- 


Aggregation  75 

tude  of  between  500  and  1000  feet  we  have  a  land  area  of 
545,480  square  miles,  and  here  live  29,402,207  persons,  or 
38.7  of  our  population.  At  an  altitude  of  between  1000 
and  1500  feet  we  have  a  land  area  of  394,449  square  miles, 
and  here  live  11,173,113  persons,  or  14.7  per  cent  of  our 
whole  population.  Thus  within  a  little  more  than  half  of 
our  land  area,  in  regions  which  lie  at  less  than  1500  feet 
above  sea-level,  live  more  than  nine-tenths  of  all  our  in- 
habitants. Since  1880  the  drift  has  been  down  hill  rather 
than  up.  Thus  in  1 880  it  was  15.1  per  cent  of  the  population 
that  lived  at  sea-level,  23.1  per  cent  that  lived  at  an  altitude 
between  100  and  500  feet,  40.5  per  cent  that  lived  at  an 
altitude  between  500  and  1000  feet,  and  14.6  per  cent  that 
lived  at  an  altitude  between  1000  and  1500  feet.  There 
has,  however,  been  a  marked  increase  in  the  population 
living  at  altitudes  above  3000  feet,  which  include  portions 
of  the  ranching,  as  well  as  the  more  important  mining 
regions. 

Most  interesting  of  all,  perhaps,  is  the  distribution  in 
accordance  with  drainage  basins.  Rich  in  resources  as  is 
the  great  Pacific  coast,  and  enormous  as  its  population  one 
day  will  be,  its  share  of  our  total  inhabitants  at  present  is 
less  than  4  per  cent.  To  be  precise,  95.7  per  cent  of 
the  American  people  live  in  the  country  which  drains  to 
the  Atlantic  Ocean ;  the  remainder  dwell  on  the  Pacific 
coast  and  in  the  Great  Basin.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
region  east  of  the  Alleghanies,  which  comprehends  the 
original  thirteen  States,  has  ceased  to  be  the  dominant  sec- 
tion of  our  country  as  measured  by  population  and  the 
economic  and  political  power  which  population  carries  with 
it;  for  no  less  than  53.4  per  cent  of  our  inhabitants  now 
live  in  the  region  which  drains  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 
The  growth  of  the  Mormon  population  in  the  Great  Basin 
has  always  been  regarded  as  phenomenal,  and  so,  indeed, 
when  regarded  absolutely,  it  has  been.  But  how  small  it  is 
relatively  is  revealed  in  the  fact  that  the  entire  population 
of  the  Great  Basin  constitutes  only  five-tenths  of  one  per 
cent  of  our  total  inhabitants. 

Of  our  foreign  born  population  93.1  per  cent  live  in  the 
region  which  drains  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean  ;  34.4  per  cent 
are  found  in  the  region  which  drains  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico ; 


76       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  6.  i  per  cent  dwell  on  the  Pacific  coast.  Of  the  negro 
population  99.8  per  cent  live  in  the  regions  draining  to  the 
Atlantic  Ocean,  and  61.4  per  cent  in  land  that  drains  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  No  less  than  22.4  per  cent  of  the  negro 
population  live  at  sea-level,  and  48.2  per  cent  at  an  altitude 
of  100  to  500  feet. 

GIDDINGS,  A,  P. 

Multiplication 

Density  is  determined  in  part,  but  only  in  part,  by  the 
multiplication  of  human  beings,  which  is  statistically  ascer- 
tained by  comparisons  of  total  births  with  total  deaths  for 
a  given  period,  or  by  comparisons  of  birth  rates  with  death 
rates. 

Genetic  Aggregation 

A  population  reproduced  by  its  birth  rate,  irrespective 
of  immigration,  may  be  called  a  Genetic  Aggregation. 

The  Primitive  Germans 

I  concur  in  opinion  with  those  who  deem  the  Germans 
never  to  have  intermarried  with  other  nations ;  but  to  be  a 
race,  pure,  unmixed,  and  stamped  with  a  distinct  character. 
Hence  a  family  likeness  pervades  the  whole,  though  their 
numbers  are  so  great :  eyes  stern  and  blue ;  ruddy  hair ; 
large  bodies  powerful  in  sudden  exertions  ;  .  .  . 

******* 

TACITUS,  The  Germania,  Oxford  translation,  7. 

The  Early  Bostonians 

The  Bostonians,  almost  without  exception,  are  derived 
from  one  country  and  a  single  stock.  They  are  all  de- 
scendants of  Englishmen ;  and  of  course  are  united  by  all 
the  great  bonds  of  society  :  language,  religion,  government, 
manners,  and  interests. 

TIMOTHY  DWIGHT,  Travels  in  New  England  and  New  York,  Vol.  I. 
506. 


Aggregation  77 

Early  Inhabitants  of  Nantucket 

The  majority  of  the  present  inhabitants  are  the  descend- 
ants of  the  twenty-seven  first  proprietors,  who  patented 
the  island;  of  the  rest,  many  others  have  since  come  over 
among  them,  chiefly  from  the  Massachusetts :  here  are 
neither  Scotch,  Irish,  nor  French,  as  is  the  case  in  most 
other  settlements  ;  they  are  an  unmixed  English  breed. 
The  consequence  of  this  extended  connexion  is,  that  they 
are  all  in  some  degree  related  to  each  other :  you  must  not 
be  surprised  therefore  when  I  tell  you,  that  they  always  call 
each  other  cousin,  uncle  or  aunt ;  which  are  become  such 
common  appellations,  that  no  other  are  made  use  of  in 
their  daily  intercourse :  you  would  be  deemed  stiff  and 
affected  were  you  to  refuse  conforming  yourself  to  this 
ancient  custom,  which  truly  depicts  the  image  of  a  large 
family. 

J.  HECTOR  ST.  JOHN  CREVECCEUR,  Letters  from  an  American 
Farmer  (1782),  157. 

Migration 

Aggregation  and  the  degree  of  density  are  continually 
changing,  not  only  because  of  births  and  deaths,  but  also  in 
consequence  of  migration. 

Classification  of  Migrations 

Migrations  may  be  divided  into  three  classes.  Firstly, 
migration  occurring  within  the  country  itself,  which  might 
be  called  infra-migration.  Secondly,  migration  from  coun- 
try to  country,  but  within  the  limits  of  one  continent ;  this 
might  be  conveniently  called  inter-migration.  Thirdly, 
migration  from  continent  to  continent,  ordinarily  called, 
according  to  the  direction  of  its  flow,  either  emigration  or 
immigration,  but  which  might  with  more  precision  be 
termed  ultra-migration. 

Migration  of  the  first  kind,  that  occurring  within  the 
limits  of  the  country,  or  infra-migration  as  I  propose  to 
term  it,  is  a  great  and  constant  movement  varying  only  in 


78       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

degree,  directed  from  the  cottage  to  the  village,  from  the 
village  to  the  town,  from  the  town  to  the  city,  from  agri- 
cultural to  mining  or  manufacturing  districts.  Its  main 
motive  power  is  the  greater  demand  for  labour  in  the  large 
centres  of  population,  and  consequently  higher  wages; 
men  leave  their  homes  with  a  view  of  "  bettering  "  them- 
selves, often  making  little  allowance  for  the  greater  cost 
of  living  in  towns.  But,  in  addition  to  purely  economic 
reasons,  there  is  another  scarcely  less  potent  —  the  love  of 
excitement  and  novelty.  The  noise  and  bustle  of  the  street, 
squalid  though  it  be,  and  the  glare  of  gas-lights,  even 
though  mainly  those  of  the  gin-shop,  are  strangely  at- 
tractive to  the  countryman. 

******* 

Migration  of  the  second  kind  —  inter-migration,  or  the 
movement  from  one  country  to  an  adjoining  one — is 
generally  by  persons  in  search  of  work  or  advancement, 
and  is  therefore  apt  to  be  directed  from  the  poorer  to  the 
richer  country  ;  as  when  Italians  go  into  France,  Austria, 
or  Switzerland,  or  when  Irish  and  Scotch  betake  them- 
selves to  England.  This  inter-migration  is  not  usually 
directly  the  subject  of  official  records,  but  indirectly  its 
results  are  from  time  to  time  recorded  in  the  tables  of 
birthplaces  in  census  reports.  The  countries  that  are 
most  notable  as  attracting  inter-migration  are  France  and 
England. 

******* 

The  third  form  of  migration,  that  from  continent  to 
continent,  from  the  Old  World  to  the  New,  is  of  the 
greatest  importance  as  a  determining  factor  in  history, 
and  is  that  which  I  shall  treat  of  at  greatest  length. 

It  is  impossible  to  state  accurately  the  amount  of  migra- 
tion taking  place  between  different  countries.  Although 
in  almost  all  old  countries  statistics  of  emigration  are  pub- 
lished and  in  new  countries  the  numbers  of  immigrants  are 
recorded,  the  returns  are  liable  to  many  errors.  In  the 
first  place,  they  are  often  in  themselves  incorrect,  either 
overstating  or  understating  the  facts ;  then  there  is  no 
means  of  proving  the  bona  fides  of  alleged  emigrants  (or 
immigrants);  they  may  return  whence  they  came,  or  they 


Aggregation  79 

may  pass  on  to  another  colony ;  lastly,  many  who  are 
merely  passengers  to  and  fro,  travellers  on  business  or 
pleasure,  are  recorded  as  emigrants  or  immigrants. 

More  satisfactory  are  the  indications  derived  from  the 
statements  as  to  birthplaces  in  the  censuses  of  the  coun- 
tries receiving  the  immigrants.  These  numbers  show  ap- 
proximately how  many  have  actually  settled  down  in  a 
new  country,  and  the  increase  or  decrease  of  persons  of 
any  particular  nationality  from  census  to  census  indicates 
the  direction  (but  not  the  exact  amount)  of  fluctuations 
in  the  movement.  Obviously  census  figures  have  the  dis- 
advantage that  they  are  only  published  at  long  intervals. 

G.  B.  LONGSTAFF,  Studies  in  Statistics,  34-35,  37-38,  43-44. 


Migrations  of  the  Greeks 

The  country  which  is  now  called  Hellas  was  not 
regularly  settled  in  ancient  times.  The  people  were 
migratory,  and  readily  left  their  homes  whenever  they 
were  overpowered  by  numbers.  There  was  no  commerce, 
and  they  could  not  safely  hold  intercourse  with  one  an- 
other either  by  land  or  sea.  The  several  tribes  cultivated 
their  own  soil  just  enough  to  obtain  a  maintenance  from  it. 
But  they  had  no  accumulations  of  wealth,  and  did  not 
plant  the  ground ;  for,  being  without  walls,  they  were 
never  sure  that  an  invader  might  not  come  and  despoil 
them.  Living  in  'this  manner  and  knowing  that  they 
could  anywhere  obtain  a  bare  subsistence,  they  were 
always  ready  to  migrate ;  so  that  they  had  neither  great 
cities  nor  any  considerable  resources.  The  richest  districts 
were  most  constantly  changing  their  inhabitants ;  for 
example,  the  countries  which  are  now  called  Thessaly  and 
Boeotia,  the  greater  part  of  the  Peloponnesus  with  the 
exception  of  Arcadia,  and  all  the  best  parts  of  Hellas. 
For  the  productiveness  of  the  land  increased  the  power  of 
individuals ;  this  in  turn  was  a  source  of  quarrels  by  which 
communities  were  ruined,  while  at  the  same  time  they 
were  more  exposed  to  attacks  from  without.  Certainly 
Attica,  of  which  the  soil  was  poor  and  thin,  enjoyed  a  long 
freedom  from  civil  strife,  and  therefore  retained  its  original 


8o       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

inhabitants.  And  a  striking  confirmation  of  my  argument 
is  afforded  by  the  fact  that  Attica  through  immigration 
increased  in  population  more  than  any  other  region.  For 
the  leading  men  of  Hellas,  when  driven  out  of  their  own 
country  by  war  or  revolution,  sought  an  asylum  at  Athens: 
and  from  the  very  earliest  times,  being  admitted  to  rights 
of  citizenship,  so  greatly  increased  the  number  of  inhab- 
itants that  Attica  became  incapable  of  containing  them, 
and  was  at  last  obliged  to  send  out  colonies  to  Ionia. 

THUCYDIDES,  History  of  the  Peloponnesian  War,  translated  by 
Jowett,  1-3. 

Migration  of  Protestant  Flemings  to  England 

In  early  times,  the  English  were  for  the  most  part  a 
pastoral  and  agricultural,  and  not  a  manufacturing  people. 
In  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  most  articles 
of  clothing,  excepting  such  as  were  produced  by  ordinary 
domestic  industry,  were  imported  from  Flanders,  France, 
and  Germany.  The  great  staple  of  England  was  wool, 
which  was  sent  abroad  in  large  quantities.  "  The  ribs  of 
all  people  throughout  the  world,"  wrote  Matthew  Paris, 
"are  kept  warm  by  the  fleeces  of  English  wool." 

The  wool  and  its  growers  were  on  one  side  of  the  Eng- 
lish Channel,  and  the  skilled  workmen  who  dyed  and  wove 
it  into  cloth  were  on  the  other.  When  war  broke  out,  and 
communication  between  the  two  shores  was  interrupted, 
great  distress  was  occasioned  in  Flanders  by  the  stoppage 
of  the  supply  of  English  Avool.  On  one  occasion,  when 
the  export  of  wool  from  England  was  prohibited,  the  effect 
was  to  reduce  the  manufacturing  population  throughout  the 
Low  Countries  to  destitution  and  despair.  "Then  might 
be  seen  throughout  Flanders,"  says  the  local  historian, 
"weavers,  fullers,  and  others  living  by  the  woollen  manu- 
facture, either  begging,  or,  driven  by  debt,  tilling  the  soil." 

At  the  same  time,  the  English  wool-growers  lost  the 
usual  market  for  their  produce.  It  naturally  occurred  to 
the  English  Kings  that  it  would  be  of  great  advantage  to 
this  country  to  have  the  wool  made  into  cloth  by  the  hands 
of  their  own  people,  instead  of  sending  it  abroad  for  the 
purpose.  They  accordingly  held  out  invitations  to  the 


Aggrega  tion  8 1 

distressed  Flemish  artizans  to  come  over  and  settle  in 
England,  where  they  would  find  abundant  employment 
at  remunerative  wages ;  and  as  early  as  the  reign  of 
Edward  III.,  a  large  number  of  Flemings  came  over  and 
settled  in  London,  Kent,  Norfolk,  Devon,  Somerset,  York- 
shire, Lancashire,  and  Westmoreland. 

The  same  policy  was  pursued  by  successive  English 
Kings,  down  to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  who  encouraged 
skilled  artizans  of  all  kinds  to  settle  in  England  —  as 
armourers,  cutlers,  miners,  brewers,  and  shipbuilders ;  the 
principal  craftsmen  employed  by  the  court  being  Flemings 
and  Germans. 

The  immigration  of  foreign  Protestants  began  in  the 
reign  of  his  successor,  Edward  VI. 

The  disturbed  state  of  the  Continent  at  that  time  had  the 
effect  of  seriously  interfering  with  the  pursuits  of  industry ; 
and  in  many  of  the  German  and  Low  Country  towns,  the 
working  classes  were  beginning  to  suffer  from  want  of  em- 
ployment. 

The  unemployed  sought  to  remove  to  some  foreign 
country  less  disturbed  by  party  strife,  in  which  they  might 
find  remunerative  employment  for  their  industry ;  while 
the  men  of  The  Religion  longed  for  some  secure  asylum 
in  which  they  might  worship  God  according  to  conscience. 
John  Bradford,  the  Englishman,  writing  to  his  friend 
Erkenwalde  Rawlins,  the  Fleming,  in  1554,  advised  him 
thus :  "  Go  to,  therefore,  dispose  your  goods,  prepare 
yourselves  to  trial,  that  either  you  may  stand  to  it  like 
God's  champions,  or  else,  if  you  feel  such  infirmity  in 
yourselves  that  you  are  not  able,  give  place  to  violence, 
and  go  where  you  may  with  free  and  safe  conscience  serve 
the  Lord." 

There  were,  indeed,  many  who  felt  themselves  wanting 
in  the  requisite  strength  to  bear  persecution,  and  who, 
accordingly,  prepared  to  depart.  Besides,  the  world  was 
wide,  and  England  was  near  at  hand,  ready  to  give  them 
asylum.  At  first,  the  emigration  was  comparatively  small ; 
for  it  was  a  sore  trial  to  many  to  break  up  old  connections, 
to  leave  home,  country,  and  relatives  behind,  and  begin 
the  world  anew  in  a  foreign  land.  Nevertheless,  small 
bodies  of  emigrating  Protestants  at  length  began  to  move, 


82       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

dropping  down  the  Rhine  in  boats,  and  passing  over  from 
the  Dutch  and  Flemish  ports  into  England.  Others  came 
from  Flanders  itself;  though  at  first  the  immigration  from 
that  quarter,  as  well  as  from  France,  was  of  a  very  limited 
character. 

The  foreigners  were  welcomed  on  their  arrival  in  Eng- 
land, being  generally  regarded  as  a  valuable  addition  to  the 
skilled  working  classes  of  the  country.  Thus  Latimer, 
when  preaching  before  Edward  VI.,  shrewdly  observed  of 
the  foreigners  persecuted  for  conscience'  sake :  "  I  wish 
that  we  could  collect  together  such  valuable  persons  in  this 
kingdom,  as  it  would  be  the  means  of  insuring  its  prosper- 
ity." Very  few  years  passed  before  Latimer's  wish  was 
fully  realized ;  and  there  was  scarcely  a  town  of  any 
importance  in  England  in  which  foreign  artizans  were  not 
found  settled  and  diligently  pursuing  their  respective  call- 
ings. 

The  immigration  of  the  Protestant  Flemings  in  Edward 
VI. 's  reign  was  already  so  considerable,  that  the  King  gave 
them  the  church  in  Austin  Friars,  Broad  Street,  "  to  have 
their  service  in,  and  for  avoiding  all  sects  of  Anabaptists 
and  the  like."  The  influx  continued  at  such  a  rate  as  to 
interfere  with  the  employment  of  the  native  population, 
who  occasionally  showed  a  disposition  to  riot,  and  even  to 
expel  the  foreigners  by  violence.  In  a  letter  written  by 
Francis  Peyto  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  then  at  Rome,  the 
following  passage  occurs :  "  Five  or  six  hundred  men 
waited  upon  the  mayor  and  aldermen,  complaining  of  the 
late  influx  of  strangers,  and  that,  by  reason  of  the  great 
dearth,  they  cannot  live  for  these  strangers,  whom  they 
were  determined  to  kill  up  through  the  realm  if  they  found 
no  remedy.  To  pacify  them,  the  mayor  and  aldermen 
caused  an  esteame  to  be  made  of  all  strangers  in  London, 
which  showed  an  amount  of  forty  thousand,  besides  women 
and  children,  for  the  most  part  heretics  fled  out  of  other 
countries."  Although  this  estimate  was  probably  a  gross 
exaggeration,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  by  this  time  a 
large  number  of  the  exiles  had  arrived  and  settled  in 
London  and  other  English  towns. 

The  influx  of  the  persecuted  Protestants,  however,  did 
not  fully  set  in  until  about  ten  years  later,  about  the  begin- 


Aggregation  83 

ning  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth.  The  fugitives,  in  the 
extremities  to  which  they  were  reduced,  naturally  made 
for  that  part  of  the  English  coast  which  lay  nearest  to 
Flanders  and  France.  In  1561,  a  considerable  body  of 
Flemings  landed  near  Deal,  and  subsequently  settled  at 
the  then  decayed  town  of  Sandwich.  The  Queen  was  no 
sooner  informed  of  their  landing,  than  she  wrote  to  the 
mayor,  jurats,  and  commonalty  of  the  burgh,  enjoining 
them  to  give  liberty  to  the  foreigners  to  settle  there  and 
carry  on  their  respective  trades.  She  recommended  the 
measure  as  calculated  to  greatly  benefit  the  town  by 
"  plantynge  in  the  same  men  of  knowledge  in  sundry 
handycrafts,"  in  which  they  "were  very  skilful;  "  and  her 
Majesty  more  particularly  enjoined  that  the  trades  the 
foreign  artizans  were  to  carry  on  were  "the  makinge  of 
says,  bays,  and  other  cloth,  which  hath  not  been  used  to 
be  made  in  this  our  realme  of  England." 

Other  landings  of  Flemings  took  place  about  the  same 
time  —  at  Harwich,  at  Yarmouth,  at  Dover,  and  other 
towns  on  the  southeast  coast.  Some  settled  at  the  places 
where  they  had  landed  and  began  to  pursue  their  several 
branches  of  industry ;  whilst  others  proceeded  to  London, 
Norwich,  Maidstone,  Canterbury,  and  other  inland  towns, 
where  the  local  authorities  gave  them  protection  and 


succour. 
* 


These  landings  continued  during  the  summer  of  1 562 ; 
and  even  as  late  as  November  the  mayor  again  wrote  to 
Cecil  :  "  May  it  please  your  honour  to  be  advertised  that 
the  third  day  of  the  present  month,  at  twelve  of  the  clocke, 
there  arrived  a  bote  from  Dieppe,  with  Frenchmen,  women, 
and  children,  to  the  number  of  a  hundred  and  fiftye,  there 
being  a  great  number  also  which  were  here  before."  And 
as  late  as  the  loth  of  December,  the  French  people  still 
flying  for  refuge,  though  winter  had  already  set  in  severely, 
the  mayor  again  wrote  that  another  boat  had  arrived  with 
"  many  poor  people,  as  well  men  and  women  as  children, 
which  were  of  Rouen  and  Dieppe." 

Six  years  passed,  and  again,  in  1568,  we  find  another 
boatload  of  fugitives  from  France,  landing  at  Rye  :  "  Mon- 
sieur Gamayes,  with  his  wife  and  children  and  ten  strangers ; 


84       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  Captain  Sowes,  with  his  wife  and  two  servants,  who 
had  all  come  out  of  France,  as  they  said,  for  the  safeguard 
of  their  lives."  Four  years  later,  in  1572,  there  was  a  fur- 
ther influx  of  refugees  at  Rye  —  the  mayor  again  writing 
to  Lord  Burleigh,  informing  him  that  between  the  2/th  of 
August  and  the  4th  of  November  no  fewer  than  641  had 
landed.  The  records  have  been  preserved  of  the  names 
and  callings  of  most  of  the  immigrants  ;  from  which  it 
appears  that  they  were  of  all  ranks  and  conditions,  includ- 
ing gentlemen,  merchants,  doctors  of  physic,  ministers  of 
religion,  students,  schoolmasters,  tradesmen,  mechanics, 
artizans,  shipwrights,  mariners,  and  laborers.  Among  the 
fugitives  were  also  several  widows,  who  had  fled  with  their 
children  across  the  sixty  miles  of  sea  which  there  divide 
France  from  England,  sometimes  by  night  in  open  boats, 
braving  the  fury  of  the  winds  and  waves  in  their  eagerness 
to  escape. 

The  mayor  of  Rye  made  appeals  to  the  Queen  for  help, 
and  especially  for  provisions,  which  from  time  to  time  ran 
short ;  and  the  help  was  at  once  given.  Collections  were 
made  for  the  relief  of  the  destitute  refugees  in  many  of  the 
churches  in  England,  as  well  as  in  Scotland ;  and,  among 
others,  we  find  the  refugee  Flemings  at  Sandwich  giving 
out  of  their  slender  means  "  a  benefaction  to  the  poor 
Frenchmen,  who  have  left  their  country  for  conscience' 
sake." 

The  landings  continued  for  many  years.  The  people 
came  flying  from  various  parts  of  France  and  Flanders  — 
cloth-makers  from  Antwerp  and  Bruges,  lace-makers  from 
Valenciennes,  cambric-makers  from  Cambray,  glass-makers 
from  Paris,  stuff -weavers  from  Meaux,  merchants  and 
tradesmen  from  Rouen,  and  shipwrights  and  mariners  from 
Dieppe  and  Havre.  As  the  fugitives  continued  to  land, 
they  were  sent  inland  as  speedily  as  possible,  to  make 
room  for  newcomers,  the  household  accommodation  of  the 
little  towns  along  the  English  coast  being  but  limited. 
From  Rye  many  proceeded  to  London,  to  join  their  coun- 
trymen who  had  settled  there  ;  others  went  forward  to 
Canterbury,  to  Southampton,  to  Norwich,  and  the  other 
towns  where  Walloon  congregations  had  already  been 
established.  A  body  of  them  settled  at  Winchelsea,  an 


Aggregation  85 

ancient  town,  formerly  of  much  importance  on  the  south 
coast,  though  now  left  high  and  dry  inland. 

Many  fugitives  also  landed  at  Dover,  which  was  a  con- 
venient point  for  both  France  and  Flanders.  Some  of  the 
immigrants  passed  through  to  Canterbury  and  London, 
while  others  settled  permanently  in  the  place.  Early  in 
the  seventeenth  century  a  census  was  taken  of  the  for- 
eigners residing  in  Dover,  when  it  was  found  that  there 
were  seventy-eight  persons  "  which  of  late  came  out  of 
France  by  reason  of  the  troubles  there."  The  description 
of  them  is  interesting,  as  showing  the  classes  to  which  the 
exiles  principally  belonged.  There  were  two  "  preachers 
of  God's  word  " ;  three  physicians  and  surgeons ;  two  ad- 
vocates ;  two  esquires ;  three  merchants ;  two  school- 
masters ;  thirteen  drapers,  grocers,  brewers,  butchers,  and 
other  trades ;  twelve  mariners  ;  eight  weavers  and  wool 
combers  ;  twenty-five  widows,  "  makers  of  bone-lace  and 
spinners  " ;  two  maidens  ;  one  woman,  designated  as  the 
wife  of  a  shepherd  ;  one  button-maker  ;  one  gardener  ;  and 
one  undescribed  male.  There  were  at  the  same  time  set- 
tled in  Dover  thirteen  Walloon  exiles,  of  whom  five  were 
merchants,  three  mariners,  and  the  others  of  different 
trades. 

SAMUEL  SMILES,  Huguenots  in  England  and  Ireland,  88-92,  93-95. 


Decay  and  Revival  of  English  Coast  Towns 

Our  subject  leads  to  the  singular  fate  that  attended 
many  of  our  south  coast  towns  in  the  course  of  the  last  cen- 
tury. They  died  out  as  mercantile  coast  towns ;  and  when 
near  to  a  point  of  extinction,  they  rose,  phoenix-like,  under 
a  metamorphosed  appearance,  and  enabled  a  large  and  new 
class  in  society  to  gratify  their  wishes  and  a  novel  taste. 

The  decline  of  these  towns  was  nearly  simultaneous, 
and  was  due  to  the  same  causes.  Their  rise  was  contem- 
poraneous, and  is  attributable  to  a  novel  phase  which 
society  took  on,  to  new  habits,  and  to  the  effects  of  new 
medical  prescriptive  directions. 

Many  of  our  coast  towns  had  been  the  residence  of  mer- 
chants for  several  centuries,  who  traded  in  very  small 


86       The  Elements  and  Struct^lre  of  Society 

vessels,  as  was  then  the  custom,  to  foreign  parts.  Some 
towns  had  manufactures  of  woollen  goods  carried  on  in 
addition  to  fishing,  and  a  little  trade  in  shipping. 

The  war  with  France,  after  the  revolution  and  expulsion  of 
James  II.,  put  an  end  to  the  trade  with  that  country,  which 
has  never  been  re-established.  As  the  old  families,  the 
honoured  merchants,  died  off,  there  were  no  successors. 
Their  sons  withdrew  altogether  ;  or  if  they  remained,  there 
was  no  longer  any  commerce  to  occupy  their  attention. 
The  vessels  used  in  foreign  trade  gave  way  to  ships  which 
were  unsuited  to  small  ports,  and  large  and  populous  towns 
drew  away  and  retained  all  the  foreign  trade. 

Some  of  our  towns  straightway  declined  in  a  rapid  man- 
ner, and  were  in  a  very  low  condition. 

Weymouth  and  Lyme,  old  coast  towns,  are  remarkable 
instances  of  this  decline. 


In  1747  the  roads  and  ways  were  out  of  repair.  The 
old  names  of  families  who  had  lived  many  years  in  the 
town  no  longer  appear.  The  state  of  the  streets,  from 
the  account  of  them  furnished  by  the  old  people,  was  truly 
pitiable.  The  constables  present,  in  1762,  things  "as  well 
as  usual." 

There  was  little  shipping,  and  very  few  respectable  in- 
habitants, about  the  year  1750.  Houses  were  of  little 
value :  purchasers  could  scarcely  be  procured  on  any  terms, 
and  some  were  literally  given  away ;  while  others  are 
known  to  have  been  offered,  but  refused !  About  this 
time  a  weaver's  four  large  rooms,  and  weaving  room  be- 
sides, let  for  one  shilling  a  week.  The  weavers  wove  the 
serges  at  their  own  houses :  the  cloth  was  not  dyed.  The 
lower  street  had  large  high  buildings,  some  of  which  pro- 
jected at  each  story,  which  had  been  the  abode  in  the 
former  century  of  rich  families,  but  from  the  effects  of 
time,  and  neglect  of  the  poorer  occupiers,  were  in  a  state 
of  extreme  decay.  The  population  had  dwindled  to  less 
than  a  thousand  inhabitants,  so  that  a  great  many  houses 
remained  unoccupied,  and  were  so  neglected,  that  it  is  an 
incontestable  fact,  that  no  one  could  walk  with  safety  in 
the  streets  during  a  high  wind,  which  frequently  blew 
down  parts  of  the  most  tottering  buildings.  From  the 


Aggregation  87 

year  1692  to  1/72  above  one  hundred  and  eighteen  houses 
had  fallen  to  ruin,  besides  many  burnt  down  and  never 
rebuilt  and  washed  away  by  the  sea.  A  petition  to  Parlia- 
ment set  forth  the  inability  of  the  town  to  pay  the  land 
tax,  which  had  increased  to  6s.  in  the  pound,  and  had  been 
returned  insuper. 

As  the  old  houses  fell  down,  or,  having  become  danger- 
ous, were  removed,  poor  people  built  themselves  with  the 
materials  tenements  of  little  value.  Some  old  buildings 
were  repaired  in  such  an  excessively  clumsy  manner  as  to 
destroy  all  vestiges  of  former  proportions. 

There  were  no  houses  in  the  environs  ;  there  was  then 
a  town's  end  in  reality,  where  a  century  before  posts  had 
been  driven  in  to  keep  out  the  Cavaliers.  Broad  Street 
was  inhabited  by  lace-makers,  who  worked  at  their  Lyme- 
lace  —  an  elegant  material,  which,  however,  did  not  enrich 
the  poor  people  engaged  in  that  trade. 

Most  of  the  serges  wove  were  shipped  from  Exeter  to 
Ancona.  This  source  of  employment  ceased  as  the  trade 
was  transferred  to  the  north. 

Most  of  the  houses  in  Broad  Street  had  porches.  An 
old  person  described,  among  other  things,  how  ladies  in 
the  decline  of  life  used  to  sit  and  stand  in  their  porches  on 
summer  evenings,  to  talk  to  their  friends  and  also  to  in- 
feriors, in  full  dress  —  a  white  apron  instead  of  a  check 
one,  ruffles,  etc.  Two  or  three  ladies  of  the  principal 
families  were  styled  "  madame."  No  strangers  ever  came 
in  the  summer.  When  the  members  of  the  Fane  family 
attended  elections,  etc.,  they  were  received  by  a  gentleman 
named  Lisle,  at  his  house  in  the  Butter  Market. 

The  shops  were  so  ill  supplied,  that,  excepting  at  fairs, 
very  few  articles  not  of  ordinary  consumption  could  be 
procured.  The  old  houses  rapidly  disappeared,  and  hovels 
succeeded  in  their  places.  No  white  bread  was  sold.  The 
labourers  worked  for  ^d.  a  day. 

******* 

Weymouth  might  equally  well  have  been  cited  as  an 
example  of  decline.  The  same  lament  would  have  applied 
to  it  as  to  Lyme  and  other  old  maritime  towns.  Weymouth 
had  fallen  very  low,  and  was  the  residence  of  fishermen 
and  smugglers.  Poverty  was  great,  and  tenements  fell 


88       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

down  from  neglect.     Certain  rents  of  assize  amounted  to 
only  I4/. 

In  1740  the  half  of  Charlotte  Row  was  offered  to  an 
individual  if  he  would  enclose  the  remainder,  which  he 
declined,  considering  it  as  a  bad  speculation. 

At  Brighton  a  spot  of  ground  was  offered  to  a  hair- 
dresser in  fee,  upon  condition  of  shaving  the  possessor. 
The  terms  were  declined.  The  land  soon  became  very 
valuable. 

Commerce  did  not  revive,  and  the  woollen  trade  was 
doomed  to  decline  also,  and  to  be  transferred  to  other 
localities. 

The  arrest  that  took  place  in  the  further  decline  of  the 
seaport  towns,  —  the  metamorphose  in  the  habits  of  society, 
—  are  worthy  of  consideration.  Great  effects  were  pro- 
duced ;  manners  were  altered ;  old  towns  revived,  and  new 
towns  rapidly  arose. 

******* 

Before  the  year  1750  the  sea  on  our  southern  coast  had 
ever  been  as  pure ;  —  the  hills  and  under  cliffs  as  grand 
and  captivating,  still  no  inland  residents  came  to  the  fairy 
land.  There  is  in  history  no  record  of  any  summer 
seaside  pleasure-taking  or  health-seeking  visits;  not  a 
word  of  bathing,  nor  any  hot  baths.  In  Queen  Eliza- 
beth's reign  any  scholar  of  Cambridge  University  who 
dared  to  bathe  by  day  or  night  was  set  in  the  stocks  all 
day ;  and  for  the  second  offence,  to  be  whipped  with  rods. 

Whether  is  the  more  strange  ?  the  neglect  of  the  seaside 
for  bathing,  or  the  change  that  now  obtained  ? 

Persons  of  either  sex  living  far  from  the  sea  deemed  it 
necessary  to  rush  to  the  coast  so  soon  as  the  fine  weather 
had  set  in.  Like  the  anadromous  fishes,  a  furious  desire 
to  migrate  seized  upon  them,  and  they  obeyed  the  instinc- 
tive call.  Opinion  will  be  found  to  have  set  going  this 
movement.  The  same  moving  power  has  been  active  on 
subsequent  occasions.  Medical  practice  assumes  the 
mania  of  fashion,  and  its  votaries  obey  the  call.  How 
many  forms  of  fashionable  practice  have  seriously  occupied 
the  attention  of  society,  particularly  of  the  easy  classes; 
but  none  can,  it  is  to  be  believed,  equal  the  monster  move- 
ment of  the  era  under  consideration. 


Aggregation  89 

Man  delights  to  trace  great  results  to  certain  causes,  and 
to  prove  them  to  be  the  clear  emanation  of  one  mind. 
Shall  injustice  be  imputed  if  Dr.  Richard  Russel  be  set 
down  as  the  great  instigator  of  the  seaside  mania  ? 

This  physician  was  the  son  of  a  London  bookseller. 
His  acquirements  were  great,  and  a  great  name  was  the 
consequence.  In  1750  he  published  in  Latin  his  well- 
known  Treatise  iipon  Glandular  Consumption,  and  the  Use 
of  Sea  Water  in  Diseases  of  tJie  Glands.  This  produced  a 
great  effect  upon  the  medical  faculty;  and  in  1753  an 
English  translation  was  sent  forth,  which  increased  his 
fame  and  the  number  of  his  patients.  His  course  of  treat- 
ment led  him,  as  might  reasonably  be  supposed,  to  the 
coast.  He  chose  Brighton  for  his  residence. 

Sea  water  became  the  panacea  for  every  ailment.  Phy- 
sicians talked  of  the  sea ;  descanted  upon  the  number  of 
dips,  the  hour  for  immersion ;  the  number  of  times  a  week ; 
the  particular  locality,  and  the  relative  strength  or  saltness 
of  the  water.  Determination  to  the  seaside  was  set  up. 

Should  we  say  of  Dr.  Russel  that  he  caused  Brighton 
alone  to  rise,  —  that  metropolis  of  the  sea-coast  ?  The 
fame  of  his  practice  led  other  medical  men  to  raise  the  cry, 
"  To  the  seaside."  Lodging  houses  began  to  be  created  in 
a  very  great  number  of  localities,  as  at  Brighton.  Dr. 
Russel  was  to  seaside  visitors  what  Peter  the  Hermit  was 
to  the  crusades  —  the  instigator,  the  genius  that  raised  the 
latent  spirit. 

******* 

Some  towns  were  especially  marked  out  and  lauded  by 
physicians  for  their  curative  influence  in  cases  of  consump- 
tion. This  was  so  in  a  remarkable  degree  with  Sidmouth, 
when  Torquay,  Bournemouth,  etc.,  did  not  exist  as  towns, 
or  even  as  villages.  There  were  by  the  quay  at  Tor  three 
cottages,  which  many  old  persons  remembered  as  the  first 
signs  of  that  large  watering-place  and  winter  residence. 
Ryde  had  only  a  few  fishermen's  houses.  Brighton  was  a 
small  place.  Weston  super  Mare,  Clevedon,  Burnham, 
Teignmouth,  Budleigh,  Sallerton,  Bournemouth,  Dawlish, 
Bagnov,  Worthing,  etc.,  either  did  not  exist,  or  were  insig- 
nificant villages. 


90       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

In  the  summer  months  an  agreeable  society  was  formed. 
The  visitors  and  respectable  inhabitants  occasionally  met 
at  six  o'clock  to  dance  in  the  alcove  on  the  Square,  now 
forming  a  part  of  the  walk.  The  front  was  glazed.  The 
whole  extent  of  window  was  lined  with  spectators,  who  took 
their  station  to  "  gaze  on  the  fair  "  and  see  the  strangers. 

Families  of  good  fortune  regularly  came  for  the  season, 
and  many  of  the  first  visitors  built  houses  near  the  sea,  in 
spots  which  till  then  had  been  entirely  neglected.  In  the 
course  of  a  few  years  great  changes  took  place.  There 
were  two  prices  for>  articles,  one  for  inhabitants,  another 
for  visitors.  Persons  of  county  family  put  a  sum  of  money 
into  their  trunk,  and  went  to  the  sea  to  spend  it.  Some 
"  land  sharks  "  followed  ;  and  amusing  adventures  might 
be  recorded.  Some  persons  in  business,  keepers  of  hotels, 
libraries,  and  assembly  rooms,  made  themselves  particu- 
larly useful  to  the  strangers.  Possessed  of  tact,  a  few 
attained  a  pitch  of  influence  that  caused  them  to  be  privi- 
leged persons,  while  their  senses  directed  them  to  use  with 
judgment  and  effect  the  advantages  of  their  position  —  a 
novel  one  to  themselves  and  their  fellow  townsmen.  Houses 
began  to  be  wholly  appropriated  to  strangers,  though 
none  of  those  pretty  cottages  which  now  grace  the  environs 
had  been  erected  and  few  buildings  in  a  more  elevated 
situation  were  in  existence.  A  boarding  house  was  opened. 

G.  ROBERTS,  Social  History  of  the  Southern  Counties  of  England, 
540-543,  546-550. 

Congregation 

The  growth  of  a  population  by  immigration  is  a  process 
of  Congregation.  It  is  a  gathering  in  one  place  or  area 
of  individuals  from  many  other  places,  who  are  attracted 
by  the  resources  or  other  opportunities  of  a  new  home. 

Anglo-Norman  England 

One  immediate  result  of  the  Conquest  had  been  a  great 
immigration  into  England  from  the  Continent.  A  peace- 
ful invasion  of  the  industrial  and  trading  classes  of  Nor- 
mandy followed  quick  on  the  conquest  of  the  Norman 


Aggregation  91 

soldiery.  Every  Norman  noble  as  he  quartered  himself 
upon  English  lands,  every  Norman  abbot  as  he  entered 
his  English  cloister,  gathered  French  artists  or  French  do- 
mestics around  his  new  castle  or  his  new  church.  Around 
the  Abbey  of  Battle,  for  instance,  which  William  had 
founded  on  the  site  of  his  great  victory,  "  Gilbert  the  For- 
eigner, Gilbert  the  Weaver,  Benet  the  Steward,  Hugh  the 
Secretary,  Baldwin  the  Tailor,"  mixed  with  the  English 
tenantry.  More  especially  was  this  the  case  with  the  capi- 
tal. Long  before  the  landing  of  William,  the  Normans 
had  had  mercantile  establishments  in  London.  Such  set- 
tlements, however,  naturally  formed  nothing  more  than  a 
trading  colony ;  but  London  had  no  sooner  submitted  to 
the  Conqueror  than  "  many  of  the  citizens  of  Rouen  and 
Caen  passed  over  thither,  preferring  to  be  dwellers  in  this 
city,  inasmuch  as  it  was  fitter  for  their  trading  and  better 
stored  with  the  merchandize  in  which  they  were  wont  to 

traffic  " 

GREEN,  Short  History  of  the  English  People,  92. 

Causes  of  Aggregation 

Proximate  Causes  of  aggregation  are,  first,  fecundity, 
statistically  expressed  by  the  excess  of  births  over  deaths ; 
and,  secondly,  the  life  opportunities  that  attract  migrating 
men  from  elsewhere. 

Remoter  Causes  are  certain  processes  that  in  the  nomen- 
clature of  the  theory  of  evolution  are  denoted  by  the  word 
Equilibration. 

Bodies  or  aggregates  highly  charged  with  energy  give 
off  a  portion  of  their  surplus  energy  to  neighboring  bodies 
or  aggregates  less  highly  charged ;  the  highly  heated 
body,  for  example,  radiating  its  heat  to  surrounding  objects 
until  temperatures  are  equalized. 

The  movement  of  popu  lation  from  a  region  where  life  oppor- 
tunities are  few,  to  one  where  they  are  abundant,  is  a  mode  of 
equilibration.  It  may  be  called  Demographic  Equilibration. 


92       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Among  the  conditions  determining  equilibrative  pro- 
cesses in  a  population  are  certain  important  causes  affect- 
ing energy.  Chief  among  these  are  land  and  climate  and 
certain  special  physical  causes  of  migration. 

Relation  of  Environment  to  Energy 

Bodily  functions  are  facilitated  by  atmospheric  condi- 
tions which  make  evaporation  from  the  skin  and  lungs 
rapid.  That  weak  persons,  whose  variations  of  health  fur- 
nish good  tests,  are  worse  when  the  air  is  surcharged  with 
water,  and  are  better  when  the  weather  is  fine ;  and  that 
commonly  such  persons  are  enervated  by  residence  in  moist 
localities  but  invigorated  by  residence  in  dry  ones,  are  facts 
generally  recognized.  And  this  relation  of  cause  and  effect, 
manifest  in  individuals,  doubtless  holds  in  races.  Through- 
out temperate  regions,  differences  of  constitutional  activity 
due  to  differences  of  atmospheric  humidity,  are  less  trace- 
able than  in  torrid  regions :  the  reason  being  that  all  the 
inhabitants  are  subject  to  a  tolerably  quick  escape  of  water 
from  their  surfaces;  since  the  air,  though  well  charged 
with  water,  will  take  up  more  when  its  temperature,  pre- 
viously low,  is  raised  by  contact  with  the  body.  But  it  is 
otherwise  in  tropical  regions  where  the  body  and  the  air 
bathing  it  differ  much  less  in  temperature ;  and  where, 
indeed,  the  air  is  sometimes  higher  in  temperature  than 
the  body.  Here  the  rate  of  evaporation  depends  almost 
wholly  on  the  quantity  of  surrounding  vapour.  If  the  air 
is  hot  and  moist,  the  escape  of  water  through  the  skin  and 
lungs  is  greatly  hindered  ;  while  it  is  greatly  facilitated  if 
the  air  is  hot  and  dry.  Hence  in  the  torrid  zone,  we  may 
expect  constitutional  differences  between  the  inhabitants 
of  low,  steaming  tracts  and  the  inhabitants  of  tracts  parched 
with  heat.  Needful  as  are  cutaneous  and  pulmonary 
evaporation  for  maintaining  the  movement  of  fluids  through 
the  tissues  and  thus  furthering  molecular  changes,  it  is  to 
be  inferred  that,  other  things  equal,  there  will  be  more 
bodily  activity  in  the  people  of  hot  and  dry  localities  than 
in  the  people  of  hot  and  humid  localities. 

The   evidence    justifies    this    inference.     The    earliest 


Aggregation  93 

recorded  civilization  grew  up  in  a  hot  and  dry  region  — 
Egypt;  and  in  hot  and  dry  regions  also  arose  the  Baby- 
lonian, Assyrian,  and  Phoenician  civilizations.  But  the 
facts  when  stated  in  terms  of  nations  are  far  less  striking 
than  when  stated  in  terms  of  races.  On  glancing  over  a 
general  rain-map,  there  will  be  seen  an  almost  continuous 
area  marked  "rainless  district,"  extending  across  North 
Africa,  Arabia,  Persia,  and  on  through  Thibet  into  Mon- 
golia ;  and  from  within,  or  from  the  borders  of  this  district, 
have  come  all  the  conquering  races  of  the  Old  World.  We 
have  the  Tartar  race,  which,  passing  the  southern  moun- 
tain-boundary of  this  rainless  district,  peopled  China  and 
the  regions  between  it  and  India — thrusting  the  aborigi- 
nes of  these  areas  into  the  hilly  tracts ;  and  which  has 
sent  successive  waves  of  invaders  not  into  these  regions 
only,  but  into  the  West.  We  have  the  Aryan  race,  over- 
spreading India  and  making  its  way  through  Europe.  We 
have  the  Semitic  race,  becoming  dominant  in  North  Africa, 
and,  spurred  on  by  Mahommedan  fanaticism,  subduing 
parts  of  Europe.  That  is  to  say,  besides  the  Egyptian 
race,  which  became  powerful  in  the  hot  and  dry  valley  of 
the  Nile,  we  have  three  races  widely  unlike  in  type,  which, 
from  different  parts  of  the  rainless  district  have  spread 
over  regions  relatively  humid.  Original  superiority  of  type 
was  not  the  common  trait  of  these  peoples  :  the  Tartar 
type  is  inferior,  as  was  the  Egyptian.  But  the  common 
trait,  as  proved  by  subjugation  of  other  peoples,  was 
energy.  And  when  we  see  that  this  common  trait  in  kinds 
of  men  otherwise  unlike,  had  for  its  concomitant  their  long- 
continued  subjection  to  these  special  climatic  conditions  — 
when  we  find,  further,  that  from  the  region  characterized 
by  these  conditions,  the  earlier  waves  of  conquering  emi- 
grants, losing  in  moister  countries  their  ancestral  energy, 
were  overrun  by  later  waves  of  the  same  kind  of  men,  or 
of  other  kinds,  coming  from  this  region ;  we  get  strong 
reason  for  inferring  a  relation  between  constitutional 
vigour  and  the  presence  of  an  air  which,  by  its  warmth 
and  dryness,  facilitates  the  vital  actions.  A  striking  veri- 
fication is  at  hand.  The  rain-map  of  the  New  World  shows 
that  the  largest  of  the  parts  distinguished  as  almost  rain- 
less, is  that  Central  American  and  Mexican  region  in 


94       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

which  indigenous  civilizations  developed ;  and  that  the  only 
other  rainless  district  is  that  part  of  the  ancient  Peruvian 
territory,  in  which  the  pre-Ynca  civilization  has  left  its 
most  conspicuous  traces.  Inductively,  then,  the  evidence 
justifies  in  a  remarkable  manner  the  physiological  deduc- 
tion. Nor  are  there  wanting  minor  verifications.  Speak- 
ing of  the  varieties  of  negroes,  Livingstone  says :  "  Heat 
alone  does  not  produce  blackness  of  skin,  but  heat  with 
moisture  seems  to  insure  the  deepest  hue;"  and  Schwein- 
furth  remarks  on  the  relative  blackness  of  the  Denka  and 
other  tribes  living  on  the  alluvial  plains,  and  contrasts  them 
with  "  the  less  swarthy  and  more  robust  races  who  inhabit 
the  rocky  hills  of  the  interior,"  differences  with  which 
there  go  differences  of  energy.  But  I  note  this  fact  for 
the  purpose  of  suggesting  its  probable  connexion  with 
the  fact  that  the  lighter-skinned  races  are  habitually  the 
dominant  races.  We  see  it  to  have  been  so  in  Egypt. 
It  was  so  with  the  races  spreading  south  from  Central 
Asia.  Traditions  imply  that  it  was  so  in  Central  America 
and  Peru.  Speke  says,  "  I  have  always  found  the  lighter- 
coloured  savages  more  boisterous  and  warlike  than  those  of 
a  dingier  hue."  And  if,  heat  being  the  same,  darkness 
of  skin  accompanies  humidity  of  the  air,  while  lightness  of 
skin  accompanies  dryness  of  the  air,  then,  in  this  habitual 
predominance  of  the  fair  varieties  of  men,  we  find  further 
evidence  that  constitutional  activity,  and  in  so  far  social 
development,  is  favoured  by  a  climate  conducing  to  rapid 
evaporation. 

HERBERT  SPENCER,  Principles  of  Sociology,  Vol.  I.  21-23. 

Physical  Causes  of  Migration 

A  complete  outline  of  the  original  external  factors  im- 
plies a  knowledge  of  the  past  which  we  have  not  got,  and 
are  not  likely  to  get.  Now  that  geologists  and  archaeolo- 
gists are  uniting  to  prove  that  human  existence  goes  back 
to  a  time  so  remote  that  "  pre-historic  "  scarcely  expresses 
it,  we  are  shown  that  the  effects  of  external  conditions  on 
social  evolution  cannot  be  fully  traced.  Remembering 
that  the  twenty  thousand  years,  or  so,  during  which  man 


Aggregation  95 

has  lived  in  the  Nile-valley,  is  made  to  seem  a  relatively 
small  period  by  the  evidence  that  he  co-existed  with  the 
extinct  mammals  of  the  drift  —  remembering  that  Eng- 
land had  human  inhabitants  at  an  epoch  which  good  judges 
think  was  glacial  —  remembering  that  in  America,  along 
with  the  bones  of  a  Mastodon  imbedded  in  the  alluvium  of 
the  Bourbense,  were  found  arrow-heads  and  other  traces 
of  the  savages  who  had  killed  this  member  of  an  order  no 
longer  represented  in  that  part  of  the  world  —  remember- 
ing that,  judging  from  the  evidence  as  interpreted  by  Pro- 
fessor Huxley,  those  vast  subsidences  which  changed  a 
continent  into  the  Eastern  Archipelago,  took  place  after 
the  negro  race  was  established  as  a  distinct  variety  of  man  ; 
we  must  infer  that  it  is  hopeless  to  trace  back  the  external 
factors  of  social  phenomena  to  anything  like  their  first  forms. 
One  important  truth  only,  implied  by  the  evidence  thus 
glanced  at,  must  be  noted.  Geological  changes  and  mete- 
orological changes,  as  well  as  the  consequent  changes  of 
Floras  and  Faunas,  must  have  been  causing,  over  all  parts 
of  the  Earth,  perpetual  emigrations  and  immigrations. 
From  each  locality  made  less  habitable  by  increasing  in- 
clemency, a  wave  of  diffusion  must  have  spread;  into  each 
locality  made  more  favourable  to  human  existence  by  amel- 
ioration of  climate,  or  increase  of  indigenous  food,  or  both, 
a  wave  of  concentration  must  have  been  set  up  ;  and  by 
great  geological  changes,  here  sinking  areas  of  land  and 
there  raising  areas,  other  redistributions  of  mankind  must 
have  been  produced.  Accumulating  facts  show  that  these 
enforced  ebbings  and  flowings  have,  in  some  localities,  and 
probably  in  most,  taken  place  time  after  time.  And  such 
waves  of  emigration  and  immigration  must  have  been  ever 
bringing  the  dispersed  groups  of  the  race  into  contact  with 
conditions  more  or  less  new. 

HERBERT  SPENCER,  Principles  of  'Sociology,  Vol.  I.  16-17. 

Causes  of  the  Great  Asiatic-European  Migrations 

Men  of  science  have  not  yet  settled  upon  the  causes 
which  some  two  thousand  years  ago  drove  whole  nations 
from  Asia  into  Europe  and  resulted  in  the  great  migrations 
of  barbarians  which  put  an  end  to  the  West  Roman  Em- 


96       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

pire.  One  cause,  however,  is  naturally  suggested  to  the 
geographer  as  he  contemplates  the  ruins  of  populous  cities 
in  the  deserts  of  Central  Asia,  or  follows  the  old  beds  of 
rivers  now  disappeared  and  the  wide  outlines  of  lakes  now 
reduced  to  the  size  of  mere  ponds.  It  is  desiccation :  a 
quite  recent  desiccation,  continued  still  at  a  speed  which 
we  formerly  were  not  prepared  to  admit.1  Against  it  man 
was  powerless.  When  the  inhabitants  of  North-West 
Mongolia  and  East  Turkestan  saw  that  water  was  abandon- 
ing them,  they  had  no  course  open  to  them  but  to  move 
down  the  broad  valleys  leading  to  the  lowlands,  and  to 
thrust  westwards  the  inhabitants  of  the  plains.  Stems 
after  stems  were  thus  thrown  into  Europe,  compelling  other 
stems  to  move  and  to  remove  for  centuries  in  succession, 
westwards  and  eastwards,  in  search  of  new  and  more  or 
less  permanent  abodes.  Races  were  mixing  with  races 
during  those  migrations,  aborigines  with  immigrants,  Ar- 
yans with  Ural-Altayans ;  and  it  would  have  been  no  won- 
der if  the  social  institutions  which  had  kept  them  together 
in  their  mother-countries  had  been  totally  wrecked  during 
the  stratification  of  races  which  took  place  in  Europe  and 
Asia.  But  they  were  not  wrecked  ;  they  simply  underwent 
the  modification  which  was  required  by  the  new  conditions 

of  life. 

P.  KROPOTKIN,  Mutual  Aid,  118-119. 

Ultimate  Causes  of  Aggregation 

The  ultimate  causes  of  aggregation  are  found  in  the 
constitution  and  motions  of  matter  and  the  processes  of 
universal  evolution. 

Matter  and  Motion.  —  Matter,  long  since  resolved  into 
the  molecules  that  compose  masses,  and  the  atoms  that 

1  Numberless  traces  of  post-pliocene  lakes,  now  disappeared,  are  found 
over  Central,  West,  and  North  Asia.  Shells  of  the  same  species  as  those  now 
found  in  the  Caspian  Sea  are  scattered  over  the  surface  of  the  soil  as  far  east 
as  half-way  to  Lake  Aral,  and  are  found  in  recent  deposits  as  far  north  as 
Kazan.  Traces  of  Caspian  Gulfs,  formerly  taken  for  old  beds  of  the  Amee, 
intersect  the  Turcoman  territory.  Deduction  must  surely  be  made  for  tem- 
porary, periodical  oscillations.  But  with  all  that,  desiccation  is  evident,  and 
it  progresses  at  a  formerly  unexpected  speed.  Even  in  the  relatively  wet 


Aggregation  97 

compose  molecules,  we  now  resolve  into  inconceivably 
more  minute  particles,  namely,  the  positively  electric  ions 
and  the  negatively  electric  corpuscles. 

The  motions  of  matter  are  not  only  molar,  molecular,  and 
atomic,  but  also  intra-atomic,  or  corpuscular,  constituting 
electrical  and  radio-active  phenomena.  The  motions  of 
matter  reveal  themselves  in  endlessly  recurring  repetitions 
and  in  innumerable  similarities  of  mode. 

Conflicts )  Similarities,  and  Systems.  —  The  particles  and 
masses  of  matter  are  in  ceaseless  conflict,  bombarding, 
driving,  rending,  and  in  turn  compacting  one  another,  in 
infinitely  various  ways. 

Every  phase  of  growth  and  of  migration  exhibited  by  a 
population  is  a  mode  or  a  product  of  conflict :  conflict  be- 
tween the  population  and  its  inorganic  environment,  in- 
cluding topography  and  atmospheric  conditions ;  conflict 
between  the  population  and  the  organic  world  of  plant  and 
animal  life ;  conflict  between  aggregate  and  aggregate  of 
the  population  itself. 

But  among  the  conflicts  that  rage  among  the  particles 
and  the  masses  of  matter,  there  are  similarities  and  repeti- 
tions. Some  conflicts  are  like  other  conflicts.  Therefore, 
physical  conflicts  are  not  always  destructive ;  they  are  also 
constructive;  they  evolve  order.  The  phenomena  of  the 
cosmos  reveal  a  system. 

The  Laws  of  Motion.  —  All  motion  follows  the  line  of 
least  resistance,  and  all  motions  are  rhythmical.  Every- 

parts  of  South-West  Siberia,  the  succession  of  reliable  surveys,  recently  pub- 
lished by  Yadriusteff,  shows  that  villages  have  grown  up  on  what  was,  eighty 
years  ago,  the  bottom  of  one  of  the  lakes  of  the  Tchany  group;  while  the 
other  lakes  of  the  same  group,  which  covered  hundreds  of  square  miles  some 
fifty  years  ago,  are  now  mere  ponds.  In  short,  the  desiccation  of  North- West 
Asia  goes  on  at  a  rate  which  must  be  measured  by  centuries,  instead  of  by  the 
geological  units  of  time  of  which  we  formerly  used  to  speak. 

H 


98       Tfie  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

where  and  always  these  laws  have  been  exemplified  in  the 
migrations  of  men. 

Equilibration.  —  Matter  is  indestructible  ;  motion  is  con- 
tinuous. The  matter  that  disappears  in  one  form  reap- 
pears in  some  other.  The  motion  that  ceases  in  one  mode 
is  only  transformed  into  some  other  mode. 

In  the  ceaseless  redistributions  of  matter  and  motion, 
motion  is  continually  passing  from  one  body,  or  aggregate 
of  matter,  to  another.  A  body,  or  aggregate  of  matter 
that  is  highly  charged  with  energy,  i.e.  with  molar,  molecu- 
lar, atomic  and  intra-atomic  motions,  in  contact  with  a 
neighboring  aggregate  less  highly  charged,  loses  energy 
which  the  neighboring  aggregate  gains.  This  process,  we 
have  already  noted,  is  called  equilibration. 

Evolution.  —  A  body  or  aggregate  that  is  losing  mo- 
tion contracts.  Its  molecules  or  other  units  concentrate. 
Masses  of  matter,  made  up  of  innumerable  molecules,  may 
be  drawn  or  driven  together  by  gravitation  or  other  force. 
Each  of  these  processes,  i.e.  mere  concentration,  mass 
remaining  the  same,  and  accumulation,  an  increase  of 
mass,  is  called  Integration.  Integration  is  the  begin- 
ning of  evolution. 

All  aggregation  in  a  social  population  is  integration, 
whether  it  be  a  mere  concentration  at  certain  points  of  a 
population  previously  dispersed,  as  in  the  growth  of  cities 
at  the  expense  of  the  country,  or  whether  it  be  an  increase 
of  the  total  population  by  immigration  from  foreign  lands. 

Different  parts  of  an  integrating  aggregate  are  differ- 
ently or  variously  exposed  to  various  incident  forces. 
They  tend,  therefore,  to  become  different  in  composition, 
form,  or  arrangement.  This  transformation  is  called 
Differentiation. 


Aggregation  99 

An  increasing  population,  distributed  over  a  diversified 
region,  of  sea-coast  and  inland,  of  lowland,  plain,  and 
mountain,  becomes  differentiated  in  both  physical  and 
mental  qualities. 

Under  the  action  of  any  incident  force  similar  units, 
reacting  :in  like  ways,  are  drawn  or  driven  together. 
This  process  is  called  Segregation,  or  segregative 
selection. 

Segregative  selection  has  been  strikingly  exhibited  in 
the  distribution  of  the  foreign  born  in  the  United  States. 
Four-fifths  of  the  whole  German  immigration  is  found  in 
the  north-central  division.  The  Swedes  and  Norwegians 
have  sought  homes  in  Minnesota,  Wisconsin,  and  Illinois. 
The  Irish  have  tended  to  remain  in  the  East,  along  the 
coast,  from  New  York  to  Maine.  The  Italians  have  either 
remained  in  the  great  cities,  or  have  tended  toward  the 
Southern  states. 

Integration  in  the  sense  of  a  mere  concentration  of  par- 
ticles, mass  remaining  the  same,  Mr.  Spencer  has  called 
simple  evolution.  Differentiation  and  segregation  occur 
only  when  an  aggregate  is  integrating  slowly,  because  it 
is  losing  energy  slowly,  or  because  it  had  a  great  deal  of 
energy  at  the  outset,  or  because,  while  losing,  it  is  at  the 
same  time  absorbing  motion,  as  living  organic  matter  does, 
or  as  a  growing  social  population  does,  or  as  any  aggregate 
whatsoever  may  when  it  is  adding  to  itself  new  matter 
containing  fresh  stores  of  energy  from  without.  Inte- 
gration, complicated  by  differentiation  and  segregation 
Mr.  Spencer  calls  compound  evolution. 

The  Laws  of  Evolution.  — The  foregoing  account  of  the 
evolutional  process  closely  follows  Mr.  Spencer's  exposi- 
tion. That  exposition  may  be  supplemented  by  a  formu- 


ioo     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

lation  of  certain  quantitative  laws  of  evolution  which  Mr. 
Spencer  seems  not  to  have  apprehended. 

Economists  have  long  been  familiar  with  certain  laws 
of  differential  cost  and  gain.  They  are  commonly  called 
Laws  of  Increasing  and  of  Diminishing  Return.  The 
usual  statement  of  them  in  the  text-books  is  inadequate. 
A  more  accurate  and  possibly  a  sufficient  statement  is  that 
in  any  given  state  of  industry  and  the  arts,  an  increasing 
outlay  of  labor  and  capital  in  agricultural,  manufacturing, 
or  commercial  operations,  conducted  upon  a  given  area,1 
will,  up  to  a  given  limit,  yield  returns  increasing  faster 
than  the  outlay,  and  will,  beyond  that  limit,  yield  returns 
increasing  less  rapidly  than  the  outlay. 

Now,  it  can  be  shown  that  increasing  and  diminishing 
returns,  within  the  realm  of  economic  phenomena,  are 
only  special  cases  of  relations  that  hold  good  throughout 
all  phenomena,  physical,  chemical,  biological,  psychologi- 
cal, and  social.  The  laws  of  increasing  and  diminishing 
return  are  universal  laws.  They  are  laws  of  universal 
evolution. 

In  the  evolutionary  process  "  outlay,"  instead  of 
being  made  in  terms  of  labor  and  capital,  is  made  in 
expenditures  of  energy,  that  is  to  say,  in  dissipations 
of  motion.  The  return  for  this  outlay  is  the  total  amount 
of  compound  evolution.  Under  certain  conditions  an 
increasing  expenditure  of  the  energies  —  original  and 
subsequently  acquired  —  of  an  aggregate,  results  in  evo- 
lutionary changes  that  extend  or  multiply  more  rapidly 
than  the  expenditure  of  energy  increases.  Under  other 
conditions,  evolutionary  changes  extend  or  multiply  less 
rapidly  than  the  expenditure  of  energy  increases. 

1  Observe,  space,  not  "  land." 


Aggregation  101 

Chief  among  the  conditions  here  referred  to  as  deter- 
mining the  rate  of  evolutionary  change,  the  important 
ones  are,  first,  the  heterogeneity  of  the  elements  or  mate- 
rials entering  into  the  aggregate,  and,  secondly,  the  kind 
or  quality  of  the  materials. 

IiTTibmogeneous  bodies  or  aggregates,  concentration 
bears  a  constant  ratio  to  the  loss  of  internal  motion,  but 
in  heterogeneous  bodies  there  is  no  such  constant  ratio. 
Concentration  may  proceed  more  or  less  rapidly  than  the 
loss  of  energy,  according  to  the  composition  of  the  mass. 

Different  forms  of  matter  differ  one  from  another  in 
their  capacity  to  contain  motion  with  a  given  concentra- 
tion of  their  particles.  That  is  to  say,  they  differ  one 
from  another  in  energy-storing,  energy-conveying,  and 
energy-transforming  capacity  per  unit  of  volume  and  of 
weight,  as  is  seen,  for  example,  in  the  unequal  capacity 
of  woods  and  metals  to  convey  heat  or  to  transmit 
electricity. 

The  general  laws  which  formulate  the  relation  of  these 
facts  to  the  rate  of  evolution  are  these :  — 

1.  In  a  heterogeneous  aggregate  the  amount  of  trans- 
formation,  i.e.    of   compound   evolution,    increases   more 
rapidly  than  the  dissipation  of  motion,  if  in  the  composi- 
tion of  the  aggregate,  materials  of  a  higher  are  being  sub- 
stituted  for   materials  of  a  lower  capacity  —  per  unit  of 
weight  and  of  volume  —  to  store,  convey,  and  transform 
energy,  and  are  being  maintained  in  a   perfect  working 
correlation. 

2.  Conversely,  the  amount  of   compound  evolution  in- 
creases less  rapidly  than  the  dissipation  of  motion,  if  in 
the  composition  of  the  aggregate,  materials  of  a  lower  are 
being  substituted  for  materials  of  a  higher  capacity  —  per 


IO2      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

unit  of  weight  and  of  volume  —  to  store,  convey,  and  trans- 
form energy,  or  if  they  are  not  maintained  in  perfect 
working  correlation.1 

Natural  Selection  and  Survival.  —  The  foregoing  laws 
of  evolution  are  the  basis  and  explanation  of  the  phenom- 
ena of  natural  selection  and  survival. 

In  any  finite  aggregate  of  competing  things  or  organ- 
isms, those  survive  in  which  the  total  amount  of  evolution- 
ary transformation  increases  more  rapidly  than  the  net 
expenditure  of  energy ;  those  perish  in  which  the  total 
quantity  of  evolutionary  transformation  increases  less 
rapidly  than  the  net  expenditure  of  energy. 

These  laws  of  evolution  and  of  survival  are  exemplified 
in  biological  evolution  both  in  the  constitution  of  organic 
matter  itself,  and  in  the  paleontological  series. 

In  all  organic  matter  we  find  marvellous  strength  and 
marvellous  capacity  to  store  and  to  transform  energy,  in 
proportion  to  weight  and  volume. 

In  the  paleontological  series,  we  see  the  termination  of 

1  Two  or  three  simple  illustrations  derived  from  economics  must  here 
suffice  as  indications  of  innumerable  facts  upon  which  the  demonstration  of 
these  laws  rests. 

Increasing  the  returns  of  a  factory  of  given  floor  space  by  increasing  the 
speed  of  machinery,  is  possible  only  if  for  mechanisms  of  poorer  quality  there 
are  substituted  boilers,  shafting,  gearing,  etc.,  of  great  cohesive  strength  and 
great  tensile  strength  in  proportion  to  weight  and  volume. 
.  The  increasing  returns  of  a  department  store,  in  proportion  to  capital 
invested,  have  been  made  possible  by  the  substitution  of  such  devices  as  the 
light  and  diminutive  cash  carrier  apparatus  for  the  relatively  clumsy  mechan- 
ism of  a  sufficiently  large  staff  of  men  and  women,  or  of  boys  and  girls,  to  per- 
form a  like  function. 

The  mechanically  and  commercially  possible  "  skyscraper  "  has  been  made 
possible  by  revolutionary  changes  in  building  materials  and  construction,  in- 
cluding a  substitution  of  light,  but  immensely  strong,  steel  frames  supporting 
the  outer  walls  as  well  as  the  flooring,  for  massive  outer  walls  supporting  an 
internal  structure. 


Aggregation  103 

the  line  of  monster  organisms  and  the  rise  and  survival  of 
organisms  of  less  weight  and  bulk,  but  of  higher  biological 
quality. 

In  psychological  evolution  the  super-imposition  of 
reason  upon  instinct  is  correlated  with  an  increasing  com- 
plexity of  nerve  and  brain  structure,  the  marks  of  which 
are  a  finer  and  finer  cell  mechanism  of  enormously  high 
energy-conveying  and  converting  capacity  in  proportion  to 
weight  and  volume. 

In  the  competition  of  human  races  one  with  another, 
and  of  population  aggregates  one  with  another,  those  of 
high  energy-storing  and  converting  capacity  per  individual 
have  occupied  the  superior  environments  and  have  most 
vigorously  multiplied. 

In  the  evolution  of  social  organization  superior  cor- 
porate forms  displace  inferior  forms  only  if  with  a  differ- 
entiation of  departments,  a  multiplication  of  officials  and 
a  specialization  of  functions,  there  is  a  corresponding  im- 
provement in  individual  efficiency.1 

1  For  the  first  publication  of  this  statement  of  the  laws  of  evolution,  see 
Giddings,  The  Laws  of  Evolution,  Science,  New  Series,  Vol.  XXII,  No.  555, 
August  1 8,  1905. 


CHAPTER   III 

DEMOTIC  COMPOSITION 

Variation  and  Mixture 

GENETIC  aggregation  is  complicated  by  variation,  which 
is  a  mark  of  all  organic  evolution.  For  this  reason,  and 
also  because  genetic  aggregation  is  rarely  the  only  way  in 
which  a  population  grows,  a  population  is  a  mixture  in 
composition  of  elements  of  varying  degrees  of  resemblance 
from  obvious  likeness  to  marked  unlikeness. 

The  physical  differences  that  may  be  observed  in  every 
population  include,  Organic  Variation,  Differences  of  Age, 
the  Difference  of  Sex,  and  Degrees  of  Kinship. 

The  intermingling  of  elements  unlike  in  organic  con- 
stitution, in  age,  and  in  sex,  and  of  elements  bred  of  dif- 
ferent parent  stocks,  and  having,  therefore,  unlike  qualities 
and  habits,  may  be  called  the  Demotic  Composition. 

Organic  Variation 

Differences  of  weight,  of  height,  of  chest  expansion,  of 
head  form,  and  of  other  measurements,  and  differences  of 
energy,  are  among  the  familiar  organic  variations  which  are 
the  basis  of  many  groupings  and  stratifications  of  men  in 
every  social  population. 

Age 

The  familiar  distinctions  of  age  in  a  social  population 
are  those  designated  by  the  terms  "  infancy,"  "  childhood," 

104 


Demotic  Composition  105 

"youth,"  "maturity,"  and  "old  age."  But  in  statistical 
descriptions  of  populations  it  is  usual  to  carry  out  the 
classification  by  age  periods  more  minutely,  at  least  by  five- 
year  periods. 

Sex 

Statistics  of  population  show  in  all  communities  an  ap- 
proximate balance  of  the  sexes,  but  seldom  equal  numbers 
of  males  and  females.  This  difference  is  due  in  part  to 
the  greater  migration  of  men  into  relatively  new  and  un- 
developed regions,  and  in  part  to  differences  between  male 
and  female  birth  rates. 

Kinship 

The  degrees  of  kinship  are,  i,  Consanguinity,  that  nar- 
rowest degree  which  includes  those  individuals  that  are 
most  nearly  related,  as  father,  mother,  and  children, 
brother  and  sister,  grandparents  and  grandchildren,  uncles 
and  aunts,  nephews,  nieces,  and  cousins ;  2,  Propinquity, 
nearness  of  blood  consequent  upon  nearness  of  residence 
and  the  numerous  intermarriages  of  those  who  dwell 
together  in  one  neighborhood ;  3,  Nationality,  the  degree 
of  kinship  that  includes  all  those  who  from  birth  have 
been  of  the  same  speech  and  political  association ;  4, 
Potential  Nationality,  that  remote  relationship  which  exists 
while  nationality  is  still  in  the  making  of  those  who  dwell 
together  in  the  same  nation  or  state,  and  will  presently 
speak  the  same  language,  namely  the  native-born  of  native 
parents,  plus  the  native-born  of  foreign  parents,  plus  the 
foreign-born  ;  5,  Ethnic  Race,  that  degree  of  kinship  which 
includes  all  of  those  nearly  related  nationalities  that  speak 
closely  related  languages,  and  exhibit  common  psychologi- 
cal characteristics  distinguishing  them  collectively  from 


io6      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

other  similar  great  divisions  of  mankind,  e.g.  the  Celtic 
race,  including  the  Irish,  the  Welsh,  and  the  non-Saxon 
Scotch  ;  or  the  Teutonic  race,  including  the  Saxon  English, 
the  Dutch,  the  Germans,  and  the  Scandinavians ;  6,  Glottic 
Race,  a  broad  kinship  which  includes  all  of  those  related 
ethnic  races,  or  parts  of  ethnic  races,  which  once,  at  some 
remote  period,  had  a  common  culture  and  spoke  the  same 
language,  as,  e.g.,  the  Aryans ;  7,  Chromatic  Race,  that 
remote  degree  of  relationship  which  includes  all  glottic 
races  of  the  same  general  color  of  skin,  e.g.  the  white  race, 
the  yellow  race,  the  red  race,  the  brown  race,  the  black 
race ;  and  8,  Cephalic  Race,  that  remote  kinship  which  is 
manifested  in  peculiarities  of  cranial  structure,  e.g.  the 
long-headed,  or  dolichocephalic,  the  broad-headed,  or 
brachycephalic. 

Demotic  Composition :  Norway,  Maine 

The  town  of  Norway  is  made  up  of  the  following  tracts, 
or  grants  of  land,  viz.:  the  tract  of  land  formerly  known 
as  Rustfield,  purchased  by  Henry  Rust,  of  Salem,  Massa- 
chusetts, of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts  in 
December,  1787,  estimated  at  six  thousand  acres;  the  Lee 
Grant,  estimated  at  six  thousand  acres  exclusive  of  water ; 
the  Cummings  Gore,  containing  about  three  thousand  and 
six  hundred  acres ;  and  three  tiers  of  lots  taken  from  the 
easterly  side  of  the  town  of  Waterford,  viz. :  a  strip  one 
mile  and  a  half  wide,  and  seven  miles  long,  estimated  to 
contain  six  thousand  seven  hundred  and  twenty  acres;  and 
another  tract  called  the  "  Gore,"  or  "  Rust's  Gore,"  lying 
south  of  the  Waterford  three  tiers,  and  bordering  on  the 
northerly  line  of  Otisfield. 

******* 

1786. — This  year  five  individuals,  viz.  :  Joseph  Stevens, 
Jeremiah  Hobbs,  Amos  Hobbs,  and  George  Lessley,  from 
the  town  of  Gray,  came  into  the  place,  and  felled  trees  on 


Demotic  Composition  107 

the  tract  called  Rustfield,  excepting  Jeremiah  Hobbs,  who 
commenced  on  the  lot  easterly  of  where  the  Congregational 
meeting-house  now  stands,  and  then  supposed  to  be  within 
the  limits  of  what  was  afterwards  called  Rustfield  ;  George 
Lessley  commenced  on  what  has  since  been  known  as  the 
Isaiah  Hall  farm,  now  owned  and  occupied  by  William 
Frost,  3d,  and  brothers ;  Amos  Hobbs  commenced  on  the 
farm  where  his  youngest  son,  Amos  Hobbs,  now  lives ; 
Joseph  Stevens  commenced  where  his  youngest  son,  Simon 
Stevens,  now  lives ;  and  Jonas  Stevens  commenced  on  the 
place  now  owned  by  Amos  F.  Noyes  and  Lorenzo  D. 
Hobbs. 

******* 

1787.  —  In  the  spring  of  this  year,  either  the  last  of 
April  or  first  of  May,  Joseph  Stevens  moved  his  family, 
consisting  of  himself,  his  wife,  and  four  children. 

******* 

In  the  summer  of  1787,  William  Parsons,  John  Parsons, 
and  Benjamin  Herring,  and  also  Dudley  Pike,  came  into 
Rustfield,  and  felled  trees  in  order  for  a  settlement,  com- 
mencing on  the  farms  where  they  afterwards  lived  and 
died. 

******* 

1788. — This  year  Dudley  Pike  moved  his  family  into 
Rustfield,  March  26,  and  had  scarcely  got  into  his  humble 
habitation,  when  the  three  other  pioneers,  William  Parsons, 
John  Parsons,  and  Benjamin  Herring,  arrived  at  his  house, 
that  is,  at  night  on  the  27th  of  March  ;  and  the  road  not 
being  quite  as  good  as  at  this  time,  they  put  up  with  him 
for  the  night,  and  the  next  day  proceeded  to  their  own 
habitations,  which  were  nothing  but  humble  log  houses. 
About  this  time,  Lemuel  Shed  and  a  Mr.  Jonathan  Stick- 
ney  commenced  on  two  adjoining  lots  on  the  Waterford 
plantation,  which  is  now  the  Waterford  three  tiers ; 
Stickney  on  the  farm  where  Benjamin  Flint  now  lives, 
and  Shed  where  John  S.  Shed  now  lives,  which  is  on  the 
Waterford  three  tiers,  and  now  on  the  old  County  road 
leading  from  Swift's  Corner  to  Waterford.  Shed  camped 
with  Stickney  on  the  Flint  farm. 


io8      The  Elements  and  Structiire  of  Society 

This  year  Darius  Holt  and  Nathan  Foster  came  down  — 
Holt  from  Andover,  and  Foster  from  Tewksbury,  Mass.  — 
to  work  for  Jonathan  Cummings,  the  proprietor  of  the 
Cummings  Gore,  and  commenced  where  his  son  Jonathan 
Cummings  afterwards  lived  and  died.  They  were  here  at 
the  raising  of  the  mills  in  June,  1789.  Nathan  Foster 
afterwards  purchased  the  tier  of  lots  north  of  the  Cummings 
farm,  and  afterwards  lived  and  died  on  the  same.  Darius 
Holt  afterwards  bargained  for  the  seventh  tier  of  lots  on 
the  Cummings  Gore,  and  built  a  small  frame  house  where 
Daniel  Town  now  lives,  and  the  house  built  by  Holt  makes 
a  part  of  said  Town's  house.  Mr.  Holt  lived  at  what  was 
afterwards  called  Fuller's  Corner  about  four  years,  and  then 
moved  into  Waterford  plantation,  near  Lemuel  Shed's  lot. 

This  year  Amos  Upton  came  down  from  Reading, 
Mass.,  and  felled  trees  on  the  lot  south  of  Fuller's  Corner, 
and  moved  his  family  in  Sept.,  1790.  Nathan  Noble 
moved  his  family  into  Amos  Hobbs'  house  in  the  spring  of 
1789,  and  built  a  small  frame  house  where  he  afterwards 
lived',  in  the  course  of  the  summer  following.  Benjamin 
Witt  came  down  with  Capt.  Rust  subsequent  to  the  erec- 
tion of  the  mills,  and  was  the  first  blacksmith  that  ever 
hammered  iron  in  what  is  now  called  Norway. 

Phinehas  Whitney,  about  this  time,  commenced  on  the 
hill  westerly  of  Lemuel  Shed,  on  the  Waterford  plantation, 
and  came  from  Harvard,  Mass.  He  was  a  soldier  in  the 
revolutionary  war,  and  was  in  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
and  Amos  Upton  was  likewise  in  that  memorable  battle ; 
they  were  both  pensioners,  and  also  Lemuel  Shed,  Darius 
Holt,  Jonas  Stevens,  Samuel  Ames,  Daniel  Knight, 
Stephen  Curtis,  Joseph  Gammon,  James  Packard,  Joel 
Stevens,  John  Needham,  and  Jacob  Frost. 

DAVID  NOYES,  The  History  of  Norway,  (town  of  Norway,  Maine), 
7-10,  12-13,  16-17. 

Composition  of  the  American  People 

If  we  have  regard  not  to  New  England  and  Virginia 
alone,  but  to  the  entire  area  of  the  United  States,  there  has 
never  been  a  time  since  the  constitution  was  adopted  when 
our  population  has  not  been  composite.  In  the  colonial 


Demotic  Composition  109 

period  the  Dutch  had  settled  New  Amsterdam,  the  Swedes 
had  come  to  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Delaware,  the 
French  Huguenots  to  the  Carolinas,  the  Germans  to  Penn- 
sylvania, and  the  Scotch-Irish  to  Pennsylvania  and  the 
valleys  leading  southward  through  Virginia  to  Carolina  and 
Georgia.  In  the  Northwest  Territory  there  were  many 
descendants  of  the  French  colonists.  Others  were  added 
to  the  American  people  by  the  Louisiana  purchase,  while 
the  acquisition  of  Florida,  Texas,  New  Mexico,  and  Cali- 
fornia, brought  in  a  Spanish  element,  most  of  which,  how- 
ever, presently  disappeared  into  Mexico  and  Cuba. 

It  thus  appears  that  the  popular  notion  that  the  American 
people  were  at  one  time  of  almost  purely  English  blood, 
which  has  since  1820  been  suffering  dilution  through  foreign 
immigration,  has  never  been  quite  true  to  fact. 

In  attracting  men  of  many  nationalities  our  country 
has  exemplified  another  great  law  of  the  action  of  environ- 
ment upon  a  people ;  in  this  case  we  might  say  in  creating 
a  people.  A  region  of  few  resources  or  opportunities 
usually  has  a  homogeneous  population,  and  particularly  is 
this  true  if  the  region  is  isolated.  Its  population  is  in- 
creased only  by  a  birth-rate  in  excess  of  the  death-rate. 
But  to  regions  which  offer  opportunities  of  various  kinds, 
men  of  all  tongues  come,  to  commingle  there  in  a  free 
struggle  for  existence.  Regions  of  agricultural  fertility, 
again,  are  more  likely  to  have  homogeneous  populations 
than  are  those  which  offer  mineral  wealth,  manufacturing 
opportunities,  or,  above  all,  opportunities  for  commerce. 

To  see  how  fully  this  is  illustrated  in  American  condi- 
tions we  have  only  to  glance  at  the  geographical  distribution 
of  our  foreign  born.  Of  the  total  foreign  born  population 
—  10,356,644  enumerated  in  1900,  —  4,762,796  were  dwell- 
ing in  the  North  Atlantic  division,  216,030  in  the  South 
Atlantic  division,  4,158,474  in  the  North  Central  division, 
357,655  in  the  South  Central  division,  and  846,321  in  the 
Western  division.  The  North  Atlantic  division  is  preemi- 
nently the  manufacturing  and  commercial  region,  closely 
followed  by  the  North  Central.  Finally,  to  take  note  of 
the  most  striking  fact  of  all,  the  great  manufacturing  valley 
of  the  Merrimac  River  has  a  foreign  born  population  of 
51.6  per  square  mile,  the  valley  of  the  Delaware  has  49.6 


no     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

per  square  mile,  and  the  valley  of  the  Housatonic  has  29.1 
per  square  mile. 

In  and  of  themselves  the  figures  of  the  foreign  born  and 
their  distribution  are  not  particularly  significant.  The  im- 
portant question  is  :  Of  what  ethnic  elements  is  this  foreign 
born  population  composed  ?  The  chief  American  stock  in 
colonial  days  was  English,  notwithstanding  the  admixture 
of  other  nationalities  which  has  been  mentioned.  Before 
the  Civil  War  the  immigration  was  chiefly  of  English  and 
Irish.  Then  began  a  great  German  immigration,  followed 
by  a  large  arrival  of  Scandinavians,  which  reached  its 
maximum  in  the  eighties.  During  the  last  ten  years  the 
immigration  from  western  Europe  has  fallen  off,  while  that 
from  southern  and  eastern  Europe,  including  Italy,  Aus- 
tria, and  Russia,  has  increased. 

The  question  of  real  interest,  therefore,  is,  Will  the 
American  people  of  the  future  be  on  the  whole  English,  or 
Celtic,  or  Teutonic,  or  Latin,  or  Slavic,  or  will  it  be  some 
new  and  hitherto  unheard  of  amalgam  of  all  these  ele- 
ments ?  Much  foolish  speculation  and  more  foolish  pes- 
simism has  been  indulged  in  on  this  subject.  The  census 
returns  enable  us  to  answer  the  question  with  assurance, 
yet,  curiously,  the  answer,  so  far  as  I  know,  has  never 
hitherto  been  worked  out  from  the  data  at  our  disposal. 
Let  us  see  what  these  data  are  and  what  they  reveal. 

The  various  nationalities  which  make  up  our  foreign 
born  population  fall  naturally  into  five  ethnic  groups, 
namely :  the  English-Teutonic,  including  Australians,  Danes, 
English,  Finns,  Germans,  Hollanders,  Poland-Germans, 
Norwegians,  and  Swedes ;  the  Celtic,  including  the  Irish, 
the  Welsh,  and  the  Scotch  ;  the  Celto-Latin,  including 
the  Belgians,  the  French,  and  the  French  Canadians ;  the 
Ibero-Latin,  including  the  Greeks,  the  Italians,  the  Portu- 
guese, and  the  Spanish  ;  and  the  Slav,  including  the  Aus- 
trians,  the  Bohemians,  the  Hungarians,  the  Poland-Austrians, 
the  Poland-Russians,  the  Roumanians,  and  the  Russians. 

If  the  census  statistics  of  nationality  be  classified  accord- 
ing to  these  ethnic  groupings  it  will  be  found  that  in  the 
North  Atlantic  division  35.98  per  cent  of  the  foreign  born 
are  of  the  English-Teutonic  stocks.  In  the  South  Atlantic 
division  51.63  per  cent;  in  the  North  Central  division 


Demotic  Composition  1 1 1 

71.44  per  cent;  in  the  South  Central  division  54.22 
per  cent;  and  in  the  Western  division  57.53  per  cent,  are  of 
these  stocks.  In  the  entire  United  States  52.9  per  cent  of 
the  foreign  born  are  of  English-Teutonic  stock.  In  the 
North  Atlantic  division  29.40  per  cent  of  the  foreign  born 
are  Celts;  in  the  South  Atlantic  division  23.32  per  cent; 
in  the  North  Central  division  11.97  Per  cent;  in  the  South 
Central  division  14.64  per  cent;  in  the  Western  division 
18.77  Per  cent  are  Celts.  In  the  whole  United  States  20.9 
of  the  foreign  born  are  Celts.  Practically  75  per  cent  of 
the  foreign  born  in  America  are  of  English-Teutonic  and 
Celtic  stocks.  When  we  remember  that  the  English 
people  was  created  by  the  amalgamation  of  Teutonic  with 
Celtic  blood,  we  see  how  little  reason  there  is  to  expect 
that  the  American  people  will  ever  be  anything  but  essen- 
tially English. 

The  distribution  according  to  ethnic  races  further  illus- 
trates the  point  already  made,  that  commercial  and  manu- 
facturing regions  become  heterogeneous  in  population, 
while  the  great  agricultural  regions  tend  more  strongly 
toward  homogeneity.  The  North  Atlantic  division  is  be- 
coming highly  heterogeneous,  with  35.98  per  cent  of  its 
foreign  born  English-Teutonic,  29.40  per  cent  Celtic,  8.16 
per  cent  Celto-Latin,  8.62  per  cent  Ibero-Latin,  17.12  per 
cent  Slavonic.  In  the  North  Central  division,  embracing 
the  most  important  farming  lands  of  the  country,  71.44  per 
cent  of  the  foreign  born  are  English-Teutonic,  11.91  per 
cent  are  Celtic,  3.32  per  cent  are  Celto-Latin,  1.54  per  cent 
are  Ibero-Latin,  and  10.23  per  cent  are  Slavonic. 

These  nationalities  and  their  ethnic  groupings  represent 
all  three  of  the  great  racial  subdivisions  of  the  population 
of  Europe.  The  white  race  in  its  entirety  is  of  two  great 
sub-races,  the  Eur-African  and  the  Eur-Asian.  The  Eur- 
African  is  so  called  because  its  habitat  since  prehistoric 
times  has  been  Mediterranean  Africa,  —  north  of  the 
Sahara,  and  western  Europe.  The  Eur-Asian  is  so  called 
because  it  has  dwelled  from  prehistoric  times  in  central 
and  eastern  Europe,  and  in  western  Asia.  The  Eur-Afri- 
can sub-race  is  distinguished  by  a  head  long  in  proportion 
to  its  breadth,  —  it  is  dolichocephalic.  The  Eur-Asian 
race  is  brachycephalic,  it  is  broad  headed.  Another  name 


1 1 2      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

for  the  Eur-Asian  race  is  the  Alpine,  because  its  most  typi- 
cal representatives  are  dwellers  in  the  highlands  of  central 
Europe.  The  Eur- African  race  is  further  subdivided  into 
two  great  branches,  namely,  the  Mediterranean  and  the 
Baltic.  The  Mediterranean  man  is  short  in  stature,  of  dark 
complexion  tending  to  olive,  and  has  black  eyes  and  black 
hair.  The  Greeks,  the  Italians,  the  Ligurians,  the  Span- 
iards, the  black  eyed  Irish,  and  the  black  haired,  black 
eyed  Welsh,  belong  to  this  branch  of  the  Eur-African  race. 
The  Baltic  race  is  tall,  fair,  light  eyed,  and  light  haired. 
Its  typical  representatives  are  the  Saxons,  Scandinavians, 
Danes,  and  Rhenish  Germans.  The  physical  differences 
of  these  three  racial  varieties  are  of  no  particular  impor- 
tance. Their  temperamental,  emotional,  and  industrial 
differences  are  pronounced  and  significant.  These  will 
engage  our  attention  directly.  Here  it  is  enough  to  re- 
mark that  the  vast  majority  of  the  American  people  hitherto 
has  been  of  the  Baltic  race.  Now  we  are  getting  relatively 
large  numbers  of  the  Mediterranean  race,  and,  for  the  first 
time,  a  large  number  of  the  Alpine  peoples,  especially  of 

Slavs-  GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 


Group  Migration  and  Conquest 

Demotic  composition  has  resulted  not  only  from  or- 
ganic variation,  and  from  the  migration  of  individuals,  but 
also,  throughout  history,  from  the  migrations  of  men  in 
masses,  organized  in  bands  or  armies,  and  equipped  for 
conquest. 

Invasion  of  Peloponnesus 

Tdmenus  and  his  two  brothers  resolved  to  attack  Pelo- 
ponnesus, not  by  a  land-march  along  the  Isthmus,  such 
as  that  in  which  Hyllus  had  been  previously  slain,  but 
by  sea  across  the  narrow  inlet  between  the  promontories 
of  Rhium  and  Antirrhium,  with  which  the  Gulf  of  Corinth 
commences.  According  to  one  story,  indeed, — which, 
however,  does  not  seem  to  have  been  known  to  Herodotus, 
—  they  are  said  to  have  selected  this  line  of  march  by  the 


Demotic  Composition  113 

express  direction  of  the  Delphian  god,  who  vouchsafed  to 
expound  to  them  an  oracle  which  had  been  delivered  to 
Hyllus  in  the  ordinary  equivocal  phraseology.  Both  the 
Ozolian  Lokrians,  and  the  ^Etolians,  inhabitants  of  the 
northern  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Corinth,  were  favorable  to 
the  enterprise,  and  the  former  granted  to  them  a  port  for 
building  their  ships,  from  which  memorable  circumstance 
the  port  ever  afterwards  bore  the  name  of  Naupaktus. 
Aristodemus  was  here  struck  with  lightning  and  died, 
leaving  twin  sons,  Eurysthenes  and  Prokles ;  but  his  re- 
maining brothers  continued  to  press  the  expedition  with 
alacrity.  GROTE,  History  of  Greece,  Vol.  II.  3. 

Compound  Populations 

Populations  that  have  been  made  composite  by  military 
invasion,  and  the  subsequent  intermingling  of  invaders 
with  invaded,  may  be  described  as  compound. 

The  Population  of  Thessaly 

In  other  respects,  the  condition  of  the  population  of 
Thessaly,  such  as  we  find  it  during  the  historical  period, 
favors  the  supposition  of  an  original  mixture  of  conquerors 
and  conquered :  for  it  seems  that  there  was  among  the 
Thessalians  and  their  dependents  a  triple  gradation,  some- 
what analogous  to  that  of  Laconia.  First,  a  class  of  rich 
proprietors  distributed  throughout  the  principal  cities, 
possessing  most  of  the  soil,  and  constituting  separate 
oligarchies,  loosely  hanging  together.  Next,  the  subject 
Achaeans,  Magnetes,  Perrhaebi,  differing  from  the  Laco- 
nian  Perioeki  in  this  point,  that  they  retained  their  ancient 
tribe-name  and  separate  Amphiktyonic  franchise.  Thirdly, 
a  class  of  serfs,  or  dependent  cultivators,  corresponding  to 
the  Laconian  Helots,  who,  tilling  the  lands  of  the  wealthy 
oligarchs,  paid  over  a  proportion  of  its  produce,  furnished 
the  retainers  by  which  these  great  families  were  surrounded, 
served  as  their  followers  in  the  cavalry,  and  were  in  a  con- 
dition of  villanage,  —  yet  with  the  important  reserve,  that 


ii4     ^^  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

they  could  not  be  sold  out  of  the  country,  that  they  had 
a  permanent  tenure  in  the  soil,  and  that  they  maintained 
among  one  another  the  relations  of  family  and  village. 

GROTE,  History  of  Greece,  Vol.  II.  278-279. 

The  Population  of  Gaul 

That  the  Gauls  imposed  the  Celtic  language  upon  the 
peoples  whom  they  found  in  possession  of  Gaul,  can  be 
proved  to  demonstration.  Assuming,  what  is  not  proved, 
that  the  Gallic  conquerors  were  greatly  inferior  in  numbers 
to  the  people  whom  they  conquered,  there  is  abundant  evi- 
dence that  a  conquering  minority  may  and  frequently  has 
imposed  its  language  upon  a  subject  population.  As 
Canon  Taylor  remarks,  "The  negroes  in  Haiti  and  the 
Mauritius  speak  French ;  in  Cuba,  Spanish ;  in  Jamaica, 
English ;  in  Brazil,  Portuguese.  In  Mexico  the  pure- 
blooded  Aztecs,  who  form  the  larger  part  of  the  popula- 
tion, speak  Spanish."  It  is  quite  true  that  there  are  plenty 
of  instances  on  the  other  side ;  the  Normans  who  conquered 
England,  the  Goths  and  the  Burgundians  learned  the  lan- 
guages of  their  subjects.  But  in  these  cases  the  conquerors, 
besides  being  numerically  inferior,  were  also  either  less 
civilized  or  not  more  civilized  than  the  peoples  whom  they 
conquered.  The  inhabitants  of  Gaul  were  far  superior  in 
numbers  to  the  Roman  conquerors  who  settled  among 
them :  but  their  language  is  a  Romance  language.  But 
what  I  have  said  only  shows  that  the  Gauls  might  have 
imposed  their  language  upon  their  subjects.  There  is 
abundant  evidence  that  they  did.  Putting  aside  certain 
geographical  names,  such  as  Seguana,  which  may  be  Ligu- 
rian,  the  vast  majority  of  the  names  of  places  and  people 
in  Gaul  are  Celtic.  Is  it  credible  that  the  chiefs  of  the 
conquering  race  should  have  been  called  by  names  which 
were  not  their  own  but  those  of  their  subjects  ?  Is  it  cred- 
ible that  the  chiefs  of  the  conquering  race  should  have 
been  called  by  Celtic  names,  if  Celtic  was  not  the  language 
which  they  brought  with  them  ?  Wherever  history  tells 
us  that  the  Gauls  or  the  Celts  (I  use  the  word  not  in 
M.  Hovelacque's  sense  but  in  the  sense  of  Polybius)  con- 
quered or  settled,  there  we  find  traces  of  the  Celtic  tongue. 


Demotic  Composition  115 

The  Gauls  who  invaded  Lombardy  had  perhaps  not  come 
from  Gaul  at  all,  but  from  the  basin  of  the  Danube :  yet 
their  names  were  Celtic.  The  Gauls  conquered  Gaul,  and 
people  and  places  bore  Celtic  names :  they  made  con- 
quests in  Germany  and  Switzerland,  and  there  we  find 
abundant  linguistic  traces  of  their  occupation.  The  Celts 
settled  in  certain  parts  of  Spain ;  and  names  like  Segobriga 
and  Nemetobriga  bear  witness  to  their  presence.  They 
settled  in  Asia  Minor;  and  they  spoke  Celtic,  and  their 
chiefs  bore  Celtic  names.  Belgic  Gauls  settled  in  Britain ; 
and  Celtic  is  still  spoken  in  the  British  Isles.  Yet,  if  Broca 
is  to  be  believed,  there  never  were  any  Celts,  in  the  sense 
in  which  he  uses  the  word,  in  Britain ;  there  is  not  a  sin- 
gle brachycephalic  district  in  the  country.  As  M.  Zabo- 
rowski  remarks,  Celtic  names  exist  in  places  where  "  notre 
type  celtique,  celui  des  anthropologistes,  n'a  jamais  exist6;  " 
the  Baltic  was  known  as  Morintarusa. 

I  regard  it,  then,  as  certain  that  when  the  Gallic  con- 
querors entered  Gaul,  they  brought  the  Celtic  language 
with  them ;  and,  inasmuch  as  Celtic  is  more  closely  akin 
to  Latin  than  to  German,  it  is  clear  that  the  tall,  fair  Gauls, 
if  they  had  been  originally  one  with  the  tall,  fair  Germans, 
had  long  since  branched  off  from  them ;  and  it  is  therefore 
probable  that  the  physical  types  of  the  two  peoples  had 
become  to  some  degree  differentiated.  N.  Freret  remarks 
that  Celts  and  Germans  must  have  become  greatly  inter- 
mixed during  the  long  sojourn  of  the  former  in  Germany; 
and  the  same  thought  had  often  presented  itself  to  my 
own  mind  before  I  read  Fr^ret's  book.  But  is  it  absolutely 
certain  that  when  the  Celts  began  to  migrate  from  Ger- 
many into  Gaul,  the  tall,  fair  Germans  had  long  established 
themselves  in  Germany  ?  Is  it  certain  that  the  pressure 
of  their  invasion  was  not  the  motive  of  the  Celtic  emi- 

T.  RICE  HOLMES,  Casar's  Conquest  of  Gaut,  312-313. 

Population  of  the  Isle  of  Man 

Both  the  Gaelic  and  Norse  languages  were  almost  cer- 
tainly spoken  in  Man  during  this  period.  The  masters 
would  speak  Norse  among  themselves ;  the  law  and  all 


n6      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

public  transactions  at  the  Tynwald  and  elsewhere  would 
be  in  that  tongue,  while  the  servants  or  slaves,  and  proba- 
bly many  of  the  women,  would  usually  speak  Gaelic.  It 
is  clear,  however,  from  the  vast  preponderance  of  Celtic 
place-names  and  surnames  over  Scandinavian  that  the 
women's  tongue  soon  predominated,  and  that,  when  Scan- 
dinavian rule  came  to  an  end,  the  Norse  language  soon 
disappeared. 

A.  W.  MOORE,  A  History  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  Vol.  I.  157. 

Population  of  Austria-Hungary 

While  the  growth  of  national  feeling  in  Hungary  and 
Croatia  was  tending  at  once  to  a  healthier  life  and  to  dan- 
gerous divisions,  a  much  more  remarkable  awakening  of 
new  and  separate  life  was  showing  itself  in  the  province 
of  Transylvania.  The  geographical  isolation  of  that 
province  from  the  rest  of  Hungary  is  very  striking,  even 
now  that  railways  have  connected  the  different  parts  of 
the  Kingdom;  but  in  1848  this  isolation  was  far  greater 
and  had  a  considerable  effect  on  the  political  history  of 
the  time.  The  Carpathians  almost  surround  the  country, 
and  form  a  natural  bulwark.  Between  this  high  wall  of 
mountains  on  the  north-east  and  Buda-Pesth  stretches  a 
vast  plain.  No  province  of  the  Empire  contained  a  greater 
variety  of  separately  organized  nations.  The  Transylvanian 
Diet  was  not,  like  the  other  local  assemblies,  the  result  of 
an  attempt  to  express  the  feelings  of  a  more  or  less  united 
people,  but  arose  merely  from  the  endeavor  to  give  reason- 
able solidity  to  an  alliance  between  three  distinct  peoples. 
Of  the  three  ruling  races,  the  first  to  enter  Transylvania 
were  the  Szekler,  a  people  of  the  same  stock  as  the  Mag- 
yar, but  slower  to  take  the  impress  of  any  permanent 
civilization.  They  conquered  the  original  inhabitants  of 
the  country,  a  race  probably  of  mixed  Dacian  and  Roman 
blood,  called  Wallachs  or  Roumanians.  Towards  the  end 
of  the  ninth  century  came  in  the  Magyars,  before  whom 
the  Szekler  retreated  to  the  north-east,  where  the  town  of 
Maros-Vasarhely  became  their  capital.  This  town  is  on 
the  River  Maros,  which,  rising  in  the  Carpathians,  flows 
all  across  Transylvania. 


Demotic  Composition  117 

The  Magyars  in  the  meantime  extended  their  rule  over 
all  parts  of  Hungary,  but  the  position  which  they  gained 
in  Transylvania  was  one  of  much  less  undisputed  su- 
premacy than  that  which  they  established  in  Northern 
Hungary ;  for  in  the  former  province  they  remained  a 
second  nation,  existing  by  the  side  of  the  Szekler,  neither 
conquering  nor  absorbing  them. 

Much  of  the  country,  however,  was  still  uncolonized, 
and  was  liable  to  inroads  from  dangerous  neighbours  ;  so  in 
the  twelfth  century  a  number  of  German  citizens  who  lived 
along  the  Rhine,  and  some  of  the  German  Knights  who 
were  seeking  adventures,  came  into  Transylvania  to  offer 
their  services  to  the  King  of  Hungary.  The  German 
Knights  were  unable  to  come  to  a  satisfactory  agreement 
with  the  King,  and  went  north  to  try  to  civilize  the  Prus- 
sians ;  but  the  citizens  remained,  acquired  land,  developed 
trade,  and  developed,  also,  a  power  of  self-government  of 
which  neither  Szekler  nor  Magyar  were  at  that  time  capa- 
ble. That  portion  of  the  country  which  has  been  colonized 
by  the  Saxons  has  a  look  of  greater  neatness  and  comfort 
than  the  rest.  The  little  homesteads  are  almost  English 
in  their  appearance,  with  occasionally,  gardens  and  orchards. 
Hermannstadt,  the  capital  jof  this  district,  bears  traces  of 
its  former  greatness  in  several  fine  old  churches,  a  law 
academy,  and  picture  gallery.  Its  fortifications  must  have 
been  almost  impregnable  in  old  times,  with  strong  watch- 
towers  and  walls  of  great  height.  The  portions  of  the  walls 
that  remain  show  marks  of  the  sieges  of  1849.  The  Car- 
pathians, on  the  south-east,  are  many  miles  distant,  but 
the  Rothenturm  Pass,  through  which  the  terrible  Russian 
force  made  its  way  into  the  country,  is  visible  in  some 
lights. 

These  three  ruling  nations — Magyar,  the  Szekler,  and 
the  Saxon  —  though  separate  in  their  organization,  had 
more  than  one  common  interest.  They  were  united  by  a 
common  love  of  freedom,  and  a  common  temptation  to 
tyranny.  In  1438  they  formed  a  union  against  the  Turks, 
which  in  1459  was  changed  into  a  union  in  support  of  their 
freedoms  and  privileges,  "  for  protection  against  inward 
and  outward  enemies,  against  oppression  from  above  or 
insurrection  from  below."  And  when,  in  the  seventeenth 


1 1 8      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

century,  they  separated  for  a  time  from  Hungary,  the 
three  nations  accepted  the  Prince  of  Transylvania  as  their 
head. 

C.  E.  MAURICE,  Revolutions  of  1848-9  in   Itaty,  Austria-Hungary, 
and  Germany,  107-110. 


Degree  of  Homogeneity 

The  homogeneity  or  the  heterogeneity  of  a  population 
affected  by  organic  variation,  and  by  migration  of  indi- 
viduals or  of  groups,  is  obviously  a  fact  of  ever-changing 
degree.  Especially  in  respect  of  nationality  and  race, 
a  population  may  be  either  relatively  homogeneous,  or, 
having  been  homogeneous,  it  may  be  in  process  of  becom- 
ing heterogeneous.  On  the  other  hand,  being  or  having 
been  heterogeneous,  it  may  be  in  process  of  becoming 
homogeneous. 

Causes  of  Demotic  Composition 

The  proximate  causes  of  demotic  composition  have 
already  been  named.  They  are  organic  variation  and 
migration.  The  ultimate  causes  are  to  be  looked  for  in 
the  characteristics  of  the  physical  environment 

Environment  and  Demotic  Composition 

In  the  environment  that  is  both  poor  and  isolated  popu- 
lation is  not  only  sparse,  but  it  is  relatively  simple  and 
homogeneous  in  composition.  It  is  maintained  only  by  its 
birth  rate,  and  it  increases  only  if  its  birth  rate  is  in  excess 
of  its  death  rate.  It  is  a  genetic  aggregation.  Extreme 
examples  of  this  environment  and  of  the  structure  of  its 
population  are  afforded  by  the  coasts  of  Greenland,  the 
Aleutian  Islands,  the  southern  extremity  of  South  America, 
and  the  interior  regions  of  Australia. 


Demotic  Composition  1 1 9 

In  the  environment  that  is  poor  but  accessible,  or,  what 
in  this  instance  is  more  to  the  point,  admits -of  easy  egress, 
the  population  again  is  a  genetic  aggregation.  The  attrac- 
tions and  inducements  are  not  sufficient  to  bring  immigra- 
tion. But  neither  are  they  sufficient  in  all  cases  to  keep 
the  men  born  within  its  borders,  and,  escape  being  rela- 
tively easy,  many  of  the  most  energetic  emigrate  to  better 
lands.  Here,  in  the  concrete,  the  process  of  selection  is 
seen  going  on  in  the  form  of  response  to  stimulus.  The 
resources  of  other  environments  in  some  degree  awaken 
the  desire  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  impoverished  land, 
but  only  those  that  are  relatively  enterprising  and  energetic 
are  moved  to  better  their  condition.  The  result  is  a 
gradual  deterioration  of  the  stock  remaining  in  the  land. 
It  is  bred  from  the  leavings  that  have  been  incapable  of 
efficiently  responding  to  the  stimulus  of  larger  opportuni- 
ties. The  most  interesting  modern  examples  of  such 
environments  are  those  extensive  tracts  of  upland  or  hill 
country  in  the  North  Atlantic  states,  especially  in  the  New 
England  states,  that  once  had  prosperous  farming  popula- 
tions, but  now  are  inhabited  only  by  unambitious  families 
presenting  the  unmistakable  marks  of  degeneration. 

The  third  type  of  environment  is  that  which  is  both  rich 
in  resources  and  relatively  isolated  or  inaccessible.  The 
interior  of  the  Arabian  peninsula,  the  Hawaiian  Islands, 
the  Samoan  Islands,  and  the  islands  of  Tahiti,  are  good 
examples.  So  also  are  the  uplands  of  Mexico  and  Peru. 
Here  again  the  population  is  a  great  kinship,  a  genetic 
aggregation.  It  is  relatively  dense.  The  birth  rate  is 
high,  and  every  inequality  of  energy  or  ability  counts  in 
the  struggle  for  existence.  The  people  alike  respond  to 
the  bounty  of  nature  and  develop  those  simple  forms  of 
economic  activity  that  often  are  sufficient  to  create  a  fair 
degree  of  prosperity.  The  isolation  of  such  a  population 
while  it  lasts  determines  the  whole  course  of  social  evolu- 
tion, but  it  is  relative.  Sooner  or  later,  or  perhaps  repeat- 
edly at  long  intervals,  it  yields  to  migration.  An  increasing 
pressure  of  the  native  born  upon  the  means  of  subsistence 
at  length  forces  some  of  the  more  vigorous  elements  to 
break  through  confining  barriers,  and  as  conquerors,  or 
otherwise,  to  seek  distant  homes  ;  or  the  natural  resources 


I2O     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  the  acquired  prosperity  enjoyed  by  the  inhabitants 
become  a  stimulus  of  sufficient  power  to  tempt  distant 
populations  to  invade  and  exploit. 

There  remain  environments  of  the  fourth  type,  richly 
bountiful  in  resources  and  so  accessible  that  men  may 
flock  to  them  from  all  quarters  of  the  world.  Such  are 
the  great  river  valleys  of  the  Nile  and  the  Euphrates, 
seats  of  the  most  ancient  civilizations;  of  the  Po,  the 
Danube  and  the  Rhine,  highways  of  the  nations  from  an 
immemorial  past ;  of  the  Seine  and  the  Thames ;  and,  in 
our  own  land,  the  Mississippi  basin.  Such  also  are  many 
favored  coasts,  abounding  in  inlets  and  sheltering  ports. 
In  all  such  environments  population  must  sooner  or  later 
be  composite,  and  the  more  so  if  their  resources  are  not 
only  abundant,  but  also  varied. 

The  composition,  however,  is  determined  in  the  long  run 
by  two  co-operating  processes.  Aboriginal  populations 
are  overrun  by  invaders,  who  come  not  as  individuals,  but 
as  organized  bands,  or  armies  equipped  for  conquest. 
Populations  that  have  attained  a  measure  of  economic 
advancement  are  now  and  again  overrun  by  hosts  of  ruder 
people  that  have  been  dwelling  in  relatively  unkindly 
habitats.  Further  conquests  also  may  follow,  after  civili- 
zation has  been  attained  by  both  the  invaders  and  the 
invaded,  if  the  civilization  of  the  invaders  is  still  of  the  mili- 
tary type.  When,  however,  industrial  civilizations  of  the 
modern  type  have  been  reached,  further  migration  is  a 
movement  of  individuals. 

It  happens,  therefore,  that  with  few  if  any  exceptions 
the  populations  of  the  most  favored  environments  are  both 
compound  and  composite ;  compound  as  being  made  up  of 
successive  strata  of  conquered  and  conquerors,  and  com- 
posite, as  being  made  up  of  immigrant  individuals  scattered 
among  the  native-born.  In  time  all  of  these  elements  are 
in  some  degree  amalgamated.  The  amalgamation  of  in- 
vaded and  invaders,  however,  is  determined  largely  by  the 
physical  characteristics  of  the  region  itself.  If  they  are 
such  as  to  tempt  the  invaders  to  scatter  themselves  through- 
out the  land  as  local  overlords,  while  at  the  same  time 
maintaining  a  general  distribution  of  the  invaded  or  con- 
quered, the  possibilities  of  amalgamation  are  far  greater 


Demotic  Composition  121 

than  when  for  any  reason  either  stratum  is  geographically 
concentrated.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  history  of  the 
thoroughgoing  amalgamation  of  Celtic  and  Teutonic  ele- 
ments in  the  midland  and  western  counties  of  England. 

When  an  immigration  of  individuals  begins  to  bring 
important  additions  to  a  compound  population,  the  foreign- 
born  element  itself  may  be  more  or  less  composite.  And 
this  circumstance  again  is  determined  by  the  character  of 
the  physical  environment.  If  the  natural  resources,  while 
great,  are  all  of  one  kind,  and  especially  if  they  are  pre- 
dominantly agricultural,  the  inhabitants  are  far  more 
homogeneous  than  if  the  resources  are  in  mineral  wealth, 
or,  above  all,  if  they  are  varied,  including  commercial  and 
manufacturing  opportunities.  Thus,  we  have  seen  that 
the  foreign-born  population  of  the  northern  Mississippi 
Valley  is  predominantly  Teutonic,  while  that  of  the  North 
Atlantic  states  is  composite  in  the  highest  degree.  Prac- 
tically, however,  an  environment  of  homogeneous  resources 
is  usually  but  part  of  a  larger  geographic  unity  that  is 
occupied  by  one  entire  people,  and  that  in  the  aggregate 
includes  resources  of  varied  kinds.  This  integral  geo- 
graphic unity  inevitably  has  a  population  that  not  only  is 
largely  congregate,  rather  than  genetic,  in  origin,  but  that 
also  is  in  a  high  degree  composite. 

GIDDINGS,  A  Theory  of  Social  Causation,  Publications  of  the  Ameri- 
can Economic  Association,  Third  Series,  Vol.  V.,  quoted  infra  as 
T.  S.  C. 

Amalgamation  and  Demotic  Unity 

While  organic  variation  and  emigration  are  continually 
tending  to  increase  the  heterogeneity  of  a  population, 
amalgamation,  or  the  physical  blending  of  different  physi- 
cal types  through  intermarriage,  is  usually  tending  to  es- 
tablish homogeneity,  or  demotic  unity. 

The  following  selections  show  how  amalgamation  in 
ancient  days  produced  some  of  the  stocks  that  in  modern 
times  have  been  migrating  from  the  old  to  the  new  world 
to  enter  into  further  combinations  here. 


122      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Gaels 

The  Gaels  in  Ireland  and  Scotland,  says  Dr.  Beddoe, 
are  probably  "Iberians,"  crossed  with  a  "long-faced, 
harsh-featured,  red-haired  race,  who  contributed  the  lan- 
guage and  much  of  the  character."  The  "  dolichocephal- 
ous  Celt"  of  the  Scottish  Highlands,  says  the  same  writer, 
comprehends  both  Galatic  and  Iberian  elements,  if  not 
others.  Some  of  the  leading  points  of  this  type,  he  goes 
on  to  say,  are  prevalent  wherever  Gaelic  is  known  to  have 
been  spoken.  T.  RlCE  HOLMES,  Casals  Conquest  of  Gaul,  314. 

Manxmen 

But  emigration  to  Ireland  and  the  Sudreys  did  not  take 
place,  to  any  great  extent,  till  after  the  battle  of  Hafurs- 
fjord,  fought  about  883,  in  which  Harold  Haarfager  con- 
quered the  petty  Kings  of  Norway,  and  made  himself  sole 
sovereign  of  the  country.  His  rule  was  felt  oppressively 
by  the  Vikings,  whom  he  deprived  of  their  odal,  or  free- 
hold, right  to  the  land,  and  reduced  to  the  position  of 
military  tenants.  Many  of  them,  rather  than  submit, 
emigrated  to  the  Nordrcys  and  Sudreys,  as  well  as  to 
Iceland  and  Ireland,  and  formed  a  ruling  class  there,  which 
gradually  amalgamated  with  the  native  inhabitants  to  such 
an  extent  that  the  mixed  race  was  called  Gallgaid/iel,  Gal- 
gael,oi  Stranger-Gaels, by  their  Irish  and  Scottish  neighbors. 
A.  W.  MOORE,  A  History  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  Vol.  I.  86. 

Arthurian  Britons  and  Norsemen 

Arthur  which  was  sometimes  the  most  renowned  King 
of  the  Britains,  was  a  mightie,  and  valiant  man,  and  a 
famous  warriour.  This  Kingdome  was  too  little  for  him, 
&  his  minde  was  not  contented  with  it.  He  therefore 
valiantly  subdued  all  Scantia,  which  is  now  called  Norway, 
and  all  the  islands  beyond  Norway,  to  wit,  Island  and 
Greenland,  which  are  apperteining  unto  Norway,  Sweve- 
land,  Ireland,  Gotland,  Denmarke,  Semeland,  Windland, 
Curland,  Roe,  Femeland,  Wireland,  Flanders,  Cherilland, 
Lapland,  and  all  the  other  lands  and  Islands  of  the  East 


Demotic  Composition  123 

sea,  even  unto  Russia  (in  which  Lapland  he  placed  the 
Easterly  bounds  of  his  Brittish  Empire)  and  many  other 
Islands  beyond  Norway,  even  under  the  north  pole,  which 
are  appendances  of  Scantia,  now  called  Norway.  These 
people  were  wild  and  savage,  and  had  not  in  them  the 
love  of  God  nor  of  their  neighbors,  because  all  evill  com- 
meth  from  the  North,  yet  there  were  among  them  certeine 
Christians  living  in  secret.  But  King  Arthur  was  an  ex- 
ceeding good  Christian^  and  caused  them  to  be  baptized, 
and  thorowout  all  Norway  to  worship  one  God,  and  to 
receive  and  keepe  inviolably  for  ever,  faith  in  Christ  onely. 
At  that  time  all  the  noble  men  of  Norway  tooke  wives  of 
the  noble  nation  of  the  Britaines,  whereupon  the  Norses 
say,  that  they  are  descended  of  the  race  and  blood  of  this 
Kingdome.  The  aforesayd  King  Arthur  obteined  also  in 
those  days  of  the  Pope  &  Court  of  Rome,  that  Norway 
should  be  for  ever  annexed  to  the  crowne  of  Britaine  for 
the  enlargement  of  this  Kingdome,  and  he  called  it  the 
chamber  of  Britaine.  For  this  cause  the  Norses  say,  that 
they  ought  to  dwell  with  us  in  this  Kingdome,  to  wit,  that 
they  belong  to  the  crowne  of  Britaine :  for  they  had  rather 
dwell  here  then  in  their  owne  native  countrey,  which  is 
drie  and  full  of  mountains,  and  barren,  and  no  graine 
growing  there,  but  in  certeine  places.  But  this 'countrey 
of  Britaine  is  fruitful,  wherein  corne  and  all  other  good 
things  do  grow  and  increase :  for  which  cause  many  cruell 
battels  have  bene  oftentimes  fought  betwixt  the  English- 
men and  the  people  of  Norway,  and  infinite  numbers  of 
people  have  been  slaine,  &  the  Norses  have  possessed 
many  lands  and  Islands  of  this  Empire,  which  unto  this 
day  they  doe  possesse,  neither  could  they  ever  afterwards 
be  fully  expelled.  But  now  at  length  they  are  incorpo- 
rated with  us  by  the  receiving  of  our  religion  and  sacra- 
ments, and  by  taking  wives  of  our  nation,  and  by  affinitie, 
and  manages.  For  so  the  good  King  Edward  (who  was  a 
notable  mainteiner  of  peace) ordeined  and  granted  unto  them 
by  the  generall  consent  of  the  whole  Kingdome,  so  that  the 
people  may,  and  ought  from  henceforth  dwell  and  remaine 
in  this  Kingdome  with  us  as  our  loving  sworne  brethren. 

GALFRIDUS  MONUMETENSIS,  Historic  of  the  Kings  of  Britaine,  Cer- 
teine testimonies  concerning  King  Arthur  and  his  conquests  of 
the  North  regions,  Hakluyfs  Voyages  (edition  of  1903),  Vol.  I.  6-7. 


PART   II 

THE   SOCIAL   MIND 

» 

CHAPTER   I 

FACTORS  AND  FORMATION  OF  THE  SOCIAL  MIND 
Stimulation  and  Response 

The  simplest  psychophysical  process  that  takes  place 
in  the  nervous  system  is  the  response  of  nervous  matter  to 
an  external  stimulus. 

Nature  of  Nervous  Phenomena.  —  The  stimulation  of  a 
sense  organ  is  normally  followed  by  a  twofold  result.  One 
effect  is  sensation,  an  elementary  fact  of  consciousness. 
The  other  effect  is  a  muscular  movement  called  a  reflex. 
In  these  pages  the  phrase  "Response  to  Stimulus"  will 
denote  both  sensation  and  reflex,  and  all  their  combina- 
tions and  products,  including  perceptions,  ideas,  thoughts, 
emotions,  and  voluntary  movements. 

Primary  and  Secondary  Stimulation  and  Response.  — 
Nervous  changes,  themselves  responses  to  stimulus,  may 
in  their  turn  react  upon  nerve  substance,  becoming  then 
themselves  stimuli  of  yet  further  responses.  In  like  man- 
ner, ideas  and  emotions,  complex  products  of  response, 
also  are  stimuli.  Consequently,  we  have  to  classify  both 
stimuli  and  response  as  Primary  and  Secondary,  or  as 

Original  and   Derived. 

124 


Factors  and  Formation  o/  the  Social  Mind     125 

Original  or  primary  stimuli  include :  fellow  beings ;  the 
concrete  objects  of  nature  ;  the  concrete  events  of  nature ; 
the  bounty  of  nature,  especially  those  food  supplies  that 
are  available  without  the  putting  forth  of  forethought  or 
labor ;  the  order  or  succession  of  events  in  nature ;  danger 
and  menace;  and,  to  the  higher  animals  and  to  men, 
expected  prey,  booty,  or  plunder. 

Derived  or  secondary  stimuli  are  for  the  most  part  prod- 
ucts not  only  of  activities  that  go  on  in  the  individual 
nervous  system,  but  also  largely  of  activities  that  already 
have  become  social  phenomena  as  a  consequence  of  like- 
response  by  many  individuals  and  of  their  communication 
with  one  another. 

Laws  of  Stimulation  and  Response.  —  Like  all  purely 
physical  phenomena,  the  psychophysical  phenomena  of 
stimulation  and  response  obey  the  laws  of  motion  in  the 
line  of  least  resistance  and  of  differential  or  quantitatively 
varying,  returns. 

The  Subjective  Aspect 

When  we  analyze  all  psychophysical  processes  •  into 
stimulation  and  response,  and  then  in  like  manner  explain 
all  of  the  more  complicated  mental  processes,  we  are  re- 
garding them  objectively.  To  the  objective  aspect  there 
corresponds  a  subjective  aspect.  Thoughts,  emotions,  vol- 
untary movements,  are  accompanied  by  feeling,  and  often 
by  those  states  of  mind  variously  known  as  choice,  purpose, 
or  will,  and  mankind  is  accustomed  to  interpret  voluntary 
activity,  that  is  to  say,  conduct,  in  terms  of  feeling,  or  of 
will.  Feeling  or  purpose,  viewed  as  the  antecedent  of  con- 
duct, is  commonly  called  motive. 

The  Ultimate  Motive. — The  ultimate  motive  of  volun- 


126      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

tary  activity,  both  mental  and  muscular,  is  the  persistent 
desire  of  consciousness  to  be  clear  and  painless,  and,  if 
possible,  pleasurable.  Consciousness  is  intolerant  of  ob- 
scurity, perplexity,  obstruction,  and  suffering. 

The  Law  of  Least  Effort.  —  It  is  a  corollary  of  this 
fundamental  truth  that  consciousness  endeavors  to  attain 
painless  clearness,  or  positive  pleasure,  with  least  difficulty, 
which  is  a  mode  of  either  perplexity  or  pain.  This  prin- 
ciple may  be  called  the  Law  of  Least  Effort ;  and  it  is 
analogous  to  the  physical  law  of  motion  in  the  line  of 
least  resistance. 

Modes  of  Least  Effort. — All  knowledge  proceeds 
through  a  comparison  of  the  unknown  with  the  known. 
If,  in  the  object  hitherto  unknown,  we  can  find  something 
that  recalls  a  state  of  consciousness  heretofore  experienced, 
we  have  to  that  extent  diminished  the  difficulties  of  our 
observation  or  investigation.  Classification,  or  the  grouping 
of  things  in  accordance  with  their  essential  and  permanent 
resemblances,  enables  us  to  extend  our  knowledge  to  a 
degree  that  would  be  impossible  if  we  had  no  other  means 
of  dealing  with  new  experiences  but  that  of  carrying  every 
detail  consciously  in  mind. 

In  like  manner,  in  our  voluntary  activities  we  proceed 
from  the  tried  and  familiar  to  the  untried  and  the  experi- 
mental. 

These,  then,  are  the  important  modes  of  least  effort, 
namely,  procedure  to  the  unknown  from  the  known;  to 
the  untried  from  the  tried. 

Subjective  Aspect  of  Diminishing  Return. — The  physical 
law  of  diminishing  return  has  its  correlative  principle 
in  subjective  phenomena.  All  our  satisfactions  are  gov- 
erned by  it.  In  the  satisfaction  of  appetite,  for  ex- 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     127 

ample,  a  point  is  reached  beyond  which  successive  incre- 
ments of  any  given  kind  of  food,  as  meat  or  bread,  afford 
us  less  and  less  gratification.  This  principle  is  the  foun- 
dation of  the  whole  economic  theory  of  utility  and  value.  A 
negative  aspect  of  it  is  the  further  principle  that  beyond  a 
certain  point  any  given  mode  of  effort  becomes  increasingly 
irksome,  and  finally  intolerably  painful. 

Diversification  of  Satisfactions.  —  But  while  additional 
quantities  of  the  same  means  of  satisfaction  fail  to  afford 
us  proportionately  large  returns  of  pleasure,  we  may,  never- 
theless, by  changing  the  means  of  satisfaction,  for  a  time 
obtain  increasing  returns  with  diminished  effort.  There- 
fore, it  is  a  deduction  from  the  law  of  least  effort  that 
we  seek  to  vary  our  means  of  satisfaction. 

In  this  search,  however,  we  are  still  governed  by  the  law 
of  least  effort.  We  seek  our  means  of  satisfaction  first 
among  objects  and  activities  with  which  we  are  already 
familiar,  or  that  are  most  like  things  with  which  we  are 
familiar. 

Modes  of  Activity 

The  activities  of  mind  and  body  which  together  consti- 
tute the  total  response  to  stimulation,  or,  subjectively 
viewed,  the  total  effort  impelled  by  motive,  assume 
definite  and  practical  modes,  and  concentrate  themselves 
upon  practical  achievements.  They  seize  upon  the  facts 
of  experience,  and  organize  them  into  knowledge,  pref- 
erences, and  values, — Appreciation.  They  seize  upon 
objects  of  the  external  world  and  convert  them  to  use,  — 
Utilization.  They  adapt  or  accommodate  the  conscious 
individual  himself  to  his  situation,  —  Characterization. 
And,  finally,  they  adapt  or  accommodate  conscious  individ- 
uals to  one  another,  —  Socialization. 


128      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Causes  Differentiating  the  Modes  of  Activity.  —  This  dif- 
ferentiation of  the  modes  of  activity  is  caused,  like  variation 
throughout  the  inorganic  and  the  organic  world,  by  the 
universal  processes  of  conflict  and  of  the  equilibration  of 
energy.  Activity  takes  the  line  of  least  resistance  or  of 
least  effort,  and  increasing  resistance  or  diminishing  return 
in  any  given  direction  diverts  it  into  new  channels. 

Unlike-  and  Like-Response 

All  the  modes  of  practical  activity  objectively  viewed 
are  modes  of  response  to  stimulus,  and  all  may  be  observed 
in  the  life  of  a  single  individual,  who,  however,  is  not  unin- 
fluenced by  fellow  beings. 

Unlike-Response.  —  Not  all  individuals  respond  to  the 
same  given  stimulus  in  like  ways,  or  to  any  stimulation 
with  equal  promptness,  or  with  equal  energy  and  extent  of 
mental  and  physical  activity.  From  differences  of  response 
in  kind,  in  degree,  and  in  completeness,  spring  innumerable 
phenomena  of  unlike  interest,  antagonism,  conflict,  rivalry, 
and  competition. 

Like-Response.  —  From  time  to  time,  however,  we 
observe  coexisting  individuals  who  are  so  constituted  that 
they  respond  in  like  ways  to  the  same  stimulus.  From  like- 
response  spring  the  phenomena  of  agreement  and  cooper- 
ation. It  is  the  beginning  of  that  mental  and  practical 
resemblance,  the  basis  of  that  consciousness  of  kind,  and 
the  inception  of  that  concerted  activity  which  are  the 
essential  factors  of  society. 

Stimulation  and  Response :   Social  Life  in  Ancient  Wales 

Causation  in  society  is  not  at  one  extreme  a  merely  phys- 
ical process ;  nor  is  it,  at  the  other  extreme,  an  outwork- 
ing of  some  mysterious  entity  called  free-will,  that  is  in  no 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     129 

wise  conditioned  by  the  external  world.  Like  the  activity 
of  the  individual  mind,  it  is  a  psycho-physical  process,  in 
which  physical  stimuli,  on  the  one  hand,  and  motor-reac- 
tions, accompanied  by  feeling  and  by  thought,  on  the  other 
hand,  are  inseparably  associated. 

Accepting  this  hint,  we  make  the  initial  assumption 
that  the  institutions  of  human  society,  and  all  the  events 
of  history,  including  the  migrations  of  men  from  place  to 
place,  the  great  enthusiasms,  the  intellectual  awakenings, 
the  wars  and  the  revolutions,  may  be  regarded  as  responses 
to  varying  stimuli,  and  that  they  are  governed  by  certain 
laws  of  combination,  or  by  certain  facts  of  resemblance  or 
of  difference  among  the  minds  responding. 

The  illuminating  aid  of  concrete  example  will  help  to 
make  this  somewhat  unfamiliar  way  of  looking  at  the  sub- 
ject more  definite  and  real.  In  the  codes  of  ancient  law 
that  have  come  down  to  us  from  peoples  emerging  from  a 
tribal  into  a  civic  life,  there  are  pictures  of  spontaneous 
social  action  that,  by  reason  of  their  relative  simplicity, 
enable  us  to  see  the  essential  nature  of  social  processes 
more  distinctly  than  we  do  when  we  observe  the  exceeding 
complexity  of  modern  institutional  activity.  Of  such  pic- 
tures I  know  of  none  more  clearly  reflecting  the  social 
process  as  a  psychological  phenomenon  than  do  those 
curious  and  beautiful  triads  of  Dyvnwal  Moelmud  that  are 
included  in  the  Ancient  Laws  of  Wales.  In  simple  lan- 
guage, almost  poetical  in  form,  the  various  occasions  that 
draw  men  together  in  mote,  or  meeting,  are  described. 
Here  are  examples  :  — 

5.  There   are  three  motes  of  mutual   protection  :    an   outpouring 
mote ;  mast  gathering ;  and  co-tillage.     Herein  the  hand  of  everyone 
is  required  to  assist  according  to  his  ability. 

6.  There  are  three  horn  motes :  the  assembling  of  the  country  by 
elders  and  chiefs  of  kindreds ;  the  horn  of  harvest ;  and  the  horn  of 
battle  and  war,  against  the  molestation  of  a  border  country  and  strangers. 

14.  There  are  three  motes  of  consociation :  a  convention  of  a  coun- 
try and  elders,  arranging  the  laws  and  judgments  of  a  common  country  ; 
bards  as  teachers  of  sciences,  where  they  assemble  in  session  ;  and  the 
congress  of  a  kindred,  at  a  meeting  for  worship  on  the  principal  high 
festivals. 

15.  There  are  three  motes  of  imminent  attack :  the  inroad  of  a  bor- 
der country  enemy ;  the  cry,  or  the  horn,  of  murder  and  waylaying ;  and 
a  hamlet  on  fire :  for  assistance  is  required  from  everybody. 


130     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

16.  There  are  three  horns  of  joint  mote :  the  horn  of  harvest ;  the 
horn  of  pleadings  ;  and  the  horn  of  worship. 

17.  There  are  three  motes  of  commotion  :  the  horn  of  the  country; 
ships  from  a  strange  country  effecting  a  landing ;  and  the  non-return  of 
the  messenger  of  a  country  and  elders  from  a  foreign  country. 

1 8.  There  are  three  motes  of  request :  for  tillage  ;  festal  games  ;  and 
burning  of  woods  ;  for,  upon  a  request,  they  are  not  to  be  impeded. 

21.  There  are  three  motes  of  pursuit:  after  a  wolf;  after  thieves; 
and  after  a  mad  dog ;  and  all  who  shall  hear  the  cry  are  to  assemble 
together. 

22.  There  are  three  outpouring  motes :    the  approach  of  strangers 
without  permission  ;  the  depredation  of  a  border  country ;  and  a  pack 
of  wolves. 

26.  There  are  three  motes  of  banishment :  for  murder  and  waylay- 
ing ;  treason  against  the  state,  or  treachery  to  the  country  and  kindred  ; 
and  irretrievable  spoliation ;  for  it  is  required  of  everybody,  of  every 
sex  and  age  within  hearing  of  the  horn,  in  the  direction  taken, 
to  accompany  the  progress  of  that  exile ;  and  keep  up  the  barking  of 
dogs,  to  the  period  of  putting  to  sea,  and  until  the  one  banished  shall 
have  gone  three  score  hours  out  of  sight. 

The  social  process  revealed  by  these  pictures  of  a  simple 
community  life  does  not  admit  of  misinterpretation.  Not 
only  is  each  example  of  collective  action  a  response  to 
stimulus,  but  it  is  even  so  conceived  by  the  writer  of  the 
triads,  who,  in  turn,  represents  the  people  as  themselves 
thinking  of  the  social  process  in  such  terms.  The  horn, 
the  cry,  the  alarm,  are  deliberately  used  as  stimuli,  sup- 
plementing the  stimuli  that  would  be  afforded  by  mere 
perception  or  rumor  of  certain  events  or  opportunities. 
The  hastening  together  of  the  people  in  public  mote  or 
meeting,  in  its  turn,  is  not  only  a  spontaneous  response, 
but  even  one  that  has  in  it  the  elements  of  conscious 
knowledge  that  such  response  is  expected,  whenever  the 
horn  or  other  alarm  is  heard.  GIDDINGS,  T.  S.  C. 

Like-Response :   The  Anointing  of  Solomon 

And  Zadoc  the  priest  took  the  horn  of  oil  out  of  the  tent, 
and  anointed  Solomon.  And  they  blew  the  trumpet ;  and 
all  the  people  said,  Long  live  king  Solomon.  And  all 
the  people  came  up  after  him,  and  the  people  piped  with 
pipes,  and  rejoiced  with  great  joy,  so  that  the  earth  rent 
with  the  sound  of  them.  .  Chap  .  ^ 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     131 


Like-Response  :    A  Greek  Election 

The  senate,  as  I  said  before,  consisted  of  those  who  were 
Lycurgus's  chief  aiders  and  assistants  in  his  plans.  The 
vacancies  he  ordered  to  be  supplied  out  of  the  best  and 
most  deserving  men  past  sixty  years  old,  and  we  need  not 
wonder  if  there  was  much  striving  for  it ;  for  what  more 
glorious  competition  could  there  be  amongst  men,  than 
one  in  which  it  was  not  contested  who  was  swiftest  among 
the  swift  or  strongest  of  the  strong,  but  who  of  many  wise 
and  good  was  wisest  and  best,  and  fittest  to  be  intrusted 
for  ever  after,  as  the  reward  of  his  merits,  with  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  with  power  over  the 
lives,  franchises,  and  highest  interests  of  all  his  country- 
men ?  The  manner  of  their  election  was  as  follows :  the 
people  being  called  together,  some  selected  persons  were 
locked  up  in  a  room  near  the  place  of  election,  so  contrived 
that  they  could  neither  see  nor  be  seen,  but  could  only  hear 
the  noise  of  the  assembly  without;  for  they  decided  this, 
as  most  other  affairs  of  moment,  by  the  shouts  of  the  peo- 
ple. This  done,  the  competitors  were  not  brought  in  and 
presented  all  together,  but  one  after  another  by  lot,  and 
passed  in  order  through  the  assembly  without  speaking  a 
word.  Those  who  were  locked  up  had  writing-tables  with 
them,  in  which  they  recorded  and  marked  each  shout  by 
its  loudness,  without  knowing  in  favor  of  which  candidate 
each  of  them  was  made,  but  merely  that  they  came  first, 
second,  third,  and  so  forth.  He  who  was  found  to  have 
the  most  and  loudest  acclamations  was  declared  senator 
duly  elected. 

PLUTARCH,  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men,  translated  by  A.  H.  CLOUGH, 
40. 

Like-  and  Unlike-Response :   Pagans  and  Christians 

In  consequence  of  this  opinion,  it  was  the  first  but  ardu- 
ous duty  of  a  Christian  to  preserve  himself  pure  and  unde- 
filed  by  the  practice  of  idolatry.  The  religion  of  the 
nations  was  not  merely  a  speculative  doctrine  professed 
in  the  schools  or  preached  in  the  temples.  The  innumera- 
ble deities  and  rites  of  polytheism  were  closely  interwoven 


132      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

with  every  circumstance  of  business  or  pleasure,  of  public 
or  of  private  life ;  and  it  seemed  impossible  to  escape  the 
observance  of  them,  without,  at  the  same  time,  renouncing 
the  commerce  of  mankind  and  all  the  offices  and  amuse- 
ments of  society.  The  important  transactions  of  peace 
and  war  were  prepared  or  concluded  by  solemn  sacrifices, 
in  which  the  magistrate,  the  senator,  and  the  soldier  were 
obliged  to  preside  or  participate.  The  public  spectacles 
were  an  essential  part  of  the  cheerful  devotion  of  the 
Pagans,  and  the  gods  were  supposed  to  accept,  as  the  most 
grateful  offering,  the  games  that  the  prince  and  people 
celebrated  in  honor  of  their  peculiar  festivals.  The  Chris- 
tian, who  with  pious  horror  avoided  the  abomination  of  the 
circus  or  the  theatre,  found  himself  encompassed  with  in- 
fernal snares  in  every  convivial  entertainment,  as  often  as 
his  friends,  invoking  the  hospitable  deities,  poured  out 
libations  to  each  other's  happiness.  When  the  bride,  strug- 
gling with  well-affected  reluctance,  was  forced  in  hyme- 
naeal  pomp  over  the  threshold  of  her  new  habitation,  or  when 
the  sad  procession  of  the  dead  slowly  moved  towards  the 
funeral  pile ;  the  Christian,  on  these  interesting  occasions 
was  compelled  to  desert  the  persons  who  were  the  dearest 
to  him,  rather  than  contract  the  guilt  inherent  to  those 
impious  ceremonies.  Every  art  and  every  trade  that  was 
in  the  least  concerned  in  the  framing  or  adorning  of  idols 
was  polluted  by  the  stain  of  idolatry ;  a  severe  sentence, 
since  it  devoted  to  eternal  misery  the  far  greater  part  of 
the  community,  which  is  employed  in  the  exercise  of  liberal 
or  mechanic  professions. 

GIBBON,  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  Vol.  II.  16-17. 

Like-Response :   Riding  the  Skimmington 

The  following  are  the  principal  causes  for  riding  the 
Skimmington  :  — 

i.  When  a  man  and  his  wife  quarrel,  and  he  gives  up  to 
her.  2.  When  a  woman  is  unfaithful  to  her  husband,  and 
he  patiently  submits  without  resenting  her  conduct.  3.  Any 
grossly  licentious  conduct  on  the  part  of  married  persons. 

The  first  cause  appears  to  answer  that  recorded  in 
Hudibras,  canto  II,  line  685.  The  knight  having  mis- 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     133 

taken  a  Skimmington  for  some  other  procession,  is  unde- 
ceived as  follows :  — 

"  Quoth  Ralpho,  '  You  mistake  the  matter ; 
For  all  th'  antiquity  you  smatter 
Is  but  a  riding  used  of  course 
When  the  grey  mare's  the  better  horse. 
When  o'er  the  breeches  greedy  women 
Fight  to  extend  their  vast  dominion, 
And  in  the  cause  impatient  Grizzle 

Has  drubbed  her  husband  with 

And  brought  him  under  covert-baron 
To  turn  her  vassal  with  a  murrain  ; 


And  they,  in  mortal  battle  vanquished, 
Are  of  their  charter  disenfranchised.' " 

About  dusk  two  individuals,  one  armed  with  a  skimmer, 
the  other  with  a  ladle,  come  out  of  some  obscure  street, 
attended  by  a  crowd,  whose  laughter,  huzzas,  etc.,  emulate 
the  well-known  charivari  of  the  French.  The  two  per- 
formers are  sometimes  in  a  cart,  at  other  times  on  a  don- 
key; one  personating  the  wife,  the  other  the  husband. 
They  beat  each  other  furiously  with  the  culinary  weapons 
above  described,  and  warmed  by  the  applause  and  presence 
of  so  many  spectators  (for  all  turn  out  to  see  a  Skimming- 
ton),  their  dialogue  attains  a  freedom,  except  in  using  sur- 
names, only  comparable  with  their  gestures.  On  arriving 
at  the  house  of  the  parties  represented  in  this  moving 
drama,  animation  is  at  its  height :  the  crowd  usually  stay 
at  that  spot  some  minutes,  and  then  traverse  the  town. 
The  performers  are  remunerated  by  the  spectators :  the 
parties  that  parade  the  streets  with  the  performers  sweep 
with  besoms  the  doors  of  those  who  are  likely  to  require 
a  similar  visitation.  See  Dr.  King's  Miscellany:  — 

"  When  the  young  people  ride  the  Skimmington, 
There  is  a  general  trembling  in  the  town  ; 
Not  only  he  for  whom  the  party  rides 
Suffers,  but  they  sweep  other  doors  besides ; 
And  by  that  hieroglyphic  does  appear 
That  the  good  woman  is  the  master  there." 

Mr.  Donee  derives  Skimmington  from  the  skimming-ladle 
used  in  the  procession. 

G.  ROBERTS,  Social  History  of  the  Southern  Counties  of  England, 
535-536. 


134      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Unlike-  and  Like-Response :   to  Whitefield's  Revival 
Preaching 

In  spite  however  of  scenes  such  as  this,  England  re- 
mained at  heart  religious.  In  the  middle  class  the  old 
Puritan  spirit  lived  on  unchanged,  and  it  was  from  this 
class  that  a  religious  revival  burst  forth  at  the  close  of 
Walpole's  administration,  which  changed  after  a  time  the 
whole  tone  of  English  society. 

******* 

The  revival  began  in  a  small  knot  of  Oxford  students, 
whose  revolt  against  the  religious  deadness  of  their  times 
showed  itself  in  ascetic  observances,  an  enthusiastic  devo- 
tion, and  a  methodical  regularity  of  life  which  gained  them 
the  nickname  of  "  Methodists."  Three  figures  detached 
themselves  from  the  group  as  soon  as,  on  its  transfer  to 
London  in  1738  it  attracted  public  attention  by  the  fervour 
and  even  extravagance  of  its  piety  ;  and  each  found  his 
special  work  in  the  task  to  which  the  instinct  of  the  new 
movement  led  it  from  the  first,  that  of  carrying  religion  and 
morality  to  the  vast  masses  of  population  which  lay  con- 
centrated in  the  towns,  or  around  the  mines  and  collieries 
of  Cornwall  and  the  north.  Whitefield,  a  servitor  of  Pem- 
broke College,  was  above  all  the  preacher  of  the  revival. 
Speech  was  governing  English  politics ;  and  the  religious 
power  of  speech  was  shown  when  a  dread  of  "enthusiasm" 
closed  against  the  new  apostles  the  pulpits  of  the  Estab- 
lished Church,  and  forced  them  to  preach  in  the  fields. 
Their  voice  was  soon  heard  in  the  wildest  and  most  bar- 
barous corners  of  the  land,  among  the  bleak  moors  of 
Northumberland,  or  in  the  dens  of  London,  or  in  the  long 
galleries  where  in  the  pauses  of  his  labour  the  Cornish 
miner  listens  to  the  sobbing  of  the  sea.  Whitefield's 
preaching  was  such  as  England  had  never  heard  before, 
theatrical,  extravagant,  often  commonplace,  but  hushing 
all  criticism  by  its  intense  reality,  its  earnestness  of  belief, 
its  deep  tremulous  sympathy  with  the  sin  and  sorrow  of 
mankind.  It  was  no  common  enthusiast  who  could  wring 
gold  from  the  close-fisted  Franklin  and  admiration  from 
the  fastidious  Horace  Walpole,  or  who  could  look  down 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     135 

from  the  top  of  a  green  knoll  at  Kingswood  on  twenty 
thousand  colliers,  grimy  from  the  Bristol  coal-pits,  and  see 
as  he  preached  the  tears  "  making  white  channels  down 
their  blackened  cheeks."  On  the  rough  and  ignorant 
masses  to  whom  they  spoke  the  effect  of  Whitefield  and 
his  fellow  Methodists  was  mighty  both,  for  good  and  ill. 
Their  preaching  stirred  a  passionate  hatred  in  their  oppo- 
nents. Their  lives  were  often  in  danger,  they  were  mobbed, 
they  were  ducked,  they  were  stoned,  they  were  smothered 
with  filth.  But  the  enthusiasm  they  aroused  was  equally 
passionate.  Women  fell  down  in  convulsions ;  strong  men 
were  smitten  suddenly  to  the  earth ;  the  preacher  was  in- 
terrupted by  bursts  of  hysteric  laughter  or  of  hysteric 
sobbing.  All  the  phenomena  of  strong  spiritual  excite- 
ment, so  familiar  now,  but  at  that  time  strange  and  un- 
known, followed  on  their  sermons ;  and  the  terrible  sense 
of  a  conviction  of  sin,  a  new  dread  of  hell,  a  new  hope  of 
heaven,  took  forms  at  once  grotesque  and  sublime. 

GREEN,  Short  History  of  the  English  People,  736-737. 


Like-Response :   The  Federal  Volunteer  Army 

So  large  an  army  as  the  Government  has  now  on  foot 
was  never  before  known  without  a  soldier  in  it  but  who 
had  taken  his  place  there  of  his  own  free  choice. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  Special  Session  Message  (July  1861). 

Inter-stimulation  and  Response 

The  phenomena  of  like-response  to  the  same  given 
stimulus  cannot  long  continue  in  the  same  aggregation  of 
individuals,  or  frequently  be  repeated  there  without  under- 
going complication.  Among  the  inevitable  and  most 
frequent  stimuli  operating  upon  each  individual  of  an 
aggregate  are  the  presence  and  activities  of  fellow  beings. 
Each  individual,  in  his  turn,  is  a  complex  of  stimuli  to  his 
fellows.  Thus  within  a  group  responding  in  like  ways  to 


136      The  Elements  and  Structiire  of  Society 

common  stimuli  there  arise  important  secondary  phenom- 
ena of  Inter-stimulation  and  Response. 

The  process  of  inter-stimulation  assumes  various  modes 
or  phases,  all  of  which  are  highly  important  elements  in 
social  phenomena. 

In  one  of  its  phases  all  inter-stimulation  is  Communica- 
tion, and  it  includes  all  possible  modes  of  communication, 
from  that  instinctive  expression  of  emotion  which  is  so 
prominent  a  feature  of  animal  life,  to  the  most  indirect  and 
artificial  methods  of  transmitting  ideas  among  civilized 
men.  It  includes  Suggestion  and  Impression,  and  all  the 
forms  of  Example  the  response  to  which  constitutes  Imita- 
tion in  all  its  modes.  Finally,  inter-stimulation  and  re- 
sponse together,  include  all  possible  modes  of  Conflict  and 
all  modes  of  Association  among  animate  beings,  including 
that  Expansive  Association  which  takes  the  forms  of 
travel,  commerce,  and  war. 

Communication.  —  Some  degree  of  communication  be- 
tween any  two  or  more  individuals  in  the  presence  of  one 
another  is  inevitable.  They,  cannot  wholly  conceal  their 
states  of  mind  from  one  another,  even  if  they  consciously 
try  to  do  so.  Developed  communication,  however,  is  a 
product  of  complex  motives  that  appear  only  in  connection 
with  other  phenomena  presently  to  be  described. 

Beginnings  of  Communication 

With  social  animals,  the  power  of  intercommunication 
between  the  members  of  the  same  community  —  and,  with 
other  species,  between  the  opposite  sexes,  as  well  as  be- 
tween the  young  and  the  old — is  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance to  them.  This  is  generally  effected  by  means  of  the 
voice,  but  it  is  certain  that  gestures  and  expressions  are  to 
a  certain  extent  mutually  intelligible.  Man  not  only  uses 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     137 

inarticulate  cries,  gestures,  and  expressions,  but  has  invented 
articulate  language ;  if,  indeed,  the  word  invented  can  be 
applied  to  a  process  completed  by  innumerable  steps,  half- 
consciously  made.  Any  one  who  has  watched  monkeys 
will  not  doubt  that  they  perfectly  understand  each  other's 
gestures  and  expression,  and  to  a  large  extent,  as  Rengger 
asserts,  those  of  man.  An  animal  when  going  to  attack 
another,  or  when  afraid  of  another,  often  makes  itself 
appear  terrible,  by  erecting  its  hair,  thus  increasing  the 
apparent  bulk  of  its  body,  by  showing  its  teeth,  or  brandish- 
ing its  horns,  or  by  uttering  fierce  sounds. 

As  the  power  of  intercommunication  is  certainly  of  high 
service  to  many  animals,  there  is  no  a  priori  improbability 
in  the  supposition  that  gestures  manifestly  of  an  opposite 
nature  to  those  by  which  certain  feelings  are  already  ex- 
pressed should  at  first  have  been  voluntarily  employed 
under  the  influence  of  an  opposite  state  of  feeling.  The 
fact  of  the  gestures  being  now  innate  would  be  no  valid 
objection  to  the  belief  that  they  were  first  intentional ;  for,  if 
practised  during  many  generations,  they  would  probably  at 
last  be  inherited.  Nevertheless,  it  is  more  than  doubtful,  as 
weshall  immediately  see,  whether  any  of  the  cases  which  come 
under  our  present  head  of  antithesis  have  thus  originated. 

With  conventional  signs  which  are  not  innate,  such  as 
those  used  by  the  deaf  and  dumb  and  by  savages,  the 
principle  of  opposition  or  antithesis  has  been  partially 
brought  into  play.  The  Cistercian  monks  thought  it  sin- 
ful to  speak,  and,  as  they  could  not  avoid  holding  some 
communication,  they  invented  a  gesture  language,  in  which 
the  principle  of  opposition  seems  to  have  been  employed. 
Dr.  Scott,  of  the  Exeter  Deaf  and  Dumb  Institution,  writes 
to  me  that  "  opposites  are  greatly  used  in  teaching  the  deaf 
and  dumb,  who  have  a  lively  sense  of  them."  Nevertheless 
I  have  been  surprised  how  few  unequivocal  instances  can  be 
adduced.  This  depends  partly  on  all  the  signs  having  com- 
monly had  some  natural  origin ;  and  partly  on  the  practice 
of  the  deaf  and  dumb  and  of  savages  to  contract  their  signs 
as  much  as  possible  for  the  sake  of  rapidity.  Hence  their 
natural  source  or  origin  often  becomes  doubtful,  or  is  com- 
pletely lost ;  as  is  likewise  the  case  with  articulate  language. 
DARWIN,  Expression  of  Emotion  in  Man  and  Animals,  60. 


138      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  Tidings  of  Absalom's  Death 

Then  said  Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok,  Let  me  now  run, 
and  bear  the  king  tidings,  how  that  Jehovah  hath  avenged 
him  of  his  enemies.  And  Joab  said  unto  him,  Thou  shalt 
not  be  the  bearer  of  tidings  this  day,  but  thou  shalt  bear 
tidings  another  day  :  but  this  day  thou  shalt  bear  no  ti- 
dings, because  the  king's  son  is  dead.  Then  said  Joab  to 
the  Cushite,  Go  tell  the  king  what  thou  hast  seen.  And 
the  Cushite  bowed  himself  unto  Joab,  and  ran.  Then  said 
Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok  yet  again  to  Joab,  But  come 
what  may,  let  me,  I  pray  thee,  also  run  after  the  Cushite. 
And  Joab  said,  Wherefore  wilt  thou  run,  my  son,  seeing 
that  thou  wilt  have  no  reward  for  the  tidings  ?  But  come 
what  may,  said  he,  I  will  run.  And  he  said  unto  him,  Run. 
Then  Ahimaaz  ran  by  the  way  of  the  Plain,  and  overran 
the  Cushite. 

Now  David  sat  between  the  two  gates :  and  the  watch- 
man went  up  to  the  roof  of  the  gate  unto  the  wall,  and 
lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  looked,  and,  behold,  a  man  running 
alone.  And  the  watchman  cried,  and  told  the  king.  And 
the  king  said,  If  he  be  alone,  there  is  tidings  in  his  mouth. 
And  he  came  apace,  and  drew  near.  And  the  watchman 
saw  another  man  running :  and  the  watchman  called  unto 
the  porter,  and  said,  Behold,  another  man  running  alone. 
And  the  king  said,  He  also  bringeth  tidings.  And  the 
watchman  said,  Me  thinketh  the  running  of  the  foremost 
is  like  the  running  of  Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok.  And 
the  king  said,  He  is  a  good  man,  and  cometh  with  good 
tidings.  And  Ahimaaz  called,  and  said  unto  the  king,  All 
is  well.  And  he  bowed  himself  before  the  king  with  his 
face  to  the  earth,  and  said,  Blessed  be  Jehovah  thy  God, 
who  hath  delivered  up  the  men  that  lifted  up  their  hand 
against  my  lord  the  king.  And  the  king  said,  Is  it  well 
with  the  young  man  Absalom  ?  And  Ahimaaz  answered, 
When  Joab  sent  the  king's  servant,  even  me  thy  servant,  I 
saw  a  great  tumult,  but  I  knew  not  what  it  was.  And  the 
king  said,  Turn  aside,  and  stand  here.  And  he  turned 
aside,  and  stood  still.  And,  behold,  the  Cushite  came  ;  and 
the  Cushite  said,  Tidings  for  my  lord  the  king  :  for  Jeho- 
vah hath  avenged  thee  this  day  of  all  them  that  rose  up 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     159 

against  thee.  And  the  king  said  unto  the  Cushite,  Is  it 
well  with  the  young  man  Absalom?  And  the  Cushite 
answered,  The  enemies  of  my  lord  the  king,  and  all  that 
rise  up  against  thee  to  do  thee  hurt,  be  as  that  young  man 
is.  And  the  king  was  much  moved,  and  went  up  to  the 
chamber  over  the  gate,  and  wept :  and  as  he  went,  thus  he 
said,  O  my  son  Absalom,  my  son,  my  son  Absalom  !  would 
I  had  died  for  thee,  O  Absalom,  my  son,  my  son ! 

II  Samuel,  Chap,  xviii.  19-33. 

Publication  of  Ahasuerus's  Decrees 

Then  were  the  king's  scribes  called  in  the  first  month,  on 
the  thirteenth  day  thereof,  and  there  was  written  according 
to  all  that  Haman  commanded  unto  the  king's  satraps, 
and  to  the  governors  that  were  over  every  province,  and  to 
the  princes  of  every  people  ;  to  every  province  according 
to  the  writing  thereof,  and  to  every  people  after  their  lan- 
guage ;  in  the  name  of  king  Ahasuerus  was  it  written,  and 
it  was  sealed  with  the  king's  ring.  And  letters  were 
sent  by  posts  into  all  the  king's  provinces,  to  destroy,  to 
slay,  and  to  cause  to  perish,  all  Jews,  both  young  and  old, 
little  children  and  women,  in  one  day,  even  upon  the  thir- 
teenth day  of  the  twelfth  month,  which  is  the  month  Adar, 
and  to  take  the  spoil  of  them  for  a  prey.  A  copy  of  the 
writing,  that  the  decree  should  be  given  out  in  every  prov- 
ince, was  published  unto  all  the  peoples,  that  they  should 
be  ready  against  that  day.  The  posts  went  forth  in  haste 
by  the  king's  commandment,  and  the  decree  was  given  out 
in  Shushan  the  palace  :  and  the  king  and  Haman  sat  down 
to  drink  ;  but  the  city  of  Shushan  was  perplexed. 

Esther,  Chap.  iii.  12-15. 
******  * 

Then  the  king  Ahasuerus  said  unto  Esther  the  queen  and 
to  Mordecai  the  Jew,  Behold,  I  have  given  Esther  the 
house  of  Haman,  and  him  they  have  hanged  upon  the  gal- 
lows, because  he  laid  his  hand  upon  the  Jews.  Write  ye 
also  to  the  Jews,  as  it  pleaseth  you,  in  the  king's  name, 
and  seal  it  with  the  king's  ring :  for  the  writing  which  is 
written  in  the  king's  name,  and  sealed  with  the  king's  ring, 


140     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

may  no  man  reverse.  Then  were  the  king's  scribes  called 
at  that  time,  in  the  third  month,  which  is  the  month  Sivan, 
on  the  three  and  twentieth  day  thereof  ;  and  it  was  written 
according  to  all  that  Mordecai  commanded  unto  the  Jews, 
and  to  the  satraps,  and  the  governors  and  princes  of  the 
provinces  which  are  from  India  unto  Ethiopia,  a  hundred 
twenty  and  seven  provinces,  unto  every  province  according 
to  the  writing  thereof,  and  unto  every  people  after  their 
language,  and  to  the  Jews  according  to  their  writing,  and 
according  to  their  language.  And  he  wrote  in  the  name 
of  king  Ahasuerus,  and  sealed  it  with  the  king's  ring,  and 
sent  letters  by  posts  on  horseback,  riding  on  swift  steeds  that 
were  used  in  the  king's  service,  bred  of  the  stud  :  wherein 
the  king  granted  the  Jews  that  were  in  every  city  to 
gather  themselves  together,  and  to  stand  for  their  life,  to 
destroy,  to  slay,  and  to  cause  to  perish,  all  the  power  of 
the  people  and  province  that  would  assault  them,  their 
little  ones  and  women,  and  to  take  the  spoil  of  them  for 
a  prey,  upon  one  day  in  all  the  provinces  of  king  Ahasu- 
erus, namely,  upon  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  twelfth 
month,  which  is  the  month  Adar.  A  copy  of  the  writ- 
ing, that  the  decree  should  be  given  out  in  every  prov- 
ince, was  published  unto  all  the  peoples,  and  that  the  Jews 
should  be  ready  against  that  day  to  avenge  themselves 
on  their  enemies.  So  the  posts  that  rode  upon  swift 
steeds  that  were  used  in  the  king's  service  went  out, 
being  hastened  and  pressed  on  by  the  king's  command- 
ment ;  and  the  decree  was  given  out  in  Shushan  the 

Palace-  Esther,  Chap.  viii.  7-14. 

Rumour  in  the  Ukraine  J 

Over  the  whole  Ukraine  and  beyond  the  Dnieper 
strange  sounds  began  to  spread  like  the  heralds  of  a  coming 
tempest ;  certain  wonderful  tidings  flew  from  village  to 
village,  from  farmhouse  to  farmhouse,  —  like  those  plants 
which  the  breezes  of  spring  push  along  the  steppes,  and 

1  This  extract  is  taken  from  a  work  of  fiction,  but  many  a  novel  is  truer  to 
sociological  realities  than  half  of  the  histories,  and  in  no  work  of  history  ever 
written  can  there  be  found  so  true  an  account  of  the  phenomenon  of  rumour  as 
is  this  wonderful  bit  of  description  from  Sienkiewicz. 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     141 

which  the  people  call  field-rollers.  In  the  towns  there 
were  whispers  of  some  great  war,  though  no  man  knew 
who  was  going  to  make  war,  nor  against  whom.  Still  the 
tidings  were  told.  The  faces  of  people  became  unquiet. 
The  tiller  of  the  soil  went  with  his  plough  to  the  field  un- 
willingly, though  the  spring  had  come  early,  mild  and 
warm,  and  long  since  the  larks  had  been  singing  over  the 
steppes.  Every  evening  people  gathered  in  crowds  in  the 
villages,  and  standing  on  the  road,  talked  in  undertones  of 
terrible  things.  Blind  men  wandering  around  with  lyres 
and  songs  were  asked  for  news.  Some  persons  thought 
they  saw  in  the  night-time  reflections  in  the  sky,  and  that 
a  moon  redder  than  usual  rose  from  behind  the  pine  woods. 
Disaster  or  the  death  of  the  King  was  predicted.  And  all 
this  was  the  more  wonderful,  since  fear  found  no  easy 
approach  to  those  lands,  long  accustomed  to  disturbances, 
conflicts,  and  raids.  Some  exceptionally  ominous  currents 
must  have  been  playing  in  the  air,  since  the  alarm  had 
become  universal. 

It  was  the  more  oppressive  and  stifling,  because  no  one 
was  able  to  point  out  the  danger.  But  among  the  signs  of 
evil  omen,  two  especially  seemed  to  show  that  really  some- 
thing was  impending.  First,  an  unheard-of  multitude  of 
old  minstrels  appeared  in  all  the  villages  and  towns,  and 
among  them  were  forms  strange,  and  known  to  no  one ; 
these,  it  was  whispered,  were  counterfeit  minstrels.  These 
men,  strolling  about  everywhere,  told  with  an  air  of 
mystery  that  the  day  of  God's  judgment  and  anger  was 
near.  Secondly,  the  men  of  the  lower  country  began  to 
drink  with  all  their  might. 

The  second  sign  was  the  more  serious.  The  Saitch, 
confined  within  too  narrow  limits,  was  unable  to  feed  all 
its  inhabitants;  expeditions  were  not  always  successful; 
besides,  the  steppes  yielded  no  bread  to  the  Cossacks.  In 
time  of  peace,  therefore,  a  multitude  of  Zaporojians  scat- 
tered themselves  yearly  over  the  inhabited  districts.  The 
Ukraine,  and  indeed  all  Russia,  was  full  of  them.  Some 
rose  to  be  land  stewards ;  some  sold  liquor  on  the  high- 
ways ;  some  labored  in  hamlets  and  towns,  in  trade  and 
industry.  In  every  village  there  was  sure  to  be  a  cottage 
on  one  side,  at  a  distance  from  the  rest,  in  which  a 


142      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Zaporojian  dwelt.  Some  of  them  had  brought  their  wives 
with  them,  and  kept  house  in  these  cottages.  But  the 
Zaporojian,  as  a  man  who  usually  had  passed  through  every 
experience,  was  generally  a  benefactor  to  the  village  in 
which  he  lived.  There  were  no  better  blacksmiths,  wheel- 
wrights, tanners,  wax-refiners,  fishermen,  and  hunters  than 
they.  The  Cossack  understood  everything,  did  everything; 
he  built  a  house,  he  sewed  a  saddle.  But  the  Cossacks 
were  not  always  such  quiet  inhabitants,  for  they  lived  a 
temporary  life.  Whoever  wished  to  carry  out  a  decision 
with  armed  hand,  to  make  an  attack  on  a  neighbor,  or  to 
defend  himself  from  an  expected  attack,  had  only  to  raise 
the  cry,  and  straightway  the  Cossacks  hurried  to  him  like 
ravens  to  a  ready  spoil.  The  nobility  and  magnates,  in- 
volved in  endless  disputes  among  themselves,  employed  the 
Cossacks.  When  there  was  a  lack  of  such  undertakings 
the  Cossacks  stayed  quietly  in  the  villages,  working  with  all 
diligence,  earning  their  daily  bread  in  the  sweat  of  their 
brows. 

They  would  continue  in  this  fashion  for  a  year  or  two, 
till  sudden  tidings  came  of  some  great  expedition,  either  of 
ataman  against  the  Tartars  or  the  Poles,  or  of  Polish 
noblemen  against  Wallachia ;  and  that  moment  the  wheel- 
wrights, blacksmiths,  tanners,  and  wax-refiners  would  desert 
their  peaceful  occupations,  and  begin  to  drink  with  all  their 
might  in  every  dram-shop  of  the  Ukraine.  After  they  had 
drunk  away  everything,  they  would  drink  on  credit,  —  not 
on  what  they  had,  but  on  what  they  would  have.  Future 
booty  must  pay  for  the  frolic. 

This  phenomenon  was  repeated  so  regularly  that  after  a 
while  people  of  experience  in  the  Ukraine  used  to  say : 
"  The  dram-shops  are  bursting  with  men  from  below  ;  some- 
thing is  on  foot  in  the  Ukraine." 

The  starostas  strengthened  the  garrisons  in  the  castles 
at  once,  looking  carefully  to  everything ;  the  magnates  in- 
creased their  retinues ;  the  nobility  sent  their  wives  and 
children  to  the  towns. 

That  spring  the  Cossacks  began  to  drink  as  never  before, 
squandering  at  random  all  they  had  earned,  not  in  one 
district,  not  in  one  province,  but  throughout  all  Russia,  — 
the  length  and  breadth  of  it. 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     143 

Something  was  on  foot,  indeed,  though  the  men  from 
below  had  no  idea  of  what  it  was.  People  had  begun  to 
speak  of  Hmelnitski,  of  his  flight  to  the  Saitch,  of  the  men 
from  Cherkasi,  Boguslav,  Korsun,  and  other  places  who 
had  followed  him ;  but  something  else  was  talked  of  too. 
For  years  reports  had  been  current  of  a  great  war  with  the 
Pagans,  —  a  war  desired  by  the  King  to  give  booty  to  the 
Cossacks,  but  opposed  by  the  Poles.  This  time  all  reports 
were  blended,  and  roused  in  the  brains  of  men  uneasiness 
and  the  expectation  of  something  uncommon. 

This  uneasiness  penetrated  the  walls  of  Lubin  also.  It 
was  not  proper  to  shut  one's  eyes  to  such  signs,  and  Prince 
Yeremi  especially  had  not  that  habit.  In  his  domain  the 
disturbance  did  not  really  come  to  an  outbreak,  fear  kept 
all  within  bounds  ;  but  for  some  time  reports  had  been  com- 
ing from  the  Ukraine,  that  here  and  there  peasants  were 
beginning  to  resist  the  nobles,  that  they  were  killing  Jews, 
that  they  wished  to  force  their  own  enrolment  for  war 
against  the  Pagans,  and  that  the  number  of  deserters  to 
the  Saitch  was  increasing  continually. 

HENRYK  SIENKIEWICZ,  With  Fire  and  Sword,  translated  by  JEREMIAH 
CURTIN,  81-83. 

The  English  Stage  Coach 

There  were  six  regular  stage  coaches  running  in  Eng- 
land in  1662,  some  say  in  1672.  There  was  a  four  day 
stage  to  York  from  London  in  1678. 

The  "  Salisbury  Journal "  advertised,  in  1752,  that  for  the 
better   conveyance   of   travellers,  the   Exeter  Fast  Coach 
starts  every  Monday  from   the  Saracen's  Head,  Skinner 
Street,  Snow  Hill,  London. 
Monday,  dines  at  Egham. 

"         lies  at  Murrell's  Green. 
Tuesday,  dines  at  Sutton. 

"          lies  at  Plume  of  Feathers  in  Salisbury. 
Wednesday,  dines  at  Blandford. 

"  lies  at  King's  Arms  in  Dorchester. 

Thursday,  at  one  o'clock,  Exeter. 
This  was  accomplished  in  summer. 
In  winter,  six  days  were  required.  Fifty  miles  a  day  in 


144     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

summer,  and  thirty  in  winter,  was  the  distance.  The 
dangers  of  the  road  were  too  great  for  any  one  to  risk 
himself  on  the  outside.  There  were  six  inside  places. 

******* 

The  fears  for  the  safety  of  a  relative  who  had  taken  a 
journey  to  the  distant  metropolis  were  by  no  means  ill 
founded.  The  dangers  of  the  road,  both  in  going  and 
returning,  were  acknowledged.  The  travelling  over,  safety 
was  still  out  of  the  case.  A  great  city,  upon  whose  his- 
tory a  whole  nation  looks  with  interest,  was  in  the  eigh- 
teenth century  a  residence  dangerous  to  the  Londoners 
themselves.  Was  there  not  a  brutal  society,  that  of  the 
Mohawks,  rakes  and  drunkards  who  were  banded  together 
for  violence  upon  unprotected  persons  at  night  ?  They 
sallied  out  j:o  exercise  the  duties  their  mad  order  entailed 
upon  them,  and  so  knocked  down,  stabbed,  cut  and  car- 
bonadoed people  —  honest  people  about  upon  their  calling 
—  who  were  so  unfortunate  as  to  happen  to  come  in  their 
way. 

******* 

The  Taunton  stage  took  four  days  to  reach  London. 
Many  finding  this  convenience  prepared  for  them  ceased 
to  keep  horses,  which  set  going  the  croakers,  who  proph- 
esied great  evils  from  the  setting  up  of  stage  coaches. 
They  said  no  good  hackneys  would  be  bred,  and  that  the 
agricultural  interest  would  suffer. 

When  the  passengers  arrived  at  night  at  an  inn  they 
clubbed  together  for  a  dish  or  two  of  meat,  and  spent  not 
above  \2.d.  or  \6d.  at  a  place. 

Acquaintances  were  made  and  antipathies  created  for 
life  between  people  who  sat  together  for  six  live-long  days 
in  succession,  and  who  took  many  meals  in  company. 
Journeys  were  unequal  in  expense.  Some  gallant,  gener- 
ous fellow-travellers  treated  the  ladies,  which  some  could 
well  afford  to  do ;  others,  less  rich,  found  this  a  burden. 
Occasionally  male  travellers  were  too  prompt  in  proposing 
such  liberality  when  their  own  relatives  were  those  to  be 
treated.  In  a  word,  a  journey  to  London  from  Devon  and 
Dorset  was  a  memorable  event  never  to  be  effaced  from 
memory,  —  a  serious  undertaking,  not  to  be  too  hastily 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     145 

compared  with  a  journey  to  London  or  to  Edinburgh  in 
the  present  day,  which  may  be  looked  upon  as  a  mere  act 
of  locomotion,  however  splendidly  performed. 

******* 
Persons  upon  their  safe  return  from  London  were  apt 
to  assume  ridiculous  airs  and  superiority  over  their  fellows 
who  had  not  drunk  in  political  chit-chat  like  themselves  in 
the  city  coffee-houses.  Inns  by  the  road  side  were  amus- 
ing places  of  resort,  for  the  residents  of  country  towns,  and 
even  the  clergyman  of  the  parish.  The  travellers  who 
arrived  dispensed  the  latest  news  to  a  craving  company, 
who  had  no  other  means  of  learning  what  then  agitated 
the  great  Babel,  and  other  parts  of  the  kingdom. 

G.  ROBERTS,  Social  History  of  the  Southern  Counties  of  England, 
491-492,  495~498>  5°  i- 

Suggestion  and  Suggestibility.  —  Suggestion  is  a  mode 
of  stimulation,  —  an  incitement  of  a  nervous  system  to  act 
in  a  certain  way.  We  often  use  the  word  for  a  process 
that  we  are  aware  of  at  the  moment,  as  when,  while  con- 
versing or  reading,  we  receive  an  idea  that  strikes  us  as 
worth  considering,  and  perhaps  acting  upon.  In  stricter 
technical  usage,  a  suggestion  is  an  incitement  to  act  that 
is  implanted  or  aroused,  while  the  individual  affected  re- 
mains unaware  of  what  is  happening.  This  usage  is  here 
followed.  Communication  awakens  feelings  and '  ideas 
that,  unless  restrained  by  counter  influences,  pass  auto- 
matically into  action.  In  "  crazes  "  and  panics,  suggestion 
in  this  sense,  of  incitement  unconsciously  received  and 
acted  upon,  plays  a  controlling  part. 

Suggestion:   The  Pillar  of  Cloud 

And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Moses  went  out  into  the  tab- 
ernacle, that  all  the  people  rose  up,  and  stood  every  man 
at  his  tent  door,  and  looked  after  Moses,  until  he  was  gone 
into  the  tabernacle. 


146     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

And  it  came  to  pass,  as  Moses  entered  into  the  taber- 
nacle, the  cloudy  pillar  descended,  and  stood  at  the  door 
of  the  tabernacle,  and  the  Lord  talked  with  Moses. 

And  all  the  people  saw  the  cloudy  pillar  stand  at  the 
tabernacle  door :  and  all  the  people  rose  up  and  worshipped, 

every  man  in  his  tent  door.  ^     ,      ~, 

*  Exodus,  Chap,  xxxui.  8-10. 


Suggestibility  during  the  Great  Plague 

The  apprehensions  of  the  people,  were  likewise  strangely 
increased  by  the  error  of  the  times,  in  which,  I  think,  the 
people,  from  what  principle  I  cannot  imagine,  were  more 
addicted  to  prophecies,  and  astrological  conjurations, 
dreams,  and  old  wives'  tales,  than  ever  they  were  before 
or  since :  whether  this  unhappy  temper  was  originally 
raised  by  the  follies  of  some  people  who  got  money  by  it ; 
that  is  to  say,  by  printing  predictions  and  prognostications, 
I  know  not ;  but  certain  it  is,  books  frighted  them  terribly  ; 
such  as  Lily's  Almanack,  Gadbury's  Astrological  Predic- 
tions, Poor  Robin  s  Almanack,  and  the  like  ;  also  several 
pretended  religious  books,  one  entitled,  Come  out  of  her, 
my  people,  least  ye  be  partaker  of  her  Plague  ;•  another,  called 
Fair  Warning ;  another,  Britain  s  Remembrancer,  and  many 
such ;  all,  or  most  part  of  which,  foretold  directly  or 
covertly,  the  ruin  of  the  city :  nay,  some  were  so  enthusi- 
astically bold,  as  to  run  about  the  streets,  with  their  oral 
predictions,  pretending  they  were  sent  to  preach  to  the  city  ; 
and  one  in  particular,  who  like  Jonah  to  Nineveh,  cried  in 
the  streets,  "Yet  forty  days,  and  LONDON  shall  be  de- 
stroyed." I  will  not  be  positive,  whether  he  said  yet  forty 
days,  or  yet  a  few  days.  Another  ran  about  naked,  except 
a  pair  of  drawers  about  his  waist,  crying  day  and  night, 
like  a  man  that  Josephus  mentions,  who  cried,  Woe  to 
Jerusalem  !"  a  little  before  the  destruction  of  that  city :  So 
this  poor  naked  creature  cried,  O  !  the  great,  and  the  dread- 
ful God  !  and  said  no  more,  but  repeated  those  words  con- 
tinually, with  a  voice  and  countenance  full  of  horror,  a 
swift  pace,  and  nobody  could  ever  find  him  to  stop,  or  rest, 
or  take  any  sustenance,  at  least,  that  ever  I  could  hear  of. 
I  met  this  poor  creature  several  times  in  the  streets,  and 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     147 

would  have  spoke  to  him,  but  he  would  not  enter  into 
speech  with  me,  or  any  one  else ;  but  kept  on  his  dismal 
cries  continually. 

These  things  terrified  the  people  to  the  last  degree ;  and 
especially  when  two  or  three  times,  as  I  have  mentioned 
already,  they  found  one  or  two  in  the  hills,  dead  of  the 
plague  at  St.  Giles's. 

Next  to  these  public  things,  were  the  dreams  of  old 
women  :  or,  I  should  say,  the  interpretation  of  old  women 
upon  other  people's  dreams ;  and  these  put  abundance  of 
people  even  out  of  their  wits  ;  some  heard  voices  warning 
them  to  be  gone,  for  that  there  would  be  such  a  plague  in 
London,  so  that  the  living  would  not  be  able  to  bury  the 
dead :  others  saw  apparitions  in  the  air,  and  I  must  be 
allowed  to  say  of  both,  I  hope  without  breach  of  charity, 
that  they  heard  voices  that  never  spake,  and  saw  sights 
that  never  appeared  ;  but  the  imagination  of  the  people 
was  really  turned  wayward  and  possessed ;  and  no  wonder 
if  they  who  were  poring  continually  at  the  clouds,  saw 
shapes  and  figures,  representations  and  appearances,  which 
had  nothing  in  them  but  air  and  vapour.  Here  they  told 
us  they  saw  a  flaming  sword  held  in  a  hand,  coming  out  of 
a  cloud,  with  a  point  hanging  directly  over  the  city.  There 
they  saw  hearses  and  coffins  in  the  air  carrying  to  be  buried. 
And  there  again,  heaps  of  dead  bodies  lying  unburied,  and 
the  like ;  just  as  the  imagination  of  the  poor  terrified  people 
furnished  them  with  matter  to  work  upon. 

So  hypocondriac  fancies  represent 
Ships,  armies,  battles,  in  the  firmament ; 
Till  steady  eyes  the  exhalations  solve, 
And  all  to  its  first  matter,  cloud,  resolve. 

I  could  fill  this  account  with  the  strange  relations  such 
people  give  every  day  of  what  they  have  seen  ;  and  every 
one  was  so  positive  of  their  having  seen  what  they  pre- 
tended to  see,  that  there  was  no  contradicting  them,  with- 
out breach  of  friendship,  or  being  accounted  rude  and 
unmannerly  on  the  one  hand,  and  prophane  and  impene- 
trable on  the  other.  One  time  before  the  plague  was 
begun,  otherwise  than  as  I  have  said  in  St.  Giles's,  I  think 
it  was  in  March,  seeing  a  crowd  of  people  in  the  street,  I 


148      Tke  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

joined  with  them  to  satisfy  my  curiosity,  and  found  them 
all  staring  up  into  the  air  to  see  what  a  woman  told  them 
appeared  plain  to  her,  which  was  an  angel  clothed  in 
white  with  a  fiery  sword  in  his  hand,  waving  it  or  bran- 
dishing it  over  his  head.  She  described  every  part  of  the 
figure  to  the  life,  shewed  them  the  motion  and  the  form, 
and  the  poor  people  came  into  it  so  eagerly  and  with  so 
much  readiness :  Yes  !  I  see  it  all  plainly,  says  one,  there's 
the  sword  as  plain  as  can  be ;  another  saw  the  angel ;  one 
saw  his  very  face  and  cried  out,  What  a  glorious  creature 
he  was  !  One  saw  one  thing  and  one  another.  I  looked 
as  earnestly  as  the  rest,  but,  perhaps,  not  with  so  much 
willingness  to  be  imposed  upon ;  and  I  said  indeed,  that  I 
could  see  nothing,  but  a  white  cloud,  bright  on  one  side,  by 
the  shining  of  the  sun  upon  the  other  part.  The  woman 
endeavoured  to  shew  it  me,  but  could  not  make  me  confess 
that  I  saw  it,  which,  indeed,  if  I  had,  I  must  have  lied  : 
But  the  woman  turning  to  me  looked  me  in  the  face  and 
fancied  I  laughed,  in  which  her  imagination  deceived  her 
too,  for  I  really  did  not  laugh,  but  was  seriously  reflecting 
how  the  poor  people  were  terrified  by  the  force  of  their 
own  imagination.  —  However,  she  turned  to  me,  called  me 
prophane  fellow,  and  a  scoffer,  told  me  that  it  was  a  time 
of  God's  anger,  and  dreadful  judgements  were  approach- 
ing, and  that  despisers,  such  as  I,  should  wonder  and 
perish. 

The  people  about  her  seemed  disgusted  as  well  as  she, 
and  I  found  there  was  no  persuading  them  that  I  did  not 
laugh  at  them,  and  that  I  should  be  rather  mobbed  by 
them  than  be  able  to  undeceive  them.  So  I  left  them, 
and  this  appearance  passed  for  as  real  as  the  blazing  star 

itself 

DANIEL  DE  FOE,  A  Journal  of  the  Plague  Year,  25-28. 

Suggestion  in  the  Witchcraft  Delusion 

Witchcraft  was  so  deep-rooted  that  it  was  accounted 
next  to  blasphemy  to  question  its  existence.  Trials,  re- 
volting and  harrowing  in  all  their  details,  were  constantly 
held  of  persons  suspected  of  practicing  witchcraft.  The 
witch,  according  to  the  English  popular  conception  of  one 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     149 

in  the  seventeenth  century,  was  a  malicious,  spiteful  old 
woman,  who  had  sold  her  chance  of  salvation  in  the  life  of 
the  world  to  come,  for  the  joy  of  blighting  her  neighbours' 
crops,  destroying  their  cattle,  and  revelling  in  the  hours  of 
darkness  in  their  cellars  and  larders.  Tales  of  her  enor- 
mities were  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth,  and  gained  rather 
than  lost  by  constant  repetition.  Her  familiar  spirits,  it 
was  said,  were  a  cat,  a  toad,  and,  in  certain  cases  of  pecul- 
iar atrocity,  a  blue-bottle  fly.  She  assumed  any  form  she 
liked.  She  was  transported  whithersoever  she  desired. 
The  demon  to  whose  service  she  had  dedicated  her  powers 
was  a  deformed  satyr,  who  combined  the  lowest  animal 
passions  of  humanity,  with  the  stupidity,  the  ferocity,  and 
almost  the  outward  resemblance  of  a  wild  beast.  In  1604, 
the  very  year  after  his  accession  to  the  throne  of  this 
realm,  James  I.  set  his  hand  to  an  act  of  parliament  for  the 
detection  and  punishment  of  sorcerers.  From  that  time 
the  persecution  of  witches  became  of  common  occurrence 
in  England.  If  the  statistics  do  not  lie,  not  fewer  than 
forty  thousand  persons  were  put  to  death  for  witchcraft  in 
England  alone.  The  madness  reached  its  height  in  1634, 
the  year  in  which  occurred  the  memorable  case  of  the 
Lancashire  witches,  the  result  of  which  was  that  eight  per- 
sons utterly  guiltless  of  the  offences  that  were  laid  to  their 
charge,  were  sentenced  to  death  on  the  incoherent  lies  of 
a  youth.  The  great  Civil  War,  instead  of  checking  the 
progress  of  this  odious  persecution,  greatly  increased  it. 
Magic  and  witchcraft  constituted  in  the  eyes  of  the  Puri- 
tans, two  of  the  most  abominable  offences  of  which  mortal 
man  could  be  guilty,  and  to  the  end  that  the  practice  of 
such  arts  might  be  exterminated,  the  utmost  rigour  and 
severity  were  employed.  During  the  years  1644  and  1645, 
an  infamous  wretch,  named  Matthew  Hopkins,  succeeded 
in  earning  a  most  comfortable  subsistence  in  the  successful 
exercise  of  the  detestable  profession  of  a  witch-finder.  The 
eastern  counties  had  rest  only  when  the  impostor  got  his 
deserts.  The  people  of  Suffolk,  who  had  long  been 
tormented  by  his  presence,  insisted  upon  trying  him  by 
his  own  favorite  test  of  the  water  ordeal.  The  experiment 
proved  unfavourable  to  him,  and  he  was  unhesitatingly 
put  to  death  by  the  rabble  on  the  spot.  During  the  Com- 


150      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

monwealth  there  was  an  interval  of  repose.  No  doubt 
so  beneficial  a  change  is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  sound  sense 
and  humanity  of  Oliver  Cromwell,  who,  though  guilty  of  a 
few  acts  of  ruthless  severity,  displayed  in  most  cases  a 
respect  for  human  life  which  was  singularly  absent  in  some 
of  the  gloomy  republicans  who  were  his  contemporaries. 
This  improvement,  it  is  satisfactory  to  note,  continued 
after  the  Restoration  of  Monarchy.  The  persecution  of 
persons  suspected  of  witchcraft,  like  long  sermons,  whin- 
ing prayers,  and  canting  hymns,  was  associated  with  the 
house  of  bondage,  from  which  the  nation  had  then  only 
recently  been  liberated,  and  consequently  was  viewed  with 
marked  disapproval.  Witch  trials,  it  is  undoubtedly  true, 
continued  at  intervals  to  be  held  here  and  there  through- 
out the  country,  but  in  most  cases  the  judges  were  strict  in 
requiring  undeniable  evidence,  and  consequently  convic- 
tions were  of  comparative  rarity.  It  cannot,  however,  be 
forgotten  that,  in  1664,  the  excellent  Sir  Matthew  Hale, 
after  a  trial  conducted  with  his  customary  patience  and 
impartiality,  though  by  no  means  with  his  customary  sa- 
gacity, condemned  two  unfortunate  women  to  death  as 
witches  at  the  assizes  at  Bury  St.  Edmunds,  and  in  both 
cases  the  law  was  suffered  to  take  its  usual  course.  Pious 
judges  had  a  perfect  horror  of  condemning  witches,  but 
popular  clamour  demanded  it,  and  they  were  forced  to 
comply.  The  judge  who  dared  to  pronounce  against  the 
popular  opinion,  that  the  devil  himself  had  power  to  tor- 
ment and  kill  innocent  children,  or  that  he  was  pleased  to 
divert  himself  with  the  farmers'  cheese,  butter,  pigs,  and 
geese,  or  who  dared  to  contest  other  similar  errors  of  a 
foolish  and  ignorant  rabble,  was  instantly  denounced  as  a 
blasphemous  atheist.  The  result  was,  that  in  order  to 
mark  their  regard  for  religion,  the  judges  were  forced  to 
hang  the  poor  witches.  Roger  North,  in  his  Life  of  Lord 
Guilford,  relates  that  it  was  once  the  unpleasant  duty  of 
Judge  Raymond,  when  on  circuit,  to  try  two  old  women  at 
Exeter  for  witchcraft.  The  whole  city  rang  with  tales  of 
their  preternatural  exploits.  Even  the  horses  which  drew 
the  judges'  carriage,  it  was  said,  could  not  proceed  a  step  by 
reason  of  the  spells  which  the  witches  had  cast  upon  them. 
The  two  old  women  confessed  under  the  wildest  self-delu- 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     151 

sion  that  they  were  witches,  and  that  they  had  had  dealings 
with  the  devil.  One  of  them,  named  Temperance  Lloyd, 
on  being  asked  whether  she  had  ever  seen  the  devil  and  of 
what  shape  and  colour  he  was,  answered,  "  Black,  like  a 
bullock!  "  In  her  examination  before  the  magistrates  she 
had  given  a  different  account,  and  had  affirmed  that  he 
had  appeared  to  her  "  in  the  shape  or  likeness  of  a  black 
man  of  about  the  length  of  her  arm ;  that  his  eyes  were 
very  big,  and  that  he  hopped  or  leaped  in  the  way  before 
her."  The  file  of  information  which  had  been  taken  by 
the  justices  was  a  farrago  of  nonsense  from  end  to  end. 
"  This  informant,"  ran  one  clause,  "  saith  he  saw  a  cat  leap 
in  at  her  (the  old  woman's)  window  when  it  was  twilight ; 
and  this  informant  further  saith,  that  he  verily  believeth 
the  said  cat  to  be  the  devil,  and  more  saith  not."  The  case 
was  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  a  jury,  who  convicted 
both  the  old  women,  and  one  of  them  was  hanged.  In 
March  1687,  a  poor  old  woman  was  condemned  to  death  as 
a  witch  at  the  assizes  at  York.  "  Some  that  were  more 
apt  to  believe  those  things  than  I,"  wrote  Sir  John  Reresby, 
"  thought  the  evidence  strong  against  her.  The  boy  who 
said  he  was  bewitched,  falling  into  fits  before  the  bench 
when  he  saw  her,  and  then,  on  a  sudden  coming  to  him- 
self, and  relating  very  distinctly  the  several  injuries  she 
had  done  him.  But  in  all  this  it  was 'observed  the  boy  had 
no  distortion,  no  foaming  at  the  mouth,  nor  did  his  fits 
leave  him  gradually,  but  all  of  a  sudden,  so  that  the  judge 
thought  fit  to  reprieve  her.  However,  it  is  just  to  relate 
this  odd  story.  One  of  my  soldiers  being  upon  guard  at 
eleven  o'clock  at  night  at  Clifford  Tower  Gate,  the  night 
the  witch  was  arraigned,  hearing  a  great  noise  at  the 
castle,  and  coming  to  the  porch,  there  saw  a  scroll  of 
paper  creep  from  under  the  door,  which,  as  he  imagined 
by  moonshine,  turned  first  into  the  shape  of  a  monkey,  then 
of  a  turkey-cock,  which  moved  to  and  fro  by  him.  Where- 
upon he  went  to  the  gaol  and  called  the  under-gaoler,  who 
came  and  saw  the  scroll  dance  up  and  down  and  creep 
under  the  floor,  where  there  was  scarce  the  room  of  the 
thickness  of  half-a-crown.  This  I  had  from  the  mouth 
both  of  the  soldier  and  gaoler."  Abraham  de  la  Pryme 
says  that,  in  February  1692,  he  visited  a  man  who  de- 


152      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

clared  that  he  had  lost  a  number  of  cattle  by  witchcraft.  "  He 
told  me,"  says  he,  "that  he  was  once,  about  thirteen  years 
ago,  with  several  others,  set  to  keep  a  witch  in  a  room,  and 
sayd  that  before  them  all  she  chang'd  herself  into  a  beetle 
or  great  duck,  and  flew  out  of  the  chimney  and  so  escaped. 
He  told  me  also  that  a  neighbour  of  his,  as  he  was  once 
driving  a  loaded  waggon  out  of  the  field,  they  came  over 
against  the  place  where  a  witch  was  sheaving  and  that 
then  of  a  suddorn  (tho'  there  was  no  illway  or  anything  to 
throwgh  a  waggon  over),  the  waggon  was  in  a  minnit 
thrown  down,  and  the  sheaves  became  as  so  many  piggs 
of  lead,  so  that  nobody  could  for  two  hours  lift  them 
upright." 

W.  C.  SYDNEY,  Social  Life  in  England  (1660-1669),  188-193. 

Near  the  close  of  February,  1692,  two  girls,  about  eleven 
years  of  age ;  (a  daughter  and  a  niece  of  Mr.  Paris,  Min- 
ister of  Danvers,  then  Salem-village ;)  and  two  other  girls 
in  the  neighbourhood,  began,  as  the  children  of  Mr.  Good- 
win had  done  before,  to  act  in  a  peculiar  and  unaccount- 
able manner  ;  creeping  for  example  into  holes,  and  under 
chairs,  using  many  unnatural  gestures,  and  uttering  many 
ridiculous  observations,  equally  destitute  of  sense  and  sobri- 
ety. This  behaviour  excited  the  attention  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood. Several  Physicians  were  consulted  ;  all  of  whom, 
except  one,  declared  themselves  unable  to  assign  a  cause 
for  these  singular  affections  of  the  children.  This  man, 
more  ignorant  or  more  superstitious,  than  his  companions, 
confessed  his  suspicion,  that  the  children  were  bewitched. 
The  declaration  appears  to  have  been  decisive.  The  con- 
nections of  the  children  immediately  applied  themselves 
to  fasting,  and  prayer  ;  and  summoned  their  friends  to 
unite  in  their  devotions.  On  the  I  ith  of  the  following 
March,  Mr.  Paris  invited  several  of  the  neighbouring  Minis- 
ters to  unite  with  him  in  prayer  at  his  own  house.  It 
was  observed,  that  during  the  religious  exercises  the  chil- 
dren were  generally  decent,  and  still;  and  that  after  the 
service  was  ended  they  renewed  their  former  inexplicable 
conduct. 

A  few  days  before  this,  an  Indian  man  and  woman, 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     153 

servants  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Paris,  formed  a  kind  of 
magical  cake;  which,  like  the  mola  among  the  Romans, 
was  esteemed  sacred  in  Mexico ;  the  native  country  of  the 
woman ;  and  was  supposed  by  these  ignorant  creatures, 
to  possess  an  efficacy,  sufficient  to  detect  the  authors  of 
the  witchcraft.  This  cake  was  given  to  the  house-dog,  as 
having  the  common  canine  prerogative  of  corresponding 
with  the  invisible  world.  Soon  after  the  spell  was  finished, 
the  children,  acquainted,  probably,  with  its  drift,  and 
therefore  naturally  considering  this  as  the  proper  time  to 
make  disclosures,  began  to  point  out  the  authors  of  their 
misfortunes.  The  first  person  accused  was  the  Indian 
woman  herself ;  who  was  accordingly  committed  to  prison ; 
and,  after  lying  there  some  time,  escaped  without  any  fur- 
ther punishment,  except  being  sold  to  defray  the  expense 
of  her  prosecution. 

Two  other  women,  of  the  names  of  Good,  and  Osborn ; 
one,  long  sunk  in  melancholy,  the  other  bedrid,  were  next 
accused  by  the  children ;  and,  after  being  examined,  were 
also  committed  to  prison.  Within  five  weeks  a  Mrs.  Corey, 
and  a  Mrs.  Nurse,  women  of  unblemished  character,  and 
professors  of  Religion,  were  added  to  the  number  of  the 
accused.  Before  the  examination  of  Mrs.  Corey,  Mr. 
Noyes,  Minister  of  Salem,  highly  esteemed  for  his  learn- 
ing, piety,  and  benevolence,  made  a  prayer.  She  was  then 
vehemently  accused  by  Mrs.  Putnam,  the  mother  of  one 
of  them,  and  by  several  other  persons,  who  now  declared 
themselves  bewitched,  of  beating,  pinching,  strangling,  and 
in  various  other  ways  afflicting,  them. 

******* 

Soon  after  her  commitment,  a  child  of  Sarah  Good,  the 
melancholy  woman  mentioned  above,  a  child  between  four 
and  five  years  old,  was  accused  by  the  same  women  of 
bewitching  them  ;  and,  accordingly,  was  imprisoned. 

In  the  mean  time,  fasts  were  multiplied.  Several  public 
ones  were  kept  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  village  ;  and, 
finally,  a  general  fast  was  holden  throughout  the  Colony. 
By  these  successive  solemnities  the  subject  acquired  a  con- 
sideration literally  sacred ;  and  alarmed,  and  engrossed,  the 
minds  of  the  whole  community.  Magistrates,  and  Clergy- 
men, gave  to  it  the  weight  of  their  belief,  and  their  reputa- 


154      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

tion  ;  led  their  fellow-citizens  into  a  labyrinth  of  error,  and 
iniquity ;  and  stained  the  character  of  their  Country,  in  the 
eye  of  all  succeeding  generations. 

TIMOTHY  DWIGHT,  Travels  in  New  England  and  New  York,  Vol.  I. 
453-455- 

Impression.  —  Impression  is  the  mental  as  distinguished 
from  the  muscular  power  that  one  person  has  over  another. 
Physically  weak  men,  by  sheer  mental  force,  often  awe 
and  control  men  who  are  physically  strong. 

Power  of  Napoleon's  Personality 

Napoleon,  during  the  two  years  of  his  campaigns  in  Italy, 
had  filled  all  Europe  with  the  renown  of  his  arms,  which 
gave  the  first  stunning  blow  to  the  Coalition. 

******* 

On  Napoleon's  arrival  in  Paris,  the  leaders  of  the  differ- 
ent parties  were  eager  to  call  upon  him,  and  to  make  him 
different  offers,  to  which  he  paid  little  seeming  attention. 
The  streets  and  squares  through  which  he  was  expected 
to  pass  were  constantly  crowded  with  people,  curious  to 
see  the  gainer  of  so  many  battles,  who  but  seldom  showed 
himself.  The  Institute  having  chosen  him  one  of  its  mem- 
bers, he  adopted  its  costume.  He  had  no  regular  visitors, 
except  a  few  men  of  science,  such  as  Monge,  Berthollet, 
Borda,  Laplace,  Prony,  and  Lagrange ;  Generals  Berthier, 
Desaix,  Lefebvre,  Caffarelli  Dufalga,  Kleber,  and  a  very 
few  deputies.  He  had  a  public  audience  given  him  by  the 
Directory,  who  had  scaffoldings  erected  in  the  Place  des 
Luxembourg  for  the  ceremony,  the  ostensible  reason  for 
which  was  the  delivery  of  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio. 
******* 

People  thronged  to  the  sittings  of  the  Institute  for  the 
purpose  of  seeing  Napoleon,  who  usually  took  his  place  there 
between  Laplace  and  Lagrange,  the  latter  of  whom  was 
sincerely  attached  to  him.  He  never  attended  the  theatre 
except  in  a  private  box ;  and  declined  a  proposal  from  the 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     155 

managers  of  the  Opera,  who  wished  to  give  a  grand  repre- 
sentation in  honor  of  him.  When  he  afterwards  appeared 
in  public  on  his  return  from  Egypt,  his  person  was  still 
unknown  to  the  inhabitants  of  Paris,  who  flocked  eagerly 
to  see  him. 


The  Directory  kept  up  an  appearance  of  the  greatest 
cordiality.  When  they  thought  proper  to  consult  him,  they 
used  to  send  one  of  the  ministers  to  request  him  to  assist 
at  the  Council,  where  he  took  his  seat  between  two  of 
them,  and  delivered  his  opinion  on  the  matters  in  question. 
At  the  same  time,  the  troops  as  they  returned  to  France 
extolled  him  to  the  skies  in  their  songs  and  in  their  talk; 
declaring  that  it  was  time  to  turn  the  lawyers  out,  and 
make  him  king. 

******* 

Napoleon  himself  was  so  perfectly  convinced  of  the  state 
of  affairs  and  of  popular  sentiment,  that  he  knew  his  suc- 
cess in  no  way  depended  on  the  force  he  might  bring  with 
him.  A  piquet  of  gen-d'armes,  he  said,  was  all  that  was 
necessary.  Every  thing  turned  out  as  he  foresaw.  At 
first  he  owned  he  was  not  without  some  degree  of  uncer- 
tainty and  apprehension.  As  he  advanced,  it  is  true,  the 
whole  population  declared  themselves  enthusiastically  in 
his  favor ;  but  he  saw  no  soldiers  ;  they  were  all  carefully 
removed  from  the  places  through  which  he  passed.  It 
was  not  till  he  arrived  between  Mure  and  Vizille,  within 
five  or  six  leagues  from  Grenoble,  and  on  the  fifth  day 
after  his  landing,  that  he  met  the  first  battalion.  The 
commanding  officer  refused  to  hold  even  a  parley.  The 
Emperor  without  hesitation  advanced  alone;  and  one  hun- 
dred grenadiers  marched  at  some  distance  behind  him  with 
their  arms  reversed.  The  sight  of  Napoleon,  his  well-known 
costume,  and  his  grey  military  great-coat  had  a  magical 
effect  on  the  soldiers,  and  they  stood  motionless.  Napo- 
leon went  straight  up  to  them,  and  baring  his  breast,  said, 
"  Let  him  that  has  the1  heart  now  kill  his  Emperor  !  "  The 
soldiers  threw  down  their  arms ;  their  eyes  moistened  with 
tears;  and  cries  of  Vive  r Empereur !  resounded  on  every 
side.  Napoleon  ordered  the  battalion  to  wheel  round  to 


156     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  right,  and  all  marched  on  to  Paris.  At  a  short  distance 
from  Grenoble,  Colonel  Labedoyere,  who  had  been  sent 
at  the  head  of  the  /th  regiment  to  oppose  his  passage, 
came  to  join  the  Emperor.  The  impulse  thus  given  in 
a  manner  decided  the  question.  Labedoyere's  superior 
officer  in  vain  interfered  to  restrain  his  enthusiasm  and 
that  of  his  men.  The  tri-colored  cockades  which  had 
been  concealed  in  the  hollow  of  a  drum  were  eagerly  dis- 
tributed among  them ;  and  they  threw  away  the  badge  of 
their  own  and  the  nation's  dishonor.  The  peasantry  of 
Dauphiny,  the  cradle  of  the  Revolution,  lined  the  road- 
side: they  were  transported  and  mad  with  joy.  The  first 
battalion,  which  has  just  been  alluded  to,  had  shown  some 
signs  of  hesitation ;  but  thousands  of  the  country-people 
crowded  round  it,  and  by  their  shouts  of  Vive  FEmpereur  ! 
endeavored  to  urge  the  troops  to  decision  ;  while  others  who 
followed  in  Napoleon's  rear  encouraged  his  little  troop  to 
advance,  by  assuring  them  that  they  would  meet  with  success. 
******* 

It  was  night-fall  when  Napoleon  arrived  before  the 
walls  of  Grenoble.  He  found  the  gates  closed,  and  the 
commanding  officer  refused  to  open  them.  The  garrison 
assembled  on  the  ramparts  shouted  Vive  VEmpereur! 
and  shook  hands  with  Napoleon's  followers  through  the 
wickets ;  but  they  could  be  prevailed  on  to  do  nothing 
more.  It  was  necessary  to  force  the  gates ;  and  this  was 
done  under  the  mouths  of  ten  pieces  of  artillery,  loaded 
with  grape-shot.  In  none  of  his  battles  did  Napoleon 
ever  imagine  himself  to  be  in  so  much  danger  as  at  the 
entrance  into  Grenoble.  The  soldiers  seemed  to  turn 
upon  him  with  furious  gestures :  for  a  moment  it  might 
be  supposed  that  they  were  going  to  tear  him  to  pieces. 
But  these  were  the  suppressed  transports  of  love  and  joy. 
The  Emperor  and  his  horse  were  both  borne  along  by  the 
multitude ;  and  he  had  scarcely  had  time  to  breathe  in  the 
inn  where  he  alighted,  when  an  increased  tumult  was 
heard  without ;  the  inhabitants  of  Grenoble  came  to  offer 
him  the  gates  of  the  city,  since  they  could  not  present  him 
with  the  keys. 

HAZLITT,  Life  of  Napoleon,  Vol.  I.  390,  392,  and  Vol.  III.  279,  284. 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     157 

Example  and  Imitation.  —  Muscular  movements,  through 
countless  experiences,  have  become  correlated  with  sensa- 
tions of  sight,  sound,  and  touch,  and  these  sensations,  in 
turn,  have  become  stimuli  of  the  correlated  movements. 
Therefore,  when  we  see  or  hear  another  person  act  in  any 
given  way,  we  are  more  or  less  unconsciously  prompted  to 
act  in  like  manner.  Consequently,  among  individuals 
sufficiently  near  one  another  to  be  aware  of  one  another's 
attitudes  and  conduct,  every  act  is  an  example  normally 
followed  by  imitation. 

In  his  work  on  T/ie^Lazvs  of  Imitation  Tarde  con- 
tends that  imitation  usually  spreads  from  above  down- 
wards, i.e.  from  higher  to  lower  social  classes  and  from  the 
inner  to  the  outer  man ;  that  imitation  takes  two  pre- 
dominant social  forms,  namely,  custom  imitation,  or  the 
copying  of  the  old,  the  traditional,  the  venerable,  and  mode 
imitation,  or  the  copying  of  new  fashions;  that  in  the 
absence  of  interference  imitation  tends  to  spread  in  a 
geometrical  progression ;  and  that  all  imitations  are 
refracted  by  their  media,  i.e.  imitation  is  never  perfect, 
the  example  is  never  exactly  copied. 

Imitation  of  Social  Superiors  in  England 

During  the  prosperous  reign  of  George  the  First,  and 
that  of  his  successor,  tranquillity  at  home,  together  with 
the  most  amazing  increase  of  national  opulence,  were  the 
causes  that  insensibly  relaxed  the  minds  of  men.  Being 
suffered  to  take  their  course  by  those  who  ought  to  have 
checked  the  evils,  which  an  abuse  of  them  will  necessarily 
effect,  these  evils  soon  gained  ground.  They,  indeed,  in 
whose  power,  and  therefore  whose  duty  it  was  to  have  re- 
sisted, first  and  principally  encouraged  and  patronized 
them.  They  advanced  by  gradual  steps,  and  in  no  long 
space  of  time  overflowed  the  whole  community. 


158      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  consequences  resulting  from  this  introduction  of  a 
taste  for  expensive  refinements,  together  with  an  unbounded 
rage  for  pleasures,  were  soon  too  visibly  apparent.  A  cor- 
ruption of  morals  ensued,  that  communicated  itself  from 
the  great,  down  to  the  lowest  classes  of  the  vulgar,  with 
the  most  pernicious  rapidity.  It  may  be  affirmed  with  the 
fullest  confidence,  that,  in  the  space  of  little  more  than 
thirty  years,  the  whole  mass  of  the  people  of  England 
was  infected  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  might  be  said  to 
have  changed,  in  some  very  material  respects,  the  charac- 
ter and  the  temper  of  Englishmen. 


If  we  turn  our  attention  back  to  the  reign  of  the  licen- 
tious Charles  the  Second,  notwithstanding  his  personal 
profligacy,  notwithstanding  the  profligacy  of  them  whom 
he  chose  for  the  companions  and  partners  of  his  debauch- 
eries, we  shall  find  that  his  example,  happily,  had  not  that 
influence  which  it  so  seldom  fails  to  have  in  the  persons  of 
kings.  The  number  of  courtiers  who  imitated  him  was 
not  considerable,  when  we  reflect  on  the  temptations  they 
lay  under;  and  the  majority  of  his  subjects  blamed  him 
openly  for  his  conduct. 

******* 

In  spite  of  the  jovialness  of  Charles  and  his  courtiers, 
the  nation  could  never  be  brought  to  relish  his  ways  ;  and 
though  his  affability  rendered  his  person  tolerably  beloved 
and  popular,  yet  the  maxims  of  his  Government  were 
never  acceptable,  and  his  morals  always  odious  to  the 
public  at  large. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  diversions  and  amusements  he 
had  imported,  did  not  much  diffuse  themselves,  and  were 
chiefly  confined  to  his  palace :  the  stage  only,  which  had 
been  shut  ever  since  the  commencement  of  the  civil  wars, 
revived  at  his  return.  The  bulk  of  the  people  expressed 
very  little  fondness  for  any  of  the  new-invented  kinds  of 
recreation. 


True  it  is,  that  many  of  those  who  stood  up  for  the 
maxims  entertained  at  court,  being  mere  soldiers  of  fortune, 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     159 

did  not  give  themselves  much  solicitude  about  the  regular- 
ity of  their  lives  and  manners  ;  and,  provided  they  had  full 
licence  to  pass  their  days  in  mirth  and  revelry,  or  rather, 
to  speak  more  properly,  in  debauchery  and  viciousness, 
they  cared  very  little  what  kind  of  government  subsisted. 
Individuals  of  this  disposition  and  character  were  not 
wanting.  Of  such  consist,  at  all  times  and  in  all  countries, 
the  major  part  of  those  who  profess  an  unlimited  obedience 
and  devotion  to  courts.  But  the  main  body  of  the  people 
was  by  no  means  either  tinctured  with  so  deplorable  an 
infatuation,  or  plunged  in  those  vices  that  flourished  under 
the  connivance  and  countenance  of  the  court. 


It  was  indeed  through  the  repeated  efforts  of  venal  and 
immoral  writers,  together  with  the  concurring  assistance 
of  the  libertinism  of  several  among  the  great,  that,  towards 
the  latter  end  of  Charles's  reign,  an  alarming  change  was 
wrought  in  the  manners  of  the  English  nation. 

******* 

One  of  the  main  causes  of  the  introduction  of  this  rest- 
less passion  for  luxurious  entertainments  is  the  too  frequent 
visits  we  pay  to  those  parts  where  they  chiefly  flourish.  A 
large  proportion  of  our  countrymen  abroad,  consists  of 
such  as  are  wholly  unfit  for  the  purposes  of  travelling : 
though  they  might  be  of  some  service  by  spending  their 
fortunes  at  home,  they  can  do  nothing  abroad  but  give 
foreigners  a  mean  opinion  of  the  English  nation.  Yet 
such  are  the  regulators  of  our  fashions  and  pastimes. 
Having,  in  the  course  of  their  rambles,  employed  their 
attention  chiefly  on  such  objects,  they  set  up  at  their 
return,  for  dictators  in  what  persons  of  sense  and  capacity 
think  it  unworthy  of  them  to  take  the  lead. 

But  what  is  more  prejudicial  to  the  public,  many  of 
these  superficial  people,  unable  to  view  with  judgement  and 
penetration  the  occurrences  they  meet  with  abroad,  are  apt 
to  be  charmed  with  that  exterior  pomp  of  things  which 
prevails  in  so  many  countries.  Without  considering 
whether  there  is  any  reality  under  the  vast  appearances 
their  eyes  are  feasted  with,  they  readily  imagine  the  con- 
tempt, with  which  the  generality  of  our  countrymen  have 


160      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

hitherto  treated  these  affectations  of  magnificence,  pro- 
ceeds from  ignorance  and  ill  taste ;  and  that  with  all  our 
pretensions,  we  are  neither  a  wiser  nor  a  happier  people 
than  those  we  so  freely  take  upon  us  to  undervalue. 

JOHN  ANDREWS,  An  Inquiry  into  the  Manners,  Taste  and  Amuse- 
ments of  the  Two  Last  Centuries  in  England,  4-6,  17-18,  22-25, 
30,  124-126. 

Dante  on  the  Refraction  and  the  Geometrical  Progression 
of  Imitation 

The  reason  wherefore  this  happens  (not  only  to  me  but 
to  all),  it  now  pleases  me  here  briefly  to  touch  upon.  And 
firstly,  it  is  because  rumour  goes  beyond  the  truth  ;  and 
then,  what  is  beyond  the  truth  restricts  and  strangles  it. 
Good  report  is  trie  first-born  of  kindly  thought  in  the  mind 
of  the  friend ;  which  the  mind  of  the  foe,  although  it  may 
receive  the  seed,  conceives  not. 

That  mind  which  gives  birth  to  it  in  the  first  place,  so  to 
make  its  gift  more  fair,  as  by  the  charity  of  friendship, 
keeps  not  within  bounds  of  truth,  but  passes  beyond  them. 
When  one  does  that  to  adorn  a  tale,  he  speaks  against  his 
conscience ;  when  it  is  charity  that  causes  him  to  pass  the 
bounds,  he  speaks  not  against  conscience. 

The  second  mind  which  receives  this,  not  only  is  con- 
tent with  the  exaggeration  of  the  first  mind,  but  its  own 
report  adds  its  own  effect  of  endeavours  to  embellish,  and 
so  by  their  action,  and  by  the  deception  which  it  also  re- 
ceives from  the  goodwill  generated  in  it,  good  report  is 
made  more  ample  than  it  should  be ;  either  with  the  con- 
sent or  the  dissent  of  the  conscience ;  even  as  it  was  with 
the  first  mind.  And  the  third  receiving  mind  does  this ; 
and  the  fourth ;  and  thus  the  exaggeration  of  good  ever 
grows.  And  so,  by  turning  the  aforesaid  motives  in  the 
contrary  direction,  one  can  perceive  why  ill-fame  in  like 
manner  is  made  to  grow.  Wherefore  Virgil  says  in  the 
fourth  of  the  ALneid:  "  Let  Fame  live  to  be  fickle,  and  grow 
as  she  goes."  Clearly,  then,  he  who  is  willing  may  perceive 
that  the  image  generated  by  Fame  alone  is  always  larger, 
whatever  it  may  be,  than  the  thing  imaged  is,  in  its  true  state. 

DANTE,  //  Con-vita  (The  Banquet},  translated  by  E.  P.  SAYER, 
17-18. 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     161 

Conflict.  —  In  some  degree  all  the  relations  of  individuals 
to  one  another  are  a  conflict,  since,  as  we  have  seen,  all 
modes  of  activity  are  in  one  aspect  a  conflict.  All  thought 
and  feeling  involve  conflict,  of  sensations,  of  ideas,  and 
among  groups  of  ideas.  Even  the  pleasant  friendship  of 
companions  has  its  coefficient  of  conflict ;  and  it  must  be 
remembered  that  not  all  conflicts  are  painful,  or  even  un- 
pleasant. The  discussion  of  different  opinions,  the  attempt 
to  reconcile  different  plans,  the  struggle  between  two 
opposing  wills,  all  these  are  modes  of  conflict,  but  they 
yield  much  of  the  pleasure,  as  well  as  much  of  the  unhap- 
piness  of  life.  Thus  all  stimulation  by  fellow-beings,  and 
the  response  thereto,  is  conflict  in  this  broad  sense  of  the 
word. 

But  interstimulation  and  response  may  be  conflict  in  a 
more  specific  sense.  The  action  of  one  individual  may 
provoke  the  fierce  antagonism  of  another,  and  this  struggle 
may  be  one  that  admits  of  no  mitigation  short  of  the  complete 
subjugation,  or  perhaps  death  of  the  weaker.  A  large 
part  of  the  activities  within  all  population  aggregates  con- 
sists of  conflicts  that  are  waged  with  the  intent  to  destroy 
or  to  subordinate.  From  competition  in  business  to 
organized  warfare,  these  conflicts  are  of  every  gradation 
of  intensity  and  destructiveness.  Normally  they  proceed 
until  the  strong  have  subordinated  the  weak,  or  until,  through 
the  united  resistance  of  the  weak,  the  predatory  strong 
have  been  eliminated,  and  further  trials  of  strength  have 
proven  that  none  can  now  hope  to  overcome  another,  and 
the  severer  conflict  ends  in  the  establishment  of  an  equi- 
librium of  toleration. 


1 62      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Gallic  Resistance  of  Rome 

But  of  all  the  malcontents  the  most  daring  and  the  most 
dangerous  was  Indutiomarus.  Rebuffed  by  the  German 
chiefs,  who  answered  his  appeals  for  aid  by  reminding  him 
of  the  fate  of  Ariovistus  and  the  Tencteri,  he  offered 
rewards  to  all  the  outlaws  and  exiles  in  Gaul  who  would 
join  his  standard.  His  prestige  rapidly  increased  ;  and  all 
the  patriots  began  to  look  to  him  for  guidance.  He 
summoned  the  warriors  of  his  own  tribe  to  muster  in  arms 
at  a  stated  place ;  and,  in  accordance  with  Gallic  custom, 
the  unhappy  wretch  who  arrived  last  was  tortured  to  death 
in  sight  of  his  comrades.  Indutiomarus  began  by  declar- 
ing Cingetorix  a  public  enemy,  and  confiscating  his 
possessions.  He  then  addressed  the  assembly.  His  plan 
was  to  make  a  raid  into  the  country  of  the  Remi,  and  punish 
them  for  their  desertion  of  the  national  cause :  then  to  join 
the  Carnutes  and  the  Senones,  and  raise  a  revolt  in  the 
heart  of  Gaul.  T  RlC£  HoLMES)  casar's  Conquest  of  Gaul,  92. 

Catholic-Protestant  Strife 

Small  as  was  the  measure  of  toleration  accorded  to  the 
Protestants  by  the  Edict  of  January,  it  was  too  large  for 
the  zealots  of  the  opposite  party.  Throughout  the  winter 
attacks  upon  Huguenot  congregations  had  been  taking 
place  all  over  the  country  ;  but  the  chief  impression  was 
made  by  an  incident  which  occurred  on  Sunday,  March  i, 
1 562.  The  Duke  of  Guise,  who  was  staying  at  his  house 
of  Joinville  (in  the  modern  Department  of  the  Haute- 
Marne),  went  that  day  to  dine  at  the  little  town  of  Vassy, 
attended  after  the  fashion  of  the  times  by  a  large  band  of 
armed  retainers.  At  Vassy  they  found  a  Huguenot  ser- 
vice going  on,  and  some  of  the  Duke's  followers  attempt- 
ing to  push  their  way  into  the  barn  where  it  was  being  held 
were  met  with  shouts  of  "Papists!  idolaters!"  Stones 
began  to  fly ;  and  the  Duke  was  himself  struck.  His 
enraged  attendants  fired  upon  the  crowd,  with  the  result 
that  out  of  six  or  seven  hundred  worshippers  sixty  were 
killed  and  many  wounded. 

The  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  III.  i. 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     163 

Protestant  Internal  Dissension 

We,  the  burgomaster,  the  Council  and  the  Great  Coun- 
cil, which  they  call  the  two  hundred  of  the  City  of  Zurich, 
announce  to  each  and  every  priest,  preacher,  minister  and 
clergyman  who  has  a  living  and  residence  in  our  cities, 
counties,  principalities,  high  and  low  courts  and  territories, 
our  greeting,  favourable  and  affectionate  will,  and  would 
have  you  know  that  now  for  considerable  time  much  dis- 
sension and  trouble  have  arisen  between  those  who  preach 
from  the  pulpit  the  word  of  God  to  the  common  people, 
some  believing  that  they  have  preached  the  Gospel  faith- 
fully and  wholly,  whereas  others  blame  them  as  though 
they  had  not  acted  skilfully  or  properly.  On  the  other 
hand  the  others  call  them  sources  of  evil,  deceivers  and 
sometimes  heretics ;  but  to  each  one  desiring  it  these  offer 
to  give  account  and  reckoning  about  this  everywhere  with 
the  aid  of  God's  Scriptures  to  the  best  of  their  ability  for 
the  sake  of  the  honor  of  God,  peace  and  Christian  unity. 
So  this  is  our  command,  will  and  desire,  that  you  preachers, 
priests,  clergymen,  all  together  and  each  one  separately,  if 
any  especial  priests  desire  to  speak  about  this,  having  liv- 
ings in  our  city  of  Zurich  or  outside  in  our  territories,  or  if 
any  desire  to  blame  the  opposing  party  or  to  instruct  them 
otherwise,  shall  appear  on  the  day  after  Emperor  Charles' 
Day,  the  2Qth  day  of  the  month  of  January,  at  the  early 
time  of  the  Council,  in  our  city  of  Zurich,  before  us  in  our 
town  hall,  and  shall  announce  in  German,  by  the  help  of 
true  divine  Scripture,  the  matters  which  you  oppose. 
When  we,  with  the  careful  assistance  of  certain  scholars, 
have  paid  careful  attention  to  the  matters,  as  seems  best  to 
us,  and  after  investigations  are  made  with  the  help  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures  and  the  truth,  we  will  send  each  one  home 
with  a  command  either  to  continue  or  to  desist.  After  this 
no  one  shall  continue  to  preach  from  the  pulpit  whatever 
seems  good  to  him  without  foundation  in  the  divine  Scrip- 
tures. We  shall  also  report  such  matters  to  our  gracious 
Lord  of  Constance,  so  that  His  Grace  or  His  representa- 
tive, if  He  so  desire,  may  also  be  present.  But  if  any  one 
in  the  future  opposes  this,  and  does  not  base  his  opposition 
upon  the  true  Holy  Scriptures,  with  him  we  shall  proceed 


164     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

further  according  to  our  knowledge  in  a  way  from  which 
we  would  gladly  be  relieved.  We  also  sincerely  hope  that 
God  Almighty  will  give  gracious  light  to  those  who  ear- 
nestly seek  the  light  of  truth,  and  that  we  may  in  the  future 
walk  in  that  light  as  sons  of  the  light. 

Given  and  preserved  under  the  imprinted  seal  of  the  city 
on  Saturday  after  the  Circumcision  of  Christ  and  after  his 
birth  in  the  twenty-third  year  of  the  lesser  reckoning. 
[January  3,  1522.] 

Now  when  all  of  the  priests,  ministers  and  clergymen  in 
the  territories  of  Zurich  obediently  appeared  at  the  hour 
and  time  announced  there  were  in  the  Great  Council  room 
at  Zurich  more  than  six  hundred  assembled,  counting  the 
local  and  foreign  representatives,  together  with  the  praise- 
worthy representation  from  Constance,  to  which  an  invita- 
tion to  the  same  had  been  sent  from  Zurich,  and  when 
everybody  had  found  a  seat  at  the  early  time  of  the 
Council  the  burgomaster  of  Zurich  began  to  speak  as 
follows : 

Very  learned,  noble,  steadfast,  honorable,  wise,  ecclesi- 
astical Lords  and  Friends  :  For  some  time  in  my  Lords' 
city  of  Zurich  and  her  territories  dissensions  and  quarrels 
have  arisen  on  account  of  certain  sermons  and  teachings 
delivered  to  the  people  from  the  pulpit  by  Master  Ulrich 
Zwingli,  our  preacher  here  at  Zurich,  wherefore  he  has 
been  attacked  and  blamed  as  a  deceiver  by  some  and  by 
others  as  a  heretic.  Wherefore  it  has  come  about  that  not 
only  in  our  city  of  Zurich,  but  also  everywhere  else  in  the 
land  in  my  Lords'  territories  such  dissensions  have  in- 
creased among  the  clergy,  and  also  the  laity,  that  daily 
complaints  of  the  same  come  before  my  Lords,  and  the 
angry  words  and  quarrelling  do  not  seem  likely  to  come  to 
an  end.  And  so  Master  Ulrich  Zwingli  has  frequently 
offered  to  give  the  causes  and  reasons  for  his  sermons  and 
doctrines  preached  here  in  the  public  pulpit  so  often  in 
Zurich  in  case  a  public  discussion  before  all  the  clergy  and 
laity  were  granted  him.  At  this  offer  of  Master  Ulrich 
the  honorable  Council  at  Zurich,  desiring  to  stop  the  dis- 
turbance and  dissension,  has  granted  him  permission  to 
hold  a  public  discussion  in  the  German  language  before 
the  Great  Council  at  Zurich,  which  they  call  the  two 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     165 

hundred,  to  which  the  honorable  and  wise  Council  has 
summoned  all  of  you  priests  and  ministers  from  her  terri- 
tories. It  also  requested  the  worthy  Lord  and  Prince,  etc., 
Bishop  of  Constance,  to  send  his  representative  to  this 
meeting,  for  which  favor  the  honorable  Council  of  Zurich 
expresses  especial  thanks  to  him.  Therefore  if  there  is 
any  one  here  who  may  feel  any  displeasure  or  doubt  in 
Master  Ulrich's  sermons  or  doctrines  preached  here  at 
Zurich  in  the  pulpit,  or  if  any  one  desires  to  say  anything 
or  knows  anything  to  say  in  the  matter  to  the  effect  that 
such  sermons  and  teachings  are  not  true,,  but  misleading 
or  heretical,  he  can  prove  the  truth  of  the  same  before 
my  Lords,  the  often  mentioned  Master  Ulrich,  and  show 
him  at  once  his  error  by  means  of  the  Scriptures,  and  he 
shall  be  free  and  safe  and  with  perfect  immunity,  so  that 
my  Lords  may  in  the  future  be  relieved  of  the  daily  com- 
plaints which  arise  from  such  dissension  and  quarrels. 
For  my  Lords  have  become  weary  of  such  complaints, 
which  have  been  increasing  gradually  from  both  clergy 
and  laity. 

ZWINGLI,  The  First  Zurich  Disputation,  selected  works  of  HUL- 
DREICH  ZWINGLI,  edited  by  JACKSON,  43-46. 


Bilingual  Teaching  in  Belgian  Schools 

Two  races  having  widely  different  characteristics  are 
united  under  the  name  Belgian.  The  Flemings,  who  are 
the  most  numerous,  are  a  race  of  German  extraction, 
brothers  to  the  Dutch  of  the  neighbouring  kingdom  of 
Holland,  speaking  the  Low  German  language  Flemish, 
which  is  practically  identical  with  Dutch,  and  inhabiting 
the  North- Western  portion  of  Belgium,  north  of  a  line 
drawn  through  Courtraie  and  Louvain,  and  a  small  portion 
of  Flanders  now  forming  part  of  France.  The  Walloons, 
south  of  this  line,  are  French  alike  in  race  and  language, 
and  while  the  sympathies  of  the  Flemings  lean  to  Holland 
and  Germany,  those  of  the  Walloons  turn  rather  to  France. 
French  and  Flemish  are  thus  the  languages  of  Belgium. 
It  is  true  that  a  French  patois  is  spoken  by  many  Wal- 
loons in  the  South,  but  this  has  no  literature,  and  is  merely 


1 66      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

a  corrupt  form  of  French.  German  is  also  spoken  by 
many  Belgians  near  the  frontier  of  Germany  —  but  when 
Belgium  is  termed  a  bilingual  country  the  languages  re- 
ferred to  are  French  and  Flemish. 

Though  the  majority  of  Belgians  are  Flemings  the 
official  language  of  Belgium  was  for  many  years  French, 
and  is  so  to  a  certain  extent  at  the  present  time ;  but  the 
progress  of  the  Flemish  movement  which  has  for  its  object 
the  maintenance  of  the  Flemish  tongue  in  Flanders,  and 
indeed  the  spread  of  the  language  throughout  Belgium, 
has  brought  about  great  changes,  and  tends  to  make  the 
Belgians  more  and  more  a  bilingual  people.  A  glance  at 
Belgium's  chequered  history  accounts  for  the  dominant 
position  that  French  has  held.  Perhaps  no  country  in 
Europe  has  seen  such  changes  of  government,  such  a 
variety  of  rulers  as  Belgium  —  at  any  rate  during  the  last 
three  centuries.  In  the  seventeenth  century  it  formed 
a  part  of  the  Spanish  dominions,  then,  after  coming  under 
Austrian  rule,  it  formed  part  of  the  French  Empire  till  the 
battle  of  Waterloo,  when  it  was  united  with  Holland  and 
the  two  countries  constituted  the  monarchy  of  Holland  and 
Belgium.  This  kingdom  only  lasted  till  1830. 

Numerous  grievances,  such  as  the  favouritism  shown  to 
Hollanders  in  all  official  positions,  created  great  disaffection 
amongst  the  Belgians,  and  this  feeling  at  length  culminated 
in  the  revolution  of  1830,  when  Belgium  was  again  dis- 
severed from  Holland  and  became  under  King  Leopold  an 
independent  kingdom.  During  these  centuries  Flemish 
always  remained  the  language  of  the  great  majority  of  the 
people,  but  the  language  of  the  government,  of  administra- 
tion, of  the  law  courts,  of  the  schools,  and  generally  of  the 
upper  classes,  was  French.  During  more  than  two  cen- 
turies the  religious  corporations,  who  possessed  the  mo- 
nopoly of  education,  had  proscribed  the  Flemish  (Dutch) 
language  from  hatred  of  the  'Dutch  heretics  who  published 
Bibles  and  books  judged  dangerous  for  the  Catholic  faith, 
and  thus  the  upper  and  middle  classes,  educated  in  schools 
in  which  the  language  was  French,  discarded  Flemish  and 
learned  to  despise  it.  The  "  masses  "  retained  their  native 
tongue ;  but  their  children  for  the  most  part  received  no 
education ;  the  national  schools  charged  fees  they  could 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     167 

not  pay,  and  the  teaching  was  in  a  language  they  did  not 
understand.  The  French  revolutionists  were  no  more 
favourable  to  Flemish  than  the  Church  had  been.  They 
strove  to  substitute  French,  the  language  in  which  the  re- 
publican laws  were  written  and  which  they  believed  had  a 
special  virtue  as  an  instrument  of  emancipation,  for  Flem- 
ish, which  they  regarded  as  one  of  a  number  of  insignifi- 
cant idioms  only  fit  to  express  servile  sentiments  and 
retrograde  ideas.  Thus  a  Report  prepared  in  1790  says, 
"  The  great  crime  of  patois  is  that  they  prevent  the  politi- 
cal amalgam.  They  keep  people  away  from  the  truth. 
The  fusion  of  all  classes  and  of  all  provinces,  in  one  uni- 
form nation,  will  be  the  fruit  of  the  unity  of  language." 
The  French  were,  however,  unsuccessful  in  seeking  to  sub- 
stitute French  for  Flemish  as  the  language  of  the  people. 
In  1830,  when  Belgium  became  an  independent  kingdom, 
Flemish  still  maintained  its  position  as  the  language  of  the 
people  of  Flanders,  but  it  had  degenerated  from  want  of 
culture  and  become  impoverished.  The  official  language 
of  the  country  was  French.  But  since  1830  a  great  popu- 
lar movement  in  favour  of  the  use  of  Flemish  in  Flanders 
has  sprung  up  and  achieved  numerous  reforms.  The 
motto  of  this  Flemish  movement  is  "  In  Flanders  Flem- 
ish," and  Flemish  has  in  later  years  become  more  and 
more  the  language  of  the  Law  Courts  and  of  Government 
officials.  No  judge  or  advocate  can  now  be  appointed  in 
Flanders  unless  he  has  a  knowledge  of  Flemish.  "  We 
object,"  say  the  Flemings,  "to  be  judged  by  men  whom 
we  pay  but  do  not  understand."  In  the  Communes,  in  the 
primary  and  secondary  schools,  and  in  the  army,  Flemish 
has  to  some  extent  taken  the  place  of  French.  The  streets 
throughout  Belgium  are  named  in  both  languages,  and  all 
official  documents,  including  the  official  Monitor,  are  pub- 
lished in  both  languages,  generally  in  parallel  columns. 
The  Flemish  tongue  is  spoken  by  greater  numbers  now 
than  at  the  beginning  of  the  century;  the  Flemish  papers, 
such  as  the  Handelsblad  of  Antwerp,  have  a  very  large 
circulation ;  important  works  in  all  branches  of  literature 
and  science  are  written  in  Flemish,  and  Flemish  plays  are 
performed  in  the  theatres.  Especially  remarkable  is  the 
progress  of  Flemish  in  the  secondary  schools  of  the  Wai- 


i68      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

loon  district,  and  the  desire  shown  by  the  directing  classes 
that  their  children  shall  acquire  a  good  knowledge  of 
Flemish  in  the  schools.  The  prejudice  formerly  felt 
against  Flemish  dies  away  as  its  utility  in  a  country  which 
is  becoming  more  and  more  bilingual  manifests  itself.  The 
Walloons  are  taunted  to-day  with  their  quickness  in  learn- 
ing Flemish  when  an  official  position  is  at  stake.  It  would 
now  be  impossible  for  an  official  to  protest  against  the 
teaching  of  Flemish  in  the  public  schools  of  Brussels  lest 
"  the  learning  of  this  patois  should  spoil  the  French  accent 
of  the  children  ;  "  neither  would  a  Burgomaster  of  Brussels 
assert,  "there  are  no  Flemings  in  Brussels."  A  general 
conference  held  each  year  of  those  'interested  in  preserving 
for  Flemish  Belgium  its  native  language  has  had  great 
influence  in  promoting  this  object ;  and  one  striking  proof 
of  the  conviction  held  by  the  Government  that  this  national 
feeling  must  be  conciliated  was  the  appointment  of  the 
great  Flemish  novelist  Conscience  as  teacher  of  Flemish 
to  the  royal  princes. 

The  struggle  between  the  two  languages  has  naturally 
produced  bitter  feeling  in  Belgium  as  the  language  fights 
always  have  done  in  Austria,  Cape  Colony,  etc. ;  "  When 
the  question  of  language  comes  up  in  parliament,"  said  the 
President,  "  every  one  speaks  at  once,  and  we  can  under- 
stand nothing." 

The  Flemings  taunt  the  Walloons  with  being  the  party 
of  France  seeking  to  rob  a  Dutch  race  of  its  mother  tongue, 
desiring  to  bring  free  Belgium  again  under  the  centralizing 
tyranny  of  France.  The  ardent  Fleming  is  accused  on 
the  other  hand  of  preferring  a  mere  dialect,  with  little  or 
no  literature  and  unknown  outside  narrow  limits,  to  a 
world  language  so  highly  developed,  so  widely  spoken, 
and  with  such  a  magnificent  literature  as  the  French.  The 
Walloon  stigmatizes  the  Fleming  as  a  "  Flamingant " ; 
the  Fleming  nicknames  the  Walloon  "  Fransquillon."  The 
Flemish  party  formed  a  procession  to  go  to  Waterloo  to 
celebrate  the  deliverance  of  Belgium  from  French  tyranny ; 
the  Walloons  organized  a  counter  demonstration  at  Je- 
mappes  to  show  their  sympathy  with  France.  So  keen  is 
the  feeling  against  the  French  language  among  some  dis- 
tinguished Flemings,  that  the  great  Flemish  poet  Hiel,  an 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     169 

ardent  Flamingant,  is  said  to  have  consistently  pretended 
he  did  not  understand  French  ;  while  in  an  interview  I  was 
fortunate  enough  to  obtain  with  a  very  distinguished  Flem- 
ish poet,  M.  Pol  de  Mont,  he  immediately  turned  our  con- 
versation from  French  to  German,  apologizing  for  his 
inability  to  converse  in  English. 

Generally  speaking,  however,  the  partisans  of  each  lan- 
guage now  acknowledge  the  claims  of  the  other,  and  the 
aim  is  rather  to  make  educated  Belgium  bilingual  than  to 
give  predominance  to  either  language. 

T.  R.  DA  WES,  Bilingual  Teaching  in  Belgian  Schools,  7-13. 

Association. — The  developed  form  of  inter-stimulation 
and  response  is  association,  which  may  be  described  as 
either  a  frequent  personal  meeting  and  conversation,  or  as 
a  sustained  and  indefinitely  continued  communication, 
carried  on  by  the  same  individuals. 

Personal  meeting,  conversation,  and  discussion  are  the 
usual  forms.  Meetings  may  be  informal,  as  in  the  associa- 
tion of  men  who  come  together  in  festivals,  fairs,  and  mar- 
kets, or  who  frequent  a  tavern  or  a  club,  or  they  may  be 
formal,  as  in  the  meetings  of  a  board  of  directors  or 
of  a  body  of  citizens. 

Fairs  in  Ancient  Ireland 

Old  Garman  who  came  in  pursuit  of  the  seven  cows  of 
Echad  which  were  carried  off  by  Len  the  son  of  Mesroed, 
etc. 

The  seven  principal  cemeteries  of  Eriu,  ut  dixit:  — 

These  are  the  seven  sepulchral  cemeteries : 
The  cemetery  of  TaUte*  to  be  chosen, 
The  cemetery  of  Cruachan  of  sadness, 
And  the  cemetery  of  the  Brugh, 
The  cemetery  of  Carman  of  heroes, 
Oenach  Cuile  with  its  appropriations, 
The  mortuary  of  the  people  of  Parthalon, 
And  Teamar  of  Dun  Fintan. 


170     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Thus  it  is  they  used  to  hold  this  fair,  by  their  tribes  and 
families  and  households,  to  the  tune  of  Cathair  Mor;  and 
Cathair,  however,  bequeathed  not  Carman  unto  any  but  to 
his  own  descendants,  and  the  precedence  he  bequeathed 
to  the  race  of  Ros  Failge,  their  followers  and  their  exiles,  to 
continue  the  fair  ut  the  seven  Laigsechs  and  the  Fotharts ; 
and  to  them  belongs  [the  right]  to  celebrate  it,  and  to 
secure  it  from  every  disaster  [while]  going  thither  and 
returning  thence.  There  were  seven  races  there  every  day, 
and  seven  days  for  celebrating  it,  and  for  considering  the 
laws  and  rights  of  the  province  for  three  years.  It  was  on 
the  last  day  of  it  the  Ossorians  held  their  fair,  and  they 
coursed  it  every  day  before  closing ;  and  hence  it  was 
called  the  steed  contest  of  the  Ossorians.  The  Forud  of 
their  King  was  on  the  right  hand  of  the  King  of  Leinster, 
and  the  Forud  of  the  King  of  Ua  Failge  was  on  his  left 
hand  ;  and  in  the  same  manner  their  women. 

On  the  Kalends  of  August  they  assembled  there,  and  on 
the  sixth  of  August  they  left  it.  Every  third  year  they 
were  wont  to  hold  it ;  and  [it  took]  two  years  for  the  prepa- 
rations. It  was  five  hundred  and  eighty  years  from  the 
holding  of  the  first  fair  in  Carman,  to  the  forty-second  year 
of  [the  reign  of]  Octavius  Augustus,  in  which  year  Christ 
was  born. 

Three  markets  there,  viz.,  a  market  of  food  and  clothes; 
a  market  of  live  stock,  cows,  and  horses,  etc. ;  a  market  of 
foreigners  and  exiles  selling  gold  and  silver,  etc.  The  pro- 
fessors of  every  art,  both  the  noble  arts  and  the  base  arts, 
and  non-professionals  were  there  selling  and  exhibiting 
their  compositions  and  their  professional  works  to  kings ; 
and  rewards  were  given  for  every  [work  of]  art  that  was 
just  or  lawful  to  be  sold,  or  exhibited,  or  listened  to. 

Corn  and  milk  [were  promised]  to  them  for  holding  it, 
and  that  the  sway  of  any  invading  province  should  not  be 
over  them,  but  that  they  should  observe  the  Fridays,  and 
that  they  should  fast,  men,  women,  boys,  maidens,  as  well 
as  exiles,  chiefs,  champions,  and  clerics.  [They  were  also 
promised]  prosperity  and  comfort  in  every  household,  and 
fruits  of  every  kind  in  abundance,  and  abundant  supplies 
from  their  waters,  and  fertility  to  the  land  of  Leinster. 
And,  moreover,  that  decay  and  failure  and  early  grayness 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     171 

should  come  upon  their  men,  kingly  heroes,  and  women  ; 
and  the  forfeiture  of  his  land  or  its  price  from  him  who 
evades  it,  men,  kingly  heroes,  and  women ;  [and  that  fail- 
ure of]  young  kings,  mean  clothes,  and  baldness  would 
come  on  them  unless  they  celebrated  it,  Ut  Fulartach  cc. 

O'CuRRY,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Irish,  Vol.  III. 
53°-53i- 

Old  German  Festivals 

With  no  cities  to  collect  and  divide  labor,  the  German 
did  considerable  part  of  his  own  domestic  trading  at  the 
religious  festivals,  when  scattered  members  of  a  clan  or 
confederation  of  tribes  came  together  to  worship  a  com- 
mon deity.  The  fair  or  messe  of  to-day  represents  the  old 
combination  of  cult  and  trade,  though  the  latter  element 
alone  survives.  F  B  GuMMERE>  Germanic  Origins,  213. 

London  Workingmen's  Clubs 

The  one  hundred  and  fifteen  clubs  in  East  London 
and  Hackney  may  be  primarily  divided  into  those  which 
can  be  entered  by  a  stranger  and  those  which  cannot. 
Those  which  open  their  doors  at  all,  do  so  very  readily 
and  very  completely.  They  have  not  only  nothing  to  hide, 
but  are  very  generally  proud  of  their  position.  They  are, 
moreover,  not  infrequently  linked  by  affiliation  to  the 
"  Working  Men's  Club  and  Institute  Union,"  or  the  "  Fed- 
eration of  Working  Men's  Social  Clubs,"  on  terms  which 
provide  for  the  welcome  of  the  members  of  any  one  club 
by  any  other  club  in  the  same  association.  Thus  a  very 
wide  natural  publicity  is  given  to  all  their  proceedings, 
and  it  is  not  difficult  for  the  social  inquirer  to  obtain  trust- 
worthy information  about  them  and  even  himself  to  expe- 
rience their  hospitalities. 

As  to  those  which  decline  to  open  their  doors  to  stran- 
gers, I  can  give  no  information  except  as  to  the  reputation 
they  enjoy,  which,  it  must  be  said,  is  very  bad.  They  are 
usually  called  "  Proprietary  clubs,"  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  betting  and  various  forms  of  gambling,  but 


172      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

chiefly  betting,  are  their  main  objects.  On  my  list  are 
thirty-two  such  clubs  within  the  limits  of  the  district.  Some 
are  dramatic  and  others  make  dancing  a  principal  attrac- 
tion, but  in  all  cases  their  foundation  and  raison  d'etre  is 
gambling  in  one  form  or  other.  Some  of  them  are  respect- 
able, frequented  by  book  makers  of  good  repute.  Others 
are  very  disreputable  indeed,  being,  it  is  said,  a  combina- 
tion of  gambling  hell  with  the  lowest  type  dancing  saloon. 
All  alike  maintain  a  jealous  privacy.  An  outer  door 
labelled  "members  only,"  an  inner  door  of  baize;  a  window 
with  a  sliding  shutter,  through  which,  as  the  visitor  enters, 
appears  promptly  the  face  of  the  doorkeeper;  an  entire 
refusal  to  give  any  information  or  admit  any  strangers  ; 
such  are  their  suggestive  characteristics.  Grave  responsi- 
bility evidently  attaches  to  their  management,  and  police 
raids  from  time  to  time  justify  the  precautions  taken. 
These  clubs  seem  to  be  short-lived,  but  die  in  one  street 
only  to  spring  up  in  the  next.  Shoreditch  is  the  quarter 
in  which  most  are  found.  Those  in  Whitechapel,  of  the 
same  sort,  but  belonging  to  Jews  and  foreigners,  are  more 
permanent  and  probably  more  truly  social  in  character. 
These  clubs  are  of  various  grades  and  cater  for  every 
class  from  A  to  H  ;  but  not  one  of  them  can  be  properly 
called  a  working  men's  club.  The  total  number  of  mem- 
bers will  not  be  very  large. 

CHARLES  BOOTH,  Life  and  Labours  of  the  People,  Vol.  I.  94-95- 

Expansive  Association.  — •  Besides  the  intimate  associa- 
tion of  personal  meeting  and  acquaintance,  there  is  a 
less  intimate  but  wider  association  which  consists  in  the 
acquaintance  and  intercourse  of  individuals  in  one  group 
or  social  population  with  individuals  in  another  through 
travel  or  through  commerce,  or  consists  in  relations  of 
friendly  intercourse  or  of  conflict  between  group  and 
group.  The  important  forms  of  expansive  association 
are  travel,  commerce,  diplomacy,  and  war. 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     173 

The  Commerce  of  Tyre 

The  word  of  Jehovah  came  again  unto  me,  saying,  And 
thou,  son  of  man,  take  up  a  lamentation  for  Tyre ;  and  say 
unto  Tyre,  O  thou  that  dwellest  at  the  entry  of  the  sea, 
that  art  the  merchant  of  the  peoples  unto  many  isles,  thus 
saith  the  Lord  Jehovah :  Thou,  O  Tyre,  hast  said,  I  am 
perfect  in  beauty.  Thy  borders  are  in  the  heart  of  the 
seas,  thy  builders  have  perfected  thy  beauty.  They  have 
made  all  thy  planks  of  fir  trees  from  Senir :  they  have 
taken  cedars  from  Lebanon  to  make  a  mast  for  thee.  Of 
the  oaks  of  Bashan  have  they  made  thine  oars ;  they  have 
made  thy  benches  of  ivory  inlaid  in  boxwood,  from  the  isles 
of  Kittim.  Of  fine  linen  with  broidered  work  from  Egypt 
was  thy  sail,  that  it  might  be  to  thee  for  an  ensign ;  blue 
and  purple  from  the  isles  of  Elishah  was  thine  awning. 
The  inhabitants  of  Zidon  and  Arvad  were  thy  rowers :  thy 
wise  men,  O  Tyre,  were  in  thee,  they  were  thy  pilots. 
The  old  men  of  Gebal  and  the  wise  men  thereof  were  in 
thee  thy  calkers :  all  the  ships  of  the  sea  with  their  mari- 
ners were  in  thee  to  deal  in  thy  merchandise.  Persia  and 
Lud  and  Put  were  in  thine  army,  thy  men  of  war :  they 
hanged  the  shield  and  helmet  in  thee ;  they  set  forth  thy 
comeliness.  The  men  of  Arvad  with  thine  army  were 
upon  thy  walls  round  about,  and  the  Gammadim  were  in 
thy  towers  :  they  hanged  their  shields  upon  thy  walls  round 
about ;  they  have  perfected  thy  beauty.  Tarshish  was  thy 
merchant  by  reason  of  the  multitude  of  all  kinds  of  riches ; 
with  silver,  iron,  tin,  and  lead,  they  traded  for  thy  wares. 
Javan,  Tubal,  and  Meshech,  they  were  thy  traffickers :  they 
traded  the  persons  of  men  and  vessels  of  brass  for  thy 
merchandise. 

They  of  the  house  of  Togarmah  traded  for  thy  wares 
with  horses  and  war-horses  and  mules.  The  men  of  Dedan 
were  thy  traffickers :  many  isles  were  the  mart  of  thy  hand : 
they  brought  thee  in  exchange  horns  of  ivory  and  ebony. 
Syria  was  thy  merchant  by  reason  of  the  multitude  of  thy 
handyworks  :  they  traded  for  thy  wares  with  emeralds,  pur- 
ple, and  broidered  work,  and  fine  linen,  and  coral,  and 
rubies.  Judah,  and  the  land  of  Israel,  they  were  thy  traf- 
fickers :  they  traded  for  thy  merchandise  wheat  of  Minnith, 


174      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  pannag,  and  honey,  and  oil,  and  balm.  Damascus  was 
thy  merchant  for  the  multitude  of  thy  handyworks,  by  rea- 
son of  the  multitude  of  all  kinds  of  riches ;  with  the  wine 
of  Helbon,  and  white  wool.  Vedan  and  Javan  traded  with 
yarn  for  thy  wares :  bright  iron,  cassia,  and  calamus,  were 
among  thy  merchandise.  Dedan  was  thy  trafficker  in 
precious  cloths  for  riding.  Arabia,  and  all  the  princes  of 
Kedar,  they  were  the  merchants  of  thy  hand ;  in  lambs, 
and  rams,  and  goats,  in  these  were  they  thy  merchants. 
The  traffickers  of  Sheba  and  Raamah,  they  were  thy  traf- 
fickers :  they  traded  for  thy  wares  with  chief  of  all  spices, 
and  with  all  precious  stones,  and  gold.  Haran  and  Canneh 
and  Eden,  the  traffickers  of  Sheba,  Asshur  and  Chilmad, 
were  thy  traffickers.  These  were  thy  traffickers  in  choice 
wares,  in  wrappings  of  blue  and  broidered  work,  and  in 
chests  of  rich  apparel,  bound  with  cords  and  made  of  cedar, 
among  thy  merchandise.  The  ships  of  Tarshish  were  thy 
caravans  for  thy  merchandise :  and  thou  wast  replenished, 
and  made  very  glorious  in  the  heart  of  the  seas.  Thy 
rowers  have  brought  thee  into  great  waters :  the  east  wind 
hath  broken  thee  in  the  heart  of  the  seas.  Thy  riches, 
and  thy  wares,  thy  merchandise,  thy  mariners,  and  thy 
pilots,  thy  calkers,  and  the  dealers  in  thy  merchandise,  and 
all  thy  men  of  war,  that  are  in  thee,  with  all  thy  company 
that  is  in  the  midst  of  thee,  shall  fall  into  the  heart  of  the 
seas  in  the  day  of  thy  ruin.  At  the  sound  of  the  cry  of  thy 
pilots  the  suburbs  shall  shake. 

And  all  that  handle  the  oar,  the  mariners,  and  all  the 
pilots  of  the  sea,  shall  come  down  from  their  ships,  they 
shall  stand  upon  the  land,  and  shall  cause  their  voice  to  be 
heard  over  thee,  and  shall  cry  bitterly,  and  shall  cast  up 
dust  upon  their  heads,  they  shall  wallow  themselves  in  the 
ashes :  and  they  shall  make  themselves  bald  for  thee,  and 
gird  them  with  sackcloth,  and  they  shall  weep  for  thee  in  bit- 
terness of  soul  with  bitter  mourning.  And  in  their  wail- 
ing they  shall  take  up  a  lamentation  for  thee,  and  lament 
over  thee,  saying,  Who  is  there  like  Tyre,  like  her  that  is 
brought  to  silence  in  the  midst  of  the  sea?  When  thy 
wares  went  forth  out  of  the  seas,  thou  filledst  many  peo- 
ples ;  thou  didst  enrich  the  kings  of  the  earth  with  the 
multitude  of  thy  riches  and  of  thy  merchandise.  In  the 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     175 

time  that  them  wast  broken  by  the  seas  in  the  depths  of 
the  waters,  thy  merchandise  and  all  thy  company  did  fall 
in  the  midst  of  thee.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  isles  are 
astonished  at  thee,  and  their  kings  are  horribly  afraid,  they 
are  troubled  in  their  countenance.  The  merchants  among 
the  peoples  hiss  at  thee;  thou  art  become  a  terror,  and 
thou  shalt  never  be  any  more.  ^^  chap 


Relations  of  Germany  to  Italy 

The  old  alliance  of  Germany  with  Italy  had  been,  not- 
withstanding the  sacrifices  it  necessitated  on  the  part  of 
each,  very  advantageous  to  both  nations.  The  united  ex- 
peditions across  the  Alps  had  strengthened  in  the  German 
tribes  the  sense  of  their  national  dependence  on  each  other, 
and  constant  contact  with  the  Italians,  who  then  led  the 
world's  culture,  had  the  most  beneficial  influence  on  intel- 
lectual progress  in  Germany.  The  Italians,  on  their  side, 
no  doubt  often  felt  the  imposition  of  a  foreign  rule  and  the 
pressure  of  its  taxes,  but  they  found  themselves  thereby 
protected  from  the  tyranny  of  the  native  power,  which 
threatened  the  privileges  of  their  cities,  the  most  precious 
of  Italian  rights. 

J.  JANSSEN,  History  of  the  German  People,  Vol.  II.  193. 


Early  American  Travel 

The  travelling  on  these  roads  in  every  direction  is  truly 
astonishing,  even  at  this  inclement  season,  but  in  the  spring 
and  fall,  I  am  informed  that  it  is  beyond  all  conception. 

Apropos  of  travelling  —  A  European,  who  had  not  ex- 
perienced it,  could  form  no  proper  idea  of  the  manner  of 
it  in  this  country.  The  travellers  are :  wagoners,  carry- 
ing produce  to  and  bringing  back  foreign  goods  from  the 
different  shipping  ports  on  the  shores  of  the  Atlantick,  par- 
ticularly Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  ;  —  Packers  with  from 
one  to  twenty  horses,  selling  or  trucking  their  wares  through 
the  country ;  —  countrymen,  sometimes  alone,  sometimes  in 
large  companies,  carrying  salt  from  M'Connelstown,  and 


176     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

other  points  of  navigation  on  the  Potomack  and  Susque- 
hannah,  for  the  curing  of  their  beef,  pork,  venison,  etc. ; 
—  Families  removing  further  back  into  the  country,  some 
with  cows,  oxen,  horses,  sheep,  and  hogs,  and  all  their 
farming  implements  and  domestick  utensils,  and  some 
without ;  some  with  wagons,  some  with  carts  and  some  on 
foot,  according  to  their  abilities  :  —  The  residue,  who  made 
use  of  the  best  accommodations  on  the  roads,  are  country 
merchants,  judges  and  lawyers  attending  the  courts,  mem- 
bers of  the  legislature,  and  the  better  class  of  settlers  re- 
moving back. 

CUMING'S  Tour  to  the  Western  Country  (1807-1809).    Edited  by 
THWAITES,  Early  Western  Travels,  Vol.  IV.  62. 

Derived  or  Secondary  Stimuli 

Among  the  products  of  inter-stimulation  and  response 
are  innumerable  conditions,  events,  relations,  acts,  ideas, 
beliefs,  plans,  and  ideals,  that  no  sooner  come  into  exist- 
ence than  they  become  in  their  turn  stimuli  of  further 
responses,  both  differing  and  alike.  Because  of  their 
origin  in  preexisting  social  conditions,  they  must  be 
classed  as  Derived  or  Secondary  Stimuli.  In  any  highly 
developed  society  they  play  a  larger  part  than  the 
primary  stimuli  from  which  social  activities  in  the  first 
instance  arise. 

Chief  Stimuli  of  Modern  Social  Life 

The  most  immediate  and  the  most  important  stimuli  of 
modern  social  life  are  products  of  past  responses  to  yet 
earlier  stimuli.  The  very  arrangements  under  which  we 
live,  the  groupings  of  human  beings,  their  ideas  and  pur- 
poses, their  aims,  their  ideals,  their  laws  and  institutions  are 
ever-present,  ever-potent  causes  of  continuing  collective 
action.  Of  all  the  stimuli  that  move  men  to  mighty  and 
glorious  cooperation,  none  can  be  compared  with  a  great 
ideal.  The  ideals  of  liberty,  of  freedom,  of  enlightenment, 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     177 

lift  men  to-day  in  gigantic  waves  of  collective  effort  like 
resistless  tides  of  the  sea.  American  life  preeminently  has 
consisted  in  responses  to  these  ideals.  The  Declaration  of 
Independence  was  an  ideal,  and  nothing  more ;  but  the 
response  to  it  was  the  successful  struggle  of  a  people  to 
establish  itself  forever  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  as  a 
republic  of  men  pledged  unalterably  to  civil  liberty.  The 
federal  constitution,  drafted  by  Hamilton  and  his  co- 
workers,  was  a  stupendous  ideal.  The  response  to  it  was 
its  acceptance  by  thirteen  commonwealths,  and  subse- 
quently the  rising  of  a  mighty  people  to  maintain  and  to 
consolidate  for  all  time,  the  indissoluble  Union. 

GIDDINGS,  T.  S.  C. 

Classification  of  Secondary  Stimuli.  —  A  large  class  of 
secondary  stimuli,  through  simple  ideas,  directly  incites  the 
motor  system,  and  may  therefore  be  denominated  Ideo- 
Motor  Stimuli.  Another  large  class,  through  simple  ideas, 
awakens  chiefly  emotional  reactions,  and  may  be  called 
Ideo-Emotional  Stimuli.  A  third  class,  through  belief  or 
dogma,  appeals  to  emotion  and  belief,  and  may  be  called 
Dogmatic-Emotional  Stimuli.  A  fourth  class  appeals, 
through  knowledge,  to  the  higher  intellectual  processes, 
and  may  be  called  Critically-Intellectual  Stimuli. 

Ideo-motor  stimuli  include,  among  conditions  or  events, 
the  old,  the  established,  the  familiar  ;  the  new,  the  unusual, 
the  sensational;  economic  opportunity.  They  include, 
also,  such  acts  and  conditions  as  an  injury,  to  two  or  more; 
an  offence ;  superior  power  (to  which  it  is  necessary  to 
submit);  expectation  of  conquering,  subduing,  controlling; 
opportunity  for  adventure  or  excitement ;  and  such 
inducements  as  a  bribe  or  a  gift,  patronage  or  payment. 

Ideo-emotional  stimuli  include  :  impression  (by  a  strong 
personality,  class,  or  power) ;  example ;  suggestion ;  per- 
suasion ;  symbol,  shibboleth ;  provocation  of  antipathy ; 


178      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

displeasure,  or  anticipated  displeasure  of  association ;  provo- 
cation of  sympathy ;  pleasure  or  anticipated  pleasure  of 
association. 

Dogmatic-emotional  stimuli  include  :  command ;  author- 
ity ;  belief ;  dogma ;  plan ;  anticipated  benefit  of  associa- 
tion ;  wrong  (by  a  wrong  doer,  or  by  wrong  doers). 

Critically-intellectual  stimuli  include :  evil  (impersonal)  ; 
knowledge ;  discussion  ;  and  ideals. 

Stimuli  as  Causes  of  Social  Phenomena 

While  in  like-responses  to  common  stimuli  we  have  the 
substance,  or  subject-matter,  of  social  phenomena,  in  the 
stimuli  themselves  we  have  proximate  causes ;  and  a  key 
to  the  understanding  of  society,  in  both  its  organization 
and  its  historical  development,  is  always  to  be  found  in  a 
study  of  stimuli. 

Relation  of  Subjective  to  Objective  Causation.  —  It  is, 
moreover,  through  a  study  of  stimuli  that  the  sociologist 
is  able  to  learn  somewhat  of  the  true  relation  of  idealistic  to 
material  causes  in  social  evolution.  In  all  social,  as  in  all 
psychological  phenomena,  physical  and  mental  processes 
are  correlated. 

Nature  of  Social  Causation 

Scientific  psychology  has  found  one  way,  and  only 
one,  to  avoid  any  assumption  of  either  materialism  or 
idealism,  in  the  philosophical  sense  of  those  words.  It 
consists  in  centring  attention  upon  the  correlations  of 
material  and  mental  phenomena,  rather  than  on  the  nature 
of  things  in  themselves.  External  things  are  conceived  as 
stimuli,  and  internal  processes  are  conceived  as  responses 
to  stimuli.  Causation  within  the  realm  of  mental  phenom- 
ena, is  thus  regarded  as  psychophysical.  It  is  a  process 
in  which  the  mental  order  changes  in  definite  ways  corre- 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     179 

spending  to  changes  in  an  external  order.  To  discover 
these  ways  and  to  formulate  their  laws  is  a  sufficient  scien- 
tific achievement  in  psychology.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
raise  any  question  of  the  identity,  or  of  the  duality,  of 

mind  and  matter.  ~  ,  „ 

GIDDINGS,  T.  S.  C. 

A  Measure  of  Social  Progress.  —  For  the  foregoing 
reasons,  we  have  in  the  multiplication  of  the  higher 
secondary  stimuli,  and  in  the  extent  of  response  thereto, 
the  best  available  measure  of  social  progress  on  the  moral 
as  distinguished  from  the  material  side. 

Integration  of  Like-Response 

Like-responsiveness  to  the  same  stimulus  —  and  espe- 
cially the  like-responsiveness  that  is  complicated  by  inter- 
stimulation  and  its  consequences  — is  discovered  in  different 
stages  of  development.  It  may  be  observed  in  simple 
forms,  in  forms  that  are  somewhat  complex,  and  yet  again 
in  forms  that  are  complex  in  a  high  degree.  The  word 

"  mtegratipn. "  may  be  used  to  denote  the  combination  of 
— — -'"•s*~~~  . 

the  mental  activity  of  two  or  more  individuals  in  one  com- 
mon activity  or  in  producing  a  common  product  of  their 
combined  thought. 

Degrees  and  Stages  of  Responsiveness.  —  The  degrees 
and  stages  of  responsiveness  and  of  actual  like-response 
to  stimulus  that  have  significance  for  the  theory  of  social 
phenomena  are:  I.  Promptness  of  Response;  2.  De- 
gree of  Completeness  of  Response ;  3.  Momentariness  of 
Like-Response ;  and  4.  Persistency  of  Like-Response. 

I.  Prompt  and  Slow  Response.  —  It  has  been  mentioned 
that  like-response  is  not  always  simultaneous.  In  one 
large  class  of  cases,  the  stimulus  is  repeated,  and  differing 


180      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

or  resembling  individuals  are  subjected  to  it  at  different 
times.  In  other  cases,  sociologically  more  important,  all 
the  individuals  concerned  experience  the  stimulus  at  the 
same  moment,  but  respond  to  it  with  varying  degrees  of 
promptness;  some  immediately,  some  after  an  appreciable 
interval,  others  after  a  longer  time. 

This  differentiation  of  a  population  into  those  that  re- 
spond promptly  and  those  that  respond  tardily  is  the 
primary  psychological  ground  of  a  differentiation  into 
those  that  have  the  gifts  of  initiative  and  leadership  and 
those  others  that  have  only  the  instinct  to  follow. 

Prompt  Response:  A  Domestic  Unpleasantness  in  China 

Mr.  Hua  Hsing-tun  was  a  well-to-do  farmer,  who  had  in 
his  courtyard  a  handsome  pomegranate  tree  of  which  he 
was  very  proud.  His  youngest  son  one  day  got  hold  of  a 
sickle,  which  had  been  sharpened  ready  to  cut  wheat  the 
next  morning.  With  this  implement  he  chopped  at  every- 
thing he  saw,  and  among  the  rest,  at  the  pomegranate 
tree  which  fell  at  the  third  blow.  Seeing  what  mischief 
he  had  done,  he  ran  to  the  other  end  of  the  village  where 
he  played  with  some  boys  whom  he  told  that  a  cousin  (the 
third  son  of  his  fourth  uncle)  had  done  the  deed.  This 
was  overheard  by  a  neighbour  who  passed  on  to  the  other 
end  of  the  village  just  in  time  to  hear  Mr.  Hua  angrily 
roaring  out  the  inquiry  who  had  spoiled  his  pet  tree. 
During  a  lull  in  the  storm  the  neighbour,  who  had  stepped 
into  the  courtyard  to  see  what  was  the  matter,  confided  to 
another  neighbour  that  it  was  the  nephew  who  had  done 
the  mischief.  The  neighbours  soon  after  depart.  As  no 
one  in  the  yard  knows  anything  about  the  tree,  Mr.  Hua, 
white  with  rage,  continues  his  bawling  upon  the  village 
street,  denouncing  the  individual  who  had  killed  his  tree. 
An  older  son  who  has  just  come  up,  having  heard  the 
story  of  the  two  neighbours,  repeats  it  to  his  father,  who 
gaining  at  last  a  clew,  rushes  to  his  fourth  brother's  yard, 
only  to  find  no  one  at  home  but  his  sister-in-law,  whom  he 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     181 

begins  to  revile  in  the  most  outrageous  manner.  For  an 
instant  only  she  is  surprised,  then  takes  in  the  situation  and 
screams  at  her  brother-in-law,  returning  his  revilings  with 
compound  interest  added.  He  retreats  into  the  alley  and 
thence  to  the  street,  whither  she  follows  him,  shrieking  at 
the  top  of  her  voice. 

At  this  juncture  the  unfortunate  nephew  alleged  to  be 
the  author  of  the  mischief  attracted  by  the  clamour  comes 
home,  when  the  infuriated  uncle  administers  a  great  deal 
of  abusive  language  relative  to  his  illegitimate  descent 
from  a  base  ancestry,  as  well  as  a  stunning  blow  with  a 
stick.  This  drives  the  mother  of  the  child  to  frenzy,  and 
she  attacks  her  brother-in-law  by  seizing  his  queue,  being 
immediately  pulled  off  by  the  second  brother,  and  some 
neighbours,  there  being  now  fifty  or  more  spectators.  The 
fourth  sister-in-law  is  forcibly  dragged  back  to  her  own 
yard  by  several  other  women,  screaming  defiance  as  she 
goes,  and  ends  by  scratching  her  own  face  in  long  furrows 
with  her  sharp  nails,  being  presently  covered  with  blood. 
Her  husband  has  now  come  in  furious  at  the  insult  to  his 
family,  reviles  the  elder  brother  (and  his  ancestry)  declar- 
ing that  he  will  immediately  go  to  the  yemen  and  lodge  a 
complaint.  He  takes  a  string  of  cash  and  departs  on  this 
errand,  but  is  subsequently  followed  several  miles  by  six 
men,  who  spend  two  hours  in  trying  to  get  him  to  return, 
with  the  promise  that  they  will  "  talk  peace."  About  mid- 
night they  all  reach  home.  Most  of  the  next  five  days  is 
spent  in  interviews  between  third  parties,  who  in  turn  have 
other  conferences  with  the  principals.  At  the  expiration 
of  this  period  all  is  settled.  Mr.  Hua  the  elder  is  to  make 
a  feast  at  an  expense  of  not  less  than  ten  strings  of  cash, 
at  which  he  shall  admit  that  he  was  in  error  in  reviling 
this  sister-in-law  at  that  time ;  the  younger  brother  is  to 
accept  the  apology  in  the  presence  of  fourteen  other  men 
who  have  become  involved  in  the  matter  at  some  of  its 
stages.  When  the  feast  has  been  eaten,  "harmony"  is 
restored.  But  what  about  the  author  of  all  this  mischief  ? 
Oh,  "he  is  only  a  child."  With  which  observation  the 
whole  affair  is  dismissed,  and  forgotten. 

ARTHUR  H.  SMITH,  Village  Life  in  China,  334-335- 


1 82      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

2.  Partial   and   Complete    Response.  —  Whether    non- 
simultaneous  or  simultaneous,  the  like-responsiveness   of 
many  individuals  to  the  same  stimulus  may,  as  a  psycho- 
logical reaction,  be  more  or  less  complete.     It  may  be  only 
an  unconscious  reflex ;  it  may  take  the  form  of  feeling  and 
nothing  more ;  it  may  take  the  form  of  idea  only ;  it  may 
be  any  synthesis  of  reflex,  feeling,  and  idea ;  or,  finally,  it 
may  involve  volition,  and  take  the  form  of  conduct. 

More  individuals  are  alike  in  feeling  than  are  alike  intel- 
lectually, and  more  therefore  can  respond  to  a  given  stimu- 
lus to  the  extent  of  sharing  a  common  feeling  than  can 
respond  to  the  extent  of  cherishing  the  same  idea  or  of 
arriving  at  a  common  judgment.  More,  in  turn,  can  alike 
respond  in  idea  or  in  judgment  than  can  alike  respond  in 
conduct 

3.  Momentary  Like-Response.  —  The  first  stage  of  simul- 
taneous like-response  is  a  mere  initial  like-responsiveness, 
a  mere  first  or  momentary  interest  in  any  subject,  as  when 
an  audience  breaks  into  applause. 

4.  Habitual  Like-Response. — A  second    stage   in    the 
integration  of  like-response  is  that  persistent  repetition  of 
a  given  mode  of  response  to  the  same  repeated  stimulus 
which  becomes  a  continuous  activity  or  occupation',  a  habit 
or  a  fixed  manner. 

Mental  and  Practical  Resemblance.  —  Persistent  or 
habitual  modes  of  like-response  constitute  the  mental  and 
practical  resemblances  which  are  the  chief  factors  of  social 
phenomena. 

From  the  earliest  times,  and  in  all  parts  of  the  world, 
human  beings  have  classified  one  another  according  to 
their  differing  mental  traits,  their  dispositions,  and  their 
characters,  and  also  according  to  their  differing  tongues, 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     183 

manners,    and    costumes,    their    differing   ideas,    beliefs, 
customs,  and  policies. 

1.  Mental  and  Moral  Types.  —  As   the  processes  and 
results   of   appreciation  vary  in    different   individuals,  so 
appear  different  Types  of  Motor  Reaction,  of  Emotion,  and 
of  Intellect. 

According  to  the  various  ways  in  which  men  go  about 
the  activities  of  utilization,  we  find  among  them  different 
Types  of  Disposition. 

According  to  the  varying  degrees  and  results  of  charac- 
terization we  find  among  men  varying  Types  of  Character. 

A  type  of  disposition  and  of  character  is  always  com- 
bined with  some  type  of  motor  reaction,  of  emotion,  and  of 
intellect.  We  find,  therefore,  in  the  social  population 
Types  of  Mind. 

2.  Practical  Differences  and  Resemblances.  —  The  types 
of  reaction,  of  emotion,  and  of  intellect ;  of  disposition,  of 
character,  and  of  mind  in  its  totality,  are  subjective  prod- 
ucts of  the  habitual  modes  of  response  to  stimulus,  more  or 
less  complicated  by  communication.     Objective  products 
are  certain  practical  differences  and  resemblances,  con- 
sisting of  differing  or  resembling  acquisitions  and  modes 
of  conduct.     Chief   among  them  are  language,  manners, 
habits  in  respect  of  costume,  amusements,  arts,  religion, 
science,  economic  ideas  and  habits,  moral  ideas  and  habits, 
laws  and  legal  habits,  political  ideas,  habits,  and  policies. 

3.  Leaders  and  Followers.  —  There  is  yet  one  further 
differentiation  of   a  social  population  —  a  final  mode  of 
difference  or  of  resemblance  among  associating  individ- 
uals, which,  in  its  origin,  is  an  immediate  consequence  of 
differing   degrees  of   response  to  stimulus,  but  which  is 
accentuated  and   completed  by  the   evolution  of   mental 


184     The  Elements  and  Slmcture  of  Society 

types,  and  of  such  objective  realities  as  practical  acquisi- 
tion and  conduct.  This  is  the  differentiation  into  leaders 
and  followers. 

The  Consciousness  of  Kind.  —  Like-response,  whether 
momentary  or  habitual,  may  be  caused  independently  of 
any  influence  exerted  by  the  responding  individuals  upon 
one  another  through  contact  and  acquaintance.  More 
often,  however,  resembling  individuals  become  acquainted, 
and  through  communication  become  aware  of  their 
resemblances  and  differences. 

The  awareness  of  resemblances  and  differences  by  the 
resembling  individuals  themselves  is  the  third  stage  in  the 
integration  of  like-response.  It  may  be  little  more  than 
a  feeling  of  sympathy,  or  it  may  become  a  clean-cut  per- 
ception. It  may  include  feelings  of  affection  and  a  desire 
for  recognition.  It  will  here  be  called  by  the  general 
descriptive  term,  the  Consciousness  of  Kind. 

Concerted  Volition.  —  The  consciousness  of  kind  in  its 
higher  developments,  when,  namely,  it  becomes  a  perceived 
like-response  to  the  same  stimulus,  passes  through  various 
emotional  and  intellectual  developments  into  concerted 
action.  This  is  the  fourth  stage  in  the  integration  of 
like-response. 

The  Social  Mind 

The  four  stages  of  integration  of  like-response  to 
stimulus  are  four  modes  of  the  Social  Mind.  This  name 
does  not  denote  any  other  consciousness  than  that  of 
individual  minds.  The  social  mind  is  the  phenomenon 
of  individual  minds  acting  simultaneously,  and  especially 
of  individual  minds  in  communication  with  one  another 
acting  concurrently. 


Factors  and  Formation  of  the  Social  Mind     185 

Modes  of  the  Social  Mind.  —  The  four  modes  of  the 
social  mind  are :  i.  Stimulation  and  Response;  2.  Mental 
and  Practical  Differentiation  and  Resemblance ;  3.  The 
Consciousness  of  Kind,  which,  so  far  as  we  have  any 
means  of  knowing,  is  the  only  social  consciousness ; 
4.  Concerted  Volition. 

Definition  of  the  Social  Mind.  —  Having  regard  to  all 
of  these  modes,  the  social  mind  may  be  denned  as  the  like- 
responsiveness  to  stimulation,  the  concurrent  feeling  and 
intelligence,  the  consciousness  of  kind,  and  the  concerted 
volition  of  two  or  more  individuals. 


CHAPTER   II 

DIFFERENTIATION  AND  RESEMBLANCE 
Socializing  Forces 

MENTAL  and  practical  differences  and  resemblances, 
themselves  products  of  the  continuing  action  of  relatively 
persistent  stimuli,  and  of  habitual  activities  and  processes 
of  selection,  are  in  their  turn  forces  determining  the  char- 
acter of  society.  They  are  socializing  forces. 

Appreciation 

Given  some  aptitude  for  like-response,  and  certain 
motives  of  habitual  conduct  manifesting  themselves  in 
certain  habitual  ways,  the  first  condition  of  further  sociali- 
zation is  knowledge.  The  individuals  whose  local  rela- 
tions are  favorable  to  union  must  be  acquainted  in  order 
to  know  whether  or  not  they  can  combine.  Knowledge 
with  sympathy  are  the  elements  of  appreciation ;  and 
appreciation  is  of  varying  degrees,  determined  by  range 
of  experience  —  by  a  narrower  or  a  wider  contact  with 
mankind  and  with  the  world. 

Appreciation,  like  characterization,  is  an  accommodation 
of  the  mind  to  its  environment,  but  while  in  characteriza- 
tion the  accommodation  is  consciously  effected,  the  accom- 
modation of  appreciation  is  for  the  most  part  an  unconscious 
process. 

186 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  187 


Appreciation :  New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

This  investigation  [in  so  far  as  it  related  to  appreciation] 
resolved  itself  into  such  questions  as:  (i)  How  strongly 
do  you  prefer  your  own  nationality  —  the  people  who 
speak  your  mother  tongue,  who  believe  in  your  religion, 
and  follow  your  national  customs  ?  (2)  Do  you  like  any 
people  besides  these  ?  Are  they  people  whom  you  have 
come  to  know  intimately?  or  (3)  is  there  a  wider  group,  as 
the  American  people,  that  you  have  come  to  know  in  a 
general  way  and  to  admire  ?  (4)  Does  your  interest  go 
beyond  this  to  humanity  everywhere  ? 

The  answers  to  these  questions  reveal  the  four  degrees 
of  appreciation  possible  to  such  a  heterogeneous  group  as 
may  be  found  in  a  cosmopolitan  city  like  New  York. 

THOMAS  JESSE  JONES,  The  Sociology  of  a  New  York  City  Block^  61 : 
quoted  infra  as  S.  C.  B. 

Degrees  of  Appreciation.  —  The  degree  of  appreciation 
depends  upon  the  range  of  experience,  and  that  in  turn 
upon  the  means  and  habits  of  communication,  and  upon 
the  variety  of  mental  and  moral  types  with  which  each 
individual  is  thrown  in  contact.  The  latter  condition  is  a 
particularly  important  one  in  modern  urban  communities 
with  their  heterogeneous  demotic  composition. 

Degrees  of  Appreciation  :  New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

The  greatest  single  agency  for  developing  appreciation 
is  the  public  school.  The  average  number  of  public  school 
children  from  Block  X  is  two  hundred.  Their  influence  in 
a  population  of  about  900  persons  is  therefore  important. 

Summaries  and  totals  may  now  be  presented. 

Two  families  in  Block  X  show  the  lowest  degree  of  ap- 
preciation, and  so  also  do  individual  members  of  28  other 
families. 

These  are  families  whose  experience  has  been  bounded 
almost  entirely  by  acquaintance  with  their  own  people. 


1 88      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Necessity  or  narrow-mindedness  has  shut  out  the  world 
beyond  the  range  of  blood  relationship.  Thus  the  Sicilians 
are  friendly  only  with  Sicilians ;  the  Irish  of  Connaught 
do  not  care  for  the  Irish  of  Leinster;  the  German  Jew 
curses  his  brother  from  Russia. 

Eighty-one  families  show  a  low  degree  of  appreciation, 
and  so  also  do  individual  members  of  77  other  families. 

These  are  the  families  that  are  in  process  of  naturaliza- 
tion. Their  knowledge  extends  beyond  the  limits  of  blood- 
kinship,  but  it  is  not  sufficiently  wide  to  enable  them  to 
generalize  concerning  other  nationalities  or  classes.  Their 
preferences  are  limited  by  the  direct  knowledge  of  people 
and  conditions  that  make  up  their  environment. 

One  hundred  and  eighteen  families  show  a  high  degree 
of  appreciation  and  so  also  do  individual  members  of  49 
other  families. 

In  these  families  naturalization  is  well  under  way. 
Sixty-two  of  them  are  completely  Americanized.  They 
have  begun  to  realize  the  essential  elements  of  the 
American  ideal. 

Ten  families  understand  and  appreciate  not  only  those 
of  their  own  kith  and  kin,  not  only  those  whom  they  know 
by  actual  contact,  or  whose  activities  they  know  to  be  con- 
trolled by  the  American  spirit,  but  also  the  human  race  the 
wide  world  over.  For  instance,  the  mother  of  one  family 
has  visited  her  home  in  Switzerland  once  or  twice.  The 
relations  of  Protestants  and  Catholics  in  her  own  city  of 
Zurich  are  familiar  to  her,  and,  though  a  Roman  Catholic, 
she  is  possessed  of  so  generous  a  spirit  that  she  has  much 
regard  for  Protestants.  The  mother  of  another  family 
comes  from  good  old  Pennsylvania  stock,  and  is  a  second 
cousin  of  one  of  the  greatest  Hebrew  scholars  of  the  world. 
She  has  read  the  newspapers  widely^nd  many  good  books. 
The  family  has  been  in  touch  with  many  nationalities. 
With  its  inherited  instincts  and  bright  disposition  it  is  not 
surprising  that  this  family  should  show  some  degree  of 
interest  in  world  activities,  and  that  it  should  be  capable 
of  appreciating  humanity  in  general. 

The  relative  strength  of  the  four  degrees  of  appreciation 
in  this  community  should  be  of  interest  to  the  student 
curious  to  know  the  relation  of  these  families  to  their 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance          189 

environment,  to  the  patriot  eager  to  learn  the  extent  to 
which  these  people  comprehend  the  American  people  and 
American  institutions,  and  to  the  altruist  who  desires  to 
determine  the  probable  progress  of  a  social  group  in  its 
estimate  of  social  activities. 

The  more  or  less  naturalized  families  are  the  strongest 
class,  and  it  is  more  numerous  than  any  other.  This  fact 
should  be  the  cause  of  much  encouragement  to  those  who 
have  been  complaining  that  instead  of  "digesting  its  im- 
migrants, the  nation  is  dying." 

JONES,  S.  C.  B.,  73-74. 

Motives  of  Appreciation.  —  The  motives  of  appreciation 
are  pains  and  pleasures  of  one  and  another  kind. 


Motives  of  Appreciation :  New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

These  pleasures  [motives  of  appreciation]  may  psycho- 
logically be  classified  as  follows  :  I.  Pleasures  of  Physical 
Activity,  Receptive  Sensation,  and  Simple  Ideation ;  2. 
Pleasures  of  Sense,  Idea,  and  Emotion  ;  3.  Pleasures  of 
Emotion  and  Belief ;  4.  Pleasures  of  Thought. 

******* 

Pleasures  of  Thought.  —  Few  families  in  this  block  have 
an  intellectual  interest  in  their  environment.  Emotion 
enters  so  strongly  into  some  apparently  intellectual  motives 
that  it  is  difficult  to  be  certain  whether  in  any  given  in- 
stance we  have  to  do  with  emotion  or  with  intellect.  For 
instance,  family  155  has  its  front  room  decorated  with  pic- 
tures. For  the  best  one  the  husband  said  that  he  paid 
twenty-five  dollars.  The  picture  is  a  fairly  good  oil  paint- 
ing of  an  ocean-liner  ploughing  her  way  through  the  waves 
of  mid-ocean.  The  expenditure  of  so  large  a  sum  of 
money  for  a  picture  is  unusual  among  families  in  this 
region,  and  is  in  itself  an  indication  of  something  more 
than  mere  emotion.  The  good  taste  displayed  in  the 
selection  of  the  picture  is  proof  of  some  degree  of  critical 
judgment,  and  an  increasing  appreciation  was  shown  by 
the  husband's  remark  that  he  would  not  take  fifty  dollars 


190     7 7ie  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

for  it  now.  In  this  family  the  husband  is  of  French- 
German  parentage  and  the  wife  is  an  intelligent  Irish- 
woman. 

Family  158  includes  a  brother  and  sister  past  middle 
age.  The  sister  is  skilled  in  various  kinds  of  fancy  work 
and  takes  a  keen  interest  in  oil  painting,  which  she  studied 
when  the  family  was  in  better  financial  condition.  Here 
also  is  a  clear  case  of  a  degree  of  aesthetic  pleasure. 

Tenement  219  has  a  case  of  critical,  though  limited, 
interest  in  art.  Its  occupant  is  a  woman  who  lives  by  her- 
self, and  who,  like  family  158,  is  of  the  "cast  down" 
class  —  i.e.  one  that  has  been  pushed  down  from  some 
higher  stratum  of  society.  She  has  a  fairly  thorough 
knowledge  of  music,  both  vocal  and  instrumental.  Owing 
to  her  straitened  circumstances  her  pleasures  are  eccentric. 
Her  constant  companions  are  a  white  rat  and  a  large  cat. 
These  two  animals  are  much  attached  to  her  and  to  each 
other.  At  present  the  woman  is  concerned  about  the  rat 
because  it  sometimes  falls  into  convulsions,  due,  as  a  doctor 
told  her,  to  "  consumption."  These  eccentricities  would 
seem  to  bear  out  the  common  observation  that  it  is  either 
the  dullest  or  the  most  sensitive  persons  that  are  most 
likely  under  the  stress  of  life  to  lose  self-control  and  men- 
tal balance.  Here  is  an  example  of  a  highly  sensitive 
woman  just  able  to  keep  herself  within  the  bounds  of  sanity. 

In  addition  to  those  persons  that  are  unable  to  satisfy 
their  highest  aesthetic  desires  are  those  others  who,  climb- 
ing up  the  social  ladder,  are  reaching  out  for  intellectual 
pleasures.  House  235  offers  instances.  The  younger 
occupants,  urged  on  by  the  older  ones,  who  feel  their  defi- 
ciencies, are  engaging  in  the  study  of  music  and  literature. 
Some  families  have  pianos,  upon  which  the  children  take 
lessons  twice  a  week  at  fifty  cents  a  lesson.  They  use  the 
libraries  frequently  and  show  a  real  interest  in  good 
literature. 

The  better  theatres  appeal  to  a  few  of  these  families,  and 
a  criticism  of  certain  plays  by  one  of  the  Jewish  girls  was 
intelligent. 

Pleasures  of  Emotion  and  Belief.  —  These  pleasures  are 
most  general  among  those  who  still  retain  a  degree  of 
loyalty  to  the  church.  They  are  chiefly  to  be  found 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  191 

among  Roman  Catholics,  but  there  are  also  a  few  Hebrews 
whose  loyalty  amounts  to  a  pleasure  in  belief.  There  is 
not  one  family,  however,  whose  pleasure  in  belief  could  be 
classed  as  intense.  The  tendency  to  religious  beliefs  is 
not  strong.  Few  families  are  greatly  controlled  by  reli- 
gious principles.  The  beliefs  most  persistent  among  them, 
when  once  they  gain  foothold,  are  those  of  the  socialistic 
type.  The  ideal  of  the  socialist  promises  so  great  a  relief 
from  the  oppressive  industrial  conditions  under  which 
wage-earners  are  living  that  this  appeal  is  often  more 
alluring  than  any  that  the  church  has  to  offer.  But  there 
are  very  few  out-and-out  socialists  in  this  community. 

Pleasures  of  Sense,  or  of  Sense,  Idea,  and  Emotion  (in 
combination)  are  the  prevailing  pleasures  of  the  block. 

By  pleasures  of  sense  are  meant  those  that  appeal  largely 
to  the  physical  nature — pleasures  of  appetite  and  of  bodily 
feeling.  Pleasures  of  combined  sense,  idea,  and  emotion 
are  those  nervous  and  mental  activities  that  are  sufficiently 
intense  to  be  exciting,  but  not  immediately  exhausting. 
They  have  various  stimuli.  The  rhythm  of  music,  the 
bright  colors  of  pictures,  unusual  sounds  or  sights,  startling 
statements,  the  uncertainty  of  chance,  conflict,  with  an 
exciting  uncertainty  as  to  the  result,  are  examples. 

Of  all  the  different  amusements  possible  to  tenement- 
dwellers  there  is  none  that  appeals  to  both  sense  and  emo- 
tion so  strongly  as  dancing,  especially  dancing  as  conducted 
on  the  East  Side,  to  the  wild  music  of  blaring  cornet  and 
loud-beaten  drum,  with  rattling  sounds  from  a  guitar  and 
mandolin.  While  the  completeness  with  which  the  dance 
combines  the  two  elements  of  sense  and  emotion  is  the 
chief  reason  for  its  preeminence  as  a  social  pleasure  in  this 
neighborhood,  there  are  other  reasons  also,  such  as  inex- 
pensiveness  and  the  fact  that  many  different  classes  can 
participate. 

Games  of  chance  are  very  popular.  This  street  has  one 
policy  shop  on  the  ground  floor  of  217.  According  to  a 
colored  woman  who  has  lived  a  long  time  in  the  block, 
there  is  little  doubt  that  most  of  the  boys  in  the  street 
know  about  the  place.  That  this  woman  herself  is  familiar 
with  it  indicates  that  it  is  widely  known,  for  she  is  half  a 
block  away  from  it,  and  there  is  no  sign  by  which  it  can  be 


192      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

identified.  When  the  visitor  knocked  at  the  door  he  was 
totally  unaware  of  the  nature  of  the  place.  The  young 
man  who  came  out  in  response  to  the  knock  was  better 
dressed  than  the  people  of  the  neighborhood.  Upon  being 
asked  why  he  lived  among  such  poor  people,  he  answered 
in  a  very  humble  tone  that  he  was  just  starting  out  in  life. 

This  shop  is  opened  at  about  half-past  six  in  the  morn- 
ing, in  time  to  catch  men  on  their  way  to  work.  The 
charges  are  two  cents  for  a  "  gig,"  three  for  a  "  saddle," 
and  five  for  a  "combination."  These  terms,  "gig," 
"  saddle,"  and  "  combination,"  denote  varying  degrees  of 
chance  of  winning  money  prizes  in  the  general  drawing, 
which,  in  some  mysterious  manner,  is  supposed  to  be  done 
in  New  Orleans  or  in  Mexico. 

There  is  scarcely  a  nationality  that  does  not  indulge  in 
this  form  of  gambling,  but  the  Italians  are  probably  the 
most  addicted  to  it. 

In  house  parties,  such  as  those  given  at  the  Settlement, 
games  with  the  element  of  chance  and  excitement  in  them 
are  a  never-failing  source  of  enjoyment.  Another  requisite 
of  any  game  is  that  it  make  little  demand  upon  thought. 
Card-playing  is  common,  but  the  games  most  popular  are 
the  easy  ones.  Especially  is  this  true  among  the  Italians, 
as  is  well  illustrated  by  the  remark  of  one  of  them :  "  I 
don't  like  pinocle;  it  keeps  your  head  down  too  long." 
This  attitude  regarding  amusements  is  characteristic  of  the 
East  Side.  Continuity  of  attention  and  concentration  of 
effort  are  intolerable  there.  This  fact  should  influence  the 
whole  of  the  work  of  education  and  culture  on  the  East 
Side. 

The  entertainments  that  appeal  to  these  people  are  for 
the  most  part  made  up  of  buffoonery,  burlesque,  and  in- 
anities in  general.  There  are  various  appeals  to  the 
pathetic  side,  however  —  songs  concerning  childhood 
scenes,  recollections  of  the  old  home,  love  of  mother,  and 
descriptions  of  heroic  deeds,  conveyed  to  the  audience  by 
means  of  stereopticon  views,  in  song,  or  by  dramatic 
sketches. 

Next  to  the  dancing-hall,  the  saloon  is  probably  the  great- 
est centre  of  amusement  and  social  life.  The  saloons, 
however,  entertain  only  the  male  population,  and  do  not, 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  193 

therefore,  appeal  to  the  entire  community.  But  the  fact 
that  they  are  open  nearly  all  the  time,  and  not  merely  on 
certain  evenings,  increases  the  relative  influence  of  the 
saloons.  This  is  further  widened  by  what  is  termed  in  the 
community  "  rushing  the  growler."  The  carrying  of 
buckets  of  beer  into  the  tenement-house  is  a  frequent  oc- 
currence. The  social  drinking  of  beer,  and  of  a  wine  that 
families  make  for  themselves,  is  a  large  factor  in  the  daily 
life  of  these  people. 

The  religious  services  upon  which  many  persons  of  each 
nationality  are,  of  course,  in  constant  attendance,  appeal 
largely  to  the  emotions.  The  Italians,  however,  seem  to 
delight  more  in  their  holiday  fireworks,  the  burning  of 
powder  and  candles  with  loud  noises  and  flashing  flames, 
than  they  do  in  any  church  service.  One  priest  said  of 
them  that  in  their  July  celebration  they  burn  $3000  in 
useless  smoke,  and  supply  their  priest  with  enough  candles 
for  a  year;  while  they  will  not  give  more  than  $200  for 
real  service. 

The  Jews  assemble  in  their  synagogues  and  take  great 
pleasure  in  listening  to  the  weekly  chanting  of  the  rabbi. 
This  man  stands  in  the  middle  of  the  room,  swaying  back- 
ward and  forward,  the  audience  doing  likewise,  and  so 
the  more  completely  giving  itself  up  to  his  control,  both 
bodily  and  in  feeling. 

Elementary  Pleasures.  —  Pleasures  of  physical  activity, 
receptive  sensation,  and  simple  ideation  include  muscular 
activity,  mere  satisfaction  of  physical  appetites,  and  ele- 
mentary mental  processes,  such  as  assertion  of  convictions, 
commanding,  obeying,  enduring,  daring,  and  fearing. 

The  managers  of  the  music  halls  and  continued  per- 
formances show  their  complete  knowledge  of  their  clientele 
in  that  they  never  fail  to  introduce  feats  of  physical 
prowess.  So  accurate  is  their  estimate  that  a  fairly  good 
idea  of  the  relation  of  the  emotional  to  the  physical 
pleasures  of  the  neighborhood  can  be  obtained  from  the 
proportion  in  which  these  are  combined  in  the  average 
East  Side  vaudeville  show. 

Gymnasiums  never  fail  to  attract  large  crowds.  But 
even  here  we  see  the  leaning  towards  emotional  pleasures. 
This  is  shown  in  the  preference  for  boxing  and  wrestling, 


194      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

which  are  preeminently  interesting  because  chance  and 
excitement  enter  so  strongly  into  them.  The  champion  in 
these  contests  is'  the  hero  of  the  community,  especially  of 
that  part  which  delights  in  physical  pleasure.  Mere 
physical  strength  in  itself,  or  even  strength  displayed  in 
the  exercise  of  routine  labor,  has  little  attraction. 

The  proportion  of  the  community  preferring  each  of 
these  four  general  classes  of  pleasure  is  as  follows  :  In 
38  families  the  dominant  motives  of  appreciation  are  the 
most  elementary  pleasures,  and  this  is  true  of  individual 
members  in  73  other  families.  In  170  families  the 
dominant  motives  of  appreciation  are  pleasures  of  sense, 
idea,  and  emotion,  and  this  is  true  of  individual  members 
of  33  other  families.  In  6  families  the  dominant  motives 
of  appreciation  are  pleasures  of  emotion  and  belief,  and 
these  are  subordinate  motives  in  individual  members  of 
84  other  families.  In  no  case  are  pleasures  of  thought 
clearly  predominant,  though  they  enter  as  subordinate 
motives  into  the  conduct  of  a  few  individuals. 

JONES,  S.  C.  B^  43-49. 

Methods  of  Appreciation. — The  motives  of  appreciation 
work  themselves  out  in  actual  appreciation  through  four 
chief  methods,  or,  it  might  be  more  accurate  to  say,  degrees 
of  method.  These  are  (i)  Instinctive  Response  to  Stim- 
ulus, (2)  Curious  Inspection,  (3)  Preferential  Attention, 
(4)  Critical  Inspection,  Comparison,  and  Analysis. 

Methods  of  Appreciation  :  New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

Methods  of  appreciation  are  of  four  general  groups. 
They  are  here  arranged  in  an  ascending  series. 

The  simplest  is  that  of  instinctive  response  to  stimulus. 
No  one  can  escape  this  recognition  of  his  environment. 
There  is  in  a  sense  an  intrusion  of  the  environment  upon 
the  individual  responding,  though  he  himself  is  not  con- 
scious of  either  stimulus  or  response. 

When  the  individual  displays  an  interest  in  affairs  about 
him,  and  desires  to  know  more  concerning  them,  he  has 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  195 

arrived  at  another  state  of  appreciation,  whose  method  is 
that  of  curious  inspection. 

When  this  general  interest  takes  a  specific  form  and 
preference  is  manifested,  he  may  be  said  to  have  reached 
a  state  of  preferential  attention. 

But  the  highest  point  of  appreciation  is  not  reached 
until  the  method  of  critical  inspection  is  adopted.  At  this 
period  the  individual  is  eager  to  learn  about  all  things,  but 
he  arrives  at  conclusions  only  after  a  critical  examination 
which  involves  comparison  and  analysis. 

******* 

Thirty-two  families  evince  the  degree  of  curiosity  to  be 
expected  of  those  who  have  settled  in  a  new  country. 

In  77  more  families  curiosity  is  nearly  as  strong,  but 
many  of  these  have  been  long  enough  in  this  part  of  the 
city  for  things  to  have  become  commonplace  to  them,  while 
others  show  but  little  interest  in  their  neighbors. 

Through  education  and  easier  conditions  74  families  are 
gradually  awakening  to  a  wider  appreciation,  though  most 
of  their  time  must  be  spent  in  mere  drudgery. 

For  1 6  families  life  is  nearly  all  work,  and  curiosity, 
though  manifested,  is  correspondingly  low. 

Preferential  attention  is  a  dominant  method  of  apprecia- 
tion in  only  3  families.  It  is  a  subordinate  method  in  50. 

JONES,  S.  C.  B.,  51,  56. 


Types  of  Motor  Reaction,  Emotion,  and  Intellect 

According  as  various  degrees  of  mental  develop  ment^  — 
manifesting  themselves,  among  other  ways,  in  the  various 
degrees  of  appreciation,  —  various  motives,  and  various 
methods  are  combined  in  heredity,  and,  according  as  those 
are  recombined  with  degrees  and  with  kinds  of  individual 
experience,  appear  Motor  Types,  Emotional  Types,  and 
Intellective  Types. 

Classification  of  Types.  —  Motor  types  are  prompt  or 
slow,  persistent  or  intermittent,  involuntary  or  voluntary, 


196      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Emotional  types  are  in  degree  strong  or  weak  ;  in  tempera- 
ment choleric,  sanguine,  melancholic,  or  phlegmatic.  Intel- 
lective types  may  be  classed  with  reference  to  particular 
intellectual  states  as  suspicious,  credulous,  sceptical,  or  of 
balanced  judgment.  With  reference  to  the  manner  of 
formation  of  belief  or  judgment  they  may  be  classed  as 

(1)  those  whose  beliefs  are   subjectively   determined   by 
instinct,  habit,  and  auto-suggestion  ;  (2)  those  whose  beliefs 
are  objectively  determined  by  external  suggestion,  personal 
or  impersonal ;  (3)  those  whose  beliefs  are  subjectively  de- 
termined by  emotion,  mood,  or  temperament;  and  (4)  those 
whose    beliefs    are    objectively  determined   by  evidence. 
With    reference    to    the   mode   of  reasoning    they   may 
be  classed  as  (i)  those  whose  reasoning  is   conjectural; 

(2)  those  whose  reasoning  is  analogical ;  (3)  those  whose 
reasoning  is  deductive  or  speculative,  and  critical  of  logical 
processes,  but  rarely  of   premises ;    and   (4)  those  whose 
reasoning  is  both  deductive  and  inductive,  and  critical  of 
both  premises  and  logic. 

American  Quickness 

Americans  have  been  much  visited  and  much  analyzed 
by  Europeans  of  all  degrees  of  cultivation.  The  two  most 
important  general  descriptions  of  a  people  written  in 
modern  times  are  De  Tocqueville's  Democracy  in 
America  and  Bryce's  American  Commonwealth,  Less 
judicious  than  De  Tocqueville  and  Bryce  but  in  their  per- 
ception of  the  minor  traits  of  American  character  keener 
and  more  humorous,  have  been  Dickens,  Thackeray,  and 
Paul  Bourget.  All  of  these  distinguished  men,  and  a 
thousand  others  less  well  known,  have  agreed  in  one  ob- 
servation, namely,  that  whether  or  not  the  American  mind 
is  as  substantial  as  the  English  or  the  German  mind,  or  as 
clear  and  logical  as  the  French  mind,  it  is  quicker  and  more 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  197 

adaptable  than  the  mind  of  any  other  nation.  No  other 
population  in  the  world  is  so  sensitive  to  all  manner  of  im- 
pressions, no  other  responds  so  quickly  to  all  manner  of 
stimuli.  This  would  be  a  serious  defect  if  our  responsive- 
ness were  to  those  influences  only  that  appeal  to  the  senses 
and  the  emotions,  because  it  is  a  commonplace  of  psy- 
chology that  deliberation  and  all  of  that  calm  reasonable- 
ness which  goes  with  deliberation,  are  incompatible  with 
over-quick  reflex  action  and  with  emotional  impulsiveness. 
American  quickness,  however,  is  different  from  the  swift, 
passionate  fire  of  the  Italian  or  the  Spaniard.  It  is  an  in- 
tellectual quickness,  which  has  been  acquired  through  long 
practice  in  the  art  of  practical  judgment  and  of  rational 
deliberation  ;  until  these  very  processes,  slow  and  painful 
in  the  past  history  of  mankind  and  in  most  other  nations 
to-day,  have  in  America  arrived  at  almost  the  quickness  of 
intuition.  It  is  like  the  swift  deftness  of  an  accomplished 
pianist,  who  with  amazing  rapidity  fingers  combinations  of 
notes  that  when  he  began  his  training  could  be  achieved 
only  with  the  most  toilsome  effort.  The  American,  in 
short,  combines  in  a  rare  degree  the  power  to  deliberate 
when  calm  deliberation  is  still  necessary,  with  the  quickness 
of  perception  and  the  rapidity  of  decision  acquired  through 
long  practice  of  deliberation  in  the  past. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 


Athenian  Vivacity 

The  Athenians,  this  gentleman  adds,  were  a  nation  that 
had  some  relation  to  ours.  They  mingled  gayety  with 
business ;  a  stroke  of  raillery  was  as  agreeable  in  the  sen- 
ate as  in  the  theatre.  This  vivacity,  which  discovered 
itself  in  their  councils,  went  along  with  them  in  the  execu- 
tion of  their  resolves.  The  characteristic  of  the  Spartans 
was  gravity,  seriousness,  severity,  and  silence.  It  would 
have  been  as  difficult  to  bring  over  an  Athenian  by  teasing 
as  it  would  a  Spartan  by  diverting  him. 

MONTESQUIEU,  De  ^esprit  des  loix,  translated  by  THOMAS  NUGENT, 
Vol.  I.  317. 


198      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 


Greek  Emotional  Types 

In  the  case  of  Asia  Minor,  it  seems  almost  certain  that 
the  dominant  races,  Lycians,  Carians,  lonians  and  the  like, 
were  but  small  invading  tribes,  while  the  mass  of  the 
population  of  the  country  was  of  different,  perhaps  Semitic, 
stock.  To  these  earlier  inhabitants  belongs  the  worship  of 
Cybele  and  kindred  nature-goddesses,  as  well  as  of  Attis, 
Sabazius,  and  other  deities  of  the  orgiastic  kind.  It  is 
extremely  likely  that  we  may  find  a  parallel  series  of 
phenomena,  which  have  hitherto  almost  escaped  observa- 
tion, in  Greece  and  perhaps  Italy.  In  Greece  also  it  is 
likely  that  the  true  Aryan  Greeks  were  always  a  compar- 
atively small  though  dominant  caste.  Beneath  them  was 
a  mass  of  population  on  which  they  imposed  their  language 
and  their  usages,  but  which  retained  in  many  ways  the 
impress  of  a  different  temperament  and  a  less  finely  en- 
dowed nature,  and  which  often  reacted  upon  the  dominant 
tribes  of  purer  blood. 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  in  both  Asia 
Minor  and  Greece  proper  there  was  a  demand  for  a  more 
ecstatic  and  emotional  religion  than  that  of  the  cultivated 
Hellenes.  Of  such  religion  we  find,  as  Rohde  has  clearly 
shown,  scarcely  any  trace  in  the  Homeric  poems.  The 
gods  of  Olympus  are  to  the  aristocracy  of  Homer  anything 
but  mystic ;  on  the  contrary,  most  anthropomorphic  and 
orderly.  The  Homeric  prophet  Calchas  is  no  inspired 
man,  but  one  who  has  acquired  skill  to  read  the  future  in 
the  flight  of  birds  and  other  divine  signs.  But  there  no 
doubt  existed  in  the  Homeric  age  among  the  common 
people  a  religion  of  a  less  cultivated  and  more  enthusiastic 
character.  Not  only  were  there  locally,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  a  multitude  of  curious  observances  and  ancestral 
superstitions  ;  but  there  were  also  enthusiasms  not  attached 
to  the  soil,  but  migratory  over  the  whole  of  Greece,  taking 
root  in  district  after  district,  and  city  after  city,  and  afford- 
ing an  outlet  for  those  more  irregular  and  unrestrained 
religious  impulses  which  could  scarcely  find  scope  in  the 
service  of  the  regular  deities  of  the  cities. 

By  far  the  most  important  of  these  safety-valves,  if  we 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  199 

may  so  term  them,  of  Greek  religion  was  the  Dionysiac 
cult.  Although  the  germs  of  that  cult  existed  in  many 
places  in  the  form  of  rustic  superstitions  and  practices,  yet 
it  was  probably  after  the  Homeric  age  that  the  orgiastic 
worship  of  Dionysius  spread  over  all  Greece,  and  furnished 
a  more  complete  satisfaction  to  the  untamed  religious  en- 
thusiasms of  the  common  people.  Like  the  dance  of  death 
in  mediaeval  Europe,  the  Dionysiac  fury  passed  from  dis- 
trict to  district  of  Greece,  and  thence  into  Italy. 

In  all  countries,  women  rather  than  men  are  subject  to 
the  epidemics  of  religious  enthusiasm.  So  in  Greece  and 
Italy  it  was  the  Maenads  or  Bacchae,  women  full  of  the 
Dionysiac  passion,  who  nocked  in  swarms  to  the  waste 
places,  and  there  gave  way  to  those  strange  impulses  of 
mixed  asceticism  and  self-indulgence,  of  sensual  excess 
and  the  desire  of  a  purer  life,  which  have  in  all  countries 
marked  such  outbursts.  All  through  the  great  age  of 
Greece  the  fever  raged  intermittently ;  in  the  Hellenistic 
age  other  ecstatic  cults,  those  of  Mithras,  of  Cybele,  and 
of  Isis,  became  rivals  of  that  of  Dionysus  in  popular 
favour. 

We  moderns  find  it  hard  to  realize  that  the  cultus  of  the 
God  of  Wine,  in  which  naturally  drinking  to  excess  was  a 
regular  feature,  could  be  anything  but  debasing  and  de- 
grading. .  We  are  probably  misled  by  the  changed  way  in 
which  alcoholic  drinking  is  now  regarded.  Among  us 
excessive  indulgence  in  wine  or  spirits  is  a  sottish  and 
sensual  habit,  almost  without  higher  elements.  The  place 
which  wine  held  in  the  Bacchic  cult,  as  a  nervous  stimu- 
lant, is  partly  taken  in  modern  countries  by  other  stimu- 
lants ;  such  as  tobacco  and  tea.  The  weak  and  diluted 
wine  of  the  ancients  did  not  make  them,  as  spirits  make 
the  Englishman,  stupid  and  brutal,  but  raised  the  spirits, 
cleared  the  mind,  and  diminished  for  the  time  the  press- 
ure of  the  body.  Hence  Dionysus  was  regarded  as  the 
god  who  saved  men  from  heavy  sensuality,  and  set  the 
soul  free  from  its  corporeal  burden,  from  the  prison  of 
the  flesh,  as  the  Dionysiac  votaries  phrased  it. 

GARDNER  AND  JEVONS,  Manual  of  Greek  Antiquities,  212-213. 


2OO     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 


Italian  Emotional  Types 

Times  in  Italy  were  rude  during  the  middle  ages  ;  we 
only  had  a  war  of  castles,  they  had  the  warfare  of  the 
streets.  For  thirty-three  successive  years,  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  the  Buondelmonti  on  the  one  side  with  forty-two 
families,  and  the  Uberti,  on  the  other,  with  twenty-two 
families,  fought  without  ceasing.  They  barricaded  streets 
with  chevaux-de-f rises  and  fortified  the  houses ;  the  nobles 
filled  the  city  with  their  armed  peasants  from  the  country. 
Finally,  thirty-six  palaces,  belonging  to  the  vanquished, 
were  demolished  ;  and  if  the  town-hall  has  an  irregular 
shape,  it  is  owing  to  the  furious  vengeance  which  compelled 
the  architect  to  leave  vacant  the  detested  sites  on  which 
the  destroyed  houses  stood.  What  would  we  say  in  these 
days  if  a  battle  in  our  streets,  like  that  of  June,  lasted,  not 
merely  three  days  but  thirty  years ;  if  irrevocable  banish- 
ments deprived  the  nation  of  a  quarter  of  its  population  ; 
if  the  community  of  exiles,  in  league  with  strangers, 
roamed  around  our  frontier  awaiting  the  chances  of  a  plot, 
or  of  a  surprise,  to  force  our  walls  and  proscribe  their  per- 
secutors in  turn ;  if  enmities  and  fresh  strife  intervened  to 
irritate  the  conquerors  after  a  victory ;  if  the  city,  already 
devastated,  was  forced  to  constantly  add  to  its  devasta- 
tions ;  if  sudden  popular  tumults  arose  to  complicate  the 
internecine  struggles  of  the  nobles;  if,  every  month,  an 
insurrection  caused  the  shops  to  be  closed;  if,  every 
evening,  a  man  on  leaving  his  house,  dreaded  an  enemy  in 
ambush  at  the  nearest  corner ?  "Many  of  the  citizens," 
says  Dino  Campagni,  "  having  assembled  one  day  on  the 
square  of  the  Frescobaldi,  in  order  to  bury  a  deceased 
woman,  and,  as  was  customary  on  such  occasions,  the  citi- 
zens sitting  below  on  rush  mats  and  the  cavaliers  and 
doctors  above  on  the  benches,  the  Donati  and  the  Cerchi 
sitting  below  facing  each  other,  one  of  these,  in  order  to 
arrange  his  mantle,  or  for  some  other  reason,  arose  to  his 
feet.  His  adversaries,  suspecting  something,  sprang  up 
also  and  drew  their  swords.  The  others  did  likewise,  and 
they  came  to  blows."  Such  a  circumstance  shows  how 
high  strung  spirits  were;  burnished  swords,  ever  ready, 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  201 

leaped  of  themselves  out  of  their  scabbards.  On  leaving 
the  table,  heated  with  wine  and  words,  their  hands  itched. 
"  A  party  of  young  men  in  the  habit  of  galloping  together, 
being  at  supper  one  evening  in  the  Kalends  of  May,  be- 
came so  excited  that  they  resolved  to  engage  the  troop  of 
the  Cerchi,  and  employ  their  hands  and  arms  against  them. 
On  this  evening,  which  is  the  advent  of  Spring,  the  women 
assemble  at  the  halls  in  their  neighborhood  to  dance. 
The  young  men  of  the  Cerchi  encountered  accordingly,  the 
troop  of  the  Donati,  which  attacked  them  with  drawn 
swords.  And  in  this  encounter,  Ricoverino  of  the  Cerchi 
had  his  nose  cut  by  a  man  in  the  pay  of  the  Donati,  which 
person  it  was  said  was  Piero  Spini ;  .  .  .  but  the  Cerchi 
never  disclosed  his  name,  intending  thus  to  obtain  greater 
•vengeance."  This  expression,  almost  removed  from  our 
minds,  is  the  key  of  Italian  history  ;  the  vendetta ,  in  Corsi- 
can  fashion,  is  a  naturalized  permanent  thing  between  man 
and  man,  family  and  family,  party  and  party,  and  genera- 
tion and  generation.  "  A  worthy  young  man  named 
Guido,  son  of  Messire  Cavalcante  Cavalcanti,  and  a  noble 
cavalier,  courteous  and  brave  but  proud,  reserved  and  fond 
of  study,  at  enmity  with  Messire  Corro,  had  frequently 
resolved  to  encounter  him.  Messire  Corro  feared  him 
greatly  because  he  knew  him  to  be  of  great  courage,  and 
sought  to  assassinate  Guido  while  he  was  upon  a  pilgrim- 
age to  St.  James,  which  attempt  failed.  .  .  .  Guido,  there- 
upon, on  returning  to  Florence,  stirred  up  some  of  the 
young  men  against  him,  who  promised  him  their  aid.  And 
one  day  being  on  horseback  with  some  of  the  followers  of 
the  house  of  Cerchi  and  with  a  javelin  in  his  hand,  he 
spurred  his  horse  against  Messire  Corro,  thinking  that  he 
was  supported  by  his  party,  and,  passing  him,  he  threw 
his  javelin  at  him  without  hitting  him.  There  was  with 
Messire  Corro,  Simon,  his  son,  a  brave  and  bold  young 
man,  and  Cecchino  dei  Bardi,  and  likewise  many  others 
with  swords  who  started  in  pursuit  of  him,  but  not  over- 
taking him,  they  launched  stones  after  him  and  also  flung 
them  out  of  the  windows  on  him  so  that  he  was  wounded 
in  the  hand."  In  order  to  find  similar  practices  at  the 
present  day  we  have  to  go  to  the  placers  of  San  Francisco, 
where,  at  the  first  provocation,  in  public  and  at  balls  or  in 


202      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

a  caf6,  the  revolver  speaks,  supplying  the  place  of  police- 
men and  dispensing  with  the  formalities  of  a  duel.  Lynch 
law,  frequently  applied,  is  alone  qualified  to  pacify  such 
temperaments.  It  was  applied  now  and  then  in  Florence, 
but  too  rarely,  and  in  an  irregular  manner,  which  is  the 
reason  why  the  custom  of  looking  out  for  one's  self,  of 
ready  blows  and  honored  and  honorable  assassination,  pre- 
vailed there  up  to  the  end  of  and  beyond  the  middle  ages. 
To  make  amends,  this  custom  of  keeping  the  mind  always 
on  the  stretch,  of  constantly  occupying  it  with  painful  and 
tragic  sentiments,  rendered  it  so  much  the  more  sensitive 
to  the  arts  whose  beauty  and  serenity  afforded  such  con- 
trasts. This  deep  feudal,  stratum,  so  ploughed  and  broken 
up,  was  essential  in  order  to  provide  aliment  and  a  soil  for 
the  vivacious  roots  of  the  renaissance. 

TAINE,  Italy,  Florence  and  Venice,  translated  by  JOHN  DURAND, 
84-87. 

American  Emotional  Types 

Emotionally  and  temperamentally  the  American  people 
are  by  no  means  all  of  one  sort.  There  are  noticeable 
differences  between  the  peoples  of  one  geographical  section 
and  another,  as  the  North  and  the  South,  the  East  and 
the  West,  and  there  are,  of  course,  all  the  differences  that 
go  with  that  compositeness  of  blood  which  has  already 
been  described.  It  is  generally  recognized  that  the  New 
Englander  of  the  older  stock  is  emotionally  more  sombre 
than  the  lighter  hearted  people  of  the  South  and  the 
frankly  natural,  unrepressed  people  of  the  West.  It  is  a 
serious  question  whether  the  temperamental  gloom  which 
undeniably  was  a  characteristic  of  New  England  puritan- 
ism,  and  which  has  been  in  a  measure  diffused  throughout 
the  population  that  moved  westward  through  New  York, 
Ohio,  Michigan,  northern  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  on  into 
Iowa,  Kansas,  and  Nebraska,  has  not  been  correlated  with 
the  pathological  phenomenon  which  is  known  as  American 
nervousness,  and  especially  with  the  susceptibility  of 
American  women  in  the  northern  States  to  "  nervous  pros- 
tration." Certain  it  is  that  the  so-called  New  England  con- 
science is  less  a  fact  of  morals  than  of  temperament.  It 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  203 

is  a  disposition  to  look  too  much  upon  the  evils  of  life  and 
the  shortcomings  of  mankind ;  to  be  less  kind  to  virtue 
and  blind  to  faults  than  infallible  in  discovering  sin.  Nat- 
urally with  this  temperamental  quality  the  people  of  puri- 
tan blood  and  traditions  in  their  emotionalism  have  tended 
somewhat  toward  fanaticism.  The  spontaneous  expression 
of  human  feeling  cannot  habitually  be  repressed,  and  the 
world  cannot  habitually  be  looked  at  in  a  spirit  of  condem- 
nation, without  creating  forces  which  at  times  will  burst 
forth  in  destructive  activity.  To  one  familiar  through  his 
historical  studies  with  the  teaching  and  the  practice  of 
New  England  puritanism  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago, 
it  is  wonderful  not  that  the  witches  of  Salem  should  have 
been  hanged,  or  that  the  Baptists  and  Quakers  of  Massa- 
chusetts should  have  been  expelled,  but  rather  that  there 
should  not  have  been  extensive  persecutions,  accompanied 
by  great  cruelty  and  widespread  criminality.  It  speaks 
volumes  for  the  average  good  sense  and  the  high  intelli- 
gence of  the  people  of  New  England  and  their  descend- 
ants, that  the  fanaticism  which  undoubtedly  they  have 
exhibited  at  one  and  another  time  has  been  relatively  mild 
and  harmless,  and  that  it  has  almost  without  exception 
been  called  out  by  evil  conditions  that  right  feeling  men 
could  not  fail  to  abhor.  The  anti-slavery  movement,  for 
example,  was  not  devoid  of  the  element  of  fanaticism ;  the 
prohibition  and  allied  temperance  movements  have  had 
their  measure  of  it,  especially  in  Maine  and  in  Kansas. 
The  anti-Mormon  feeling  in  the  days  when  the  followers 
of  Joseph  Smith  were  being  driven  from  New  York  to 
Ohio,  from  Ohio  to  Illinois,  and  from  Illinois  to  Missouri 
and  beyond,  was  marked  by  both  fanaticism  and  crimi- 
nality, and  it  is  safe  to  say  that  calm  minded  men  two 
hundred  years  from  now,  who  read  the  anti-imperialistic 
literature  which  has  been  put  forth  since  the  Spanish  War, 
will  find  it  not  wholly  free  from  the  fanatical  spirit. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 

Emotional  Types :  New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

A  majority  of  the  dwellers  in  Block    X   belong   to  an 
emotional  type  that  may  be  called  the  Joyous-Sanguine. 


204      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

A  certain  degree  of  joyousness,  that  is  to  say,  a  capa- 
bility of  rejoicing  upon  very  slight  and  simple  provocation, 
and  in  spite  of  the  hardships  of  their  lives,  is  the  prevail- 
ing emotional  state  of  these  people.  This  state  is  to  be 
distinguished  from  cheerfulness.  Relatively  few  of  these 
families  are  habitually  bright  and  cheerful.  This  minor- 
ity is  composed  of  the  Americans,  Irish  and  Italians  that 
are  prosperous.  The  joyous  majority  are  not  always 
happy,  but  their  natural  tendencies  are  towards  happiness 
when  conditions  are  reasonably  favorable. 

Morose  natures  are  exceptional,  and  most  of  these  are 
persons  who,  because  of  old  age  or  physical  weakness,  are 
completely  discouraged  by  their  misfortunes.  Among 
them,  however,  are  a  few  Hebrews  whose  natures  seem 
always  to  have  been  gloomy. 

The  Italians  on  occasion  exhibit  fear,  anger,  jealousy, 
and  hatred.  Their  fear  is  largely  due  to  their  inability  to 
understand  American  ways  and  their  continual  dread  of 
officers.  They  cannot  free  themselves  from  the  attitude 
toward  officers  that  has  developed  in  their  native  land. 

A  majority  of  this  community  are  sanguine  in  tempera- 
ment. The  very  fact  that  they  have  come  to  this  country 
with  exceedingly  small  resources  is  evidence  enough  of  this. 
Their  hopefulness  is  really  their  principal  capital.  There 
is  scarcely  a  family  in  the  group  that  has  not  suffered  very 
trying  misfortunes,  but  all  have  been  buoyed  up  by  their 
sanguine  temperament. 

The  few  choleric  temperaments  include  certain  quarrel- 
some Italians  who  have  suffered  more  reverses  than  they 
could  endure,  but  who  have  not  yet  given  up  the  struggle 
and  become  melancholic. 

The  melancholic  minority  is  very  small  and  is  composed 
chiefly  of  Hebrews.  Other  nationalities,  however,  contrib- 
ute individuals  that  have  broken  down  in  health  and  in 
spirit. 

JONES,  S.  C.  B.,  75-76. 

American  Intellective  Types 

Emotion  and  temperament  are  closely  bound  up  with 
qualities  of  imagination,  peculiarities  of  belief,  and  habits 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  205 

of  reasoning.  These  mental  complexes,  as  exemplified  in 
the  American  people,  can  best  be  understood  if  we  look 
for  their  manifestations  in  the  three  European  racial 
varieties.  The  Mediterranean  stocks  are  emotionally 
quick,  easily  excited,  and  as  easily  quieted.  The  Baltic 
peoples  are  slower  to  awaken,  but  their  feelings  once 
aroused  are  persistent.  The  Alpine  stocks,  differing  from 
both  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Baltic,  are  slow,  contem- 
plative, and  tender  hearted.  The  imagination  of  the  Alpine 
peoples  is  sentimental,  concerning  itself  with  subjective 
moods  and  fancies,  and  is  often  singularly  beautiful  in  its 
play  of  feeling.  The  imagination  of  the  Mediterranean 
peoples  is  plastic,  seeking  expression  in  architecture,  sculp- 
ture, and  painting ;  that  of  the  Baltic  peoples  is  dramatic, 
seeking  expression  in  action,  and  in  dramatic  art. 

Among  the  Mediterranean  peoples  belief  is  determined 
on  the  whole  objectively,  by  external  suggestion,  falling 
short,  however,  of  evidence  in  a  scientific  sense  of  the 
word.  Among  the  Alpine  and  the  Baltic  peoples  there 
is  a  tendency  towards  a  subjectively  formed  judgment,  — 
an  acceptance  of  beliefs  suggested  and  moulded  less  by 
external  facts,  evidential  or  otherwise,  than  by  emotion, 
mood,  and  temperament.  This  trait  has  been  revealed 
especially  in  the  powerful  hold  which  dogmatic  theology 
has  had  upon  the  northern  European  mind,  and  in  the 
German  fondness  for  speculative  philosophy.  The  habit  of 
inductive  research,  and  of  arriving  at  conclusions  by  a 
scientific  weighing  of  evidence,  seems  to  be  correlated  with 
a  mixture  of  bloods ;  of  Baltic  with  Mediterranean  or  Al- 
pine, or  of  Alpine  with  Mediterranean.  This  has  been 
shown  in  Galton's  studies  of  Englishmen  of  science,  and 
it  is  further  rendered  probable  by  the  geographical  distri- 
bution of  the  scientific  mind  elsewhere  in  Europe.  Science 
has  been  developed  chiefly  where  these  racial  varieties 
have  most  thoroughly  intermingled  and  amalgamated. 

So  far,  then,  as  the  fundamental  qualities  of  mind  are 
concerned  no  harm  can  come  to  us  through  the  infusion 
of  a  larger  measure  of  Mediterranean  and  Alpine  blood. 
It  will  soften  the  emotional  nature,  it  will  quicken  the 
poetic  and  artistic  nature.  We  shall  be  a  more  versatile, 
a  more  plastic  people ;  gentler  in  our  thoughts  and  feel- 


206      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

ings  because  of  the  Alpine  strain,  livelier  and  brighter, 
with  a  higher  power  to  enjoy  the  beautiful  things  of  life, 
because  of  the  Celtic  and  the  Latin  blood.  And  probably 
through  the  commingling  of  bloods,  we  shall  become  more 
clearly  and  fearlessly  rational;  in  a  word,  more  scientific. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 

Intellective  Types  :    New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

Very  few  individuals  in  this  community  are  capable 
either  of  scepticism  or  of  balanced  judgment.  A  majority 
are  credulous  and  many  are  suspicious,  especially  among 
the  Hebrews  and  Italians. 

Credulity  was  oftenest  revealed  by  a  complete  faith  in 
strangers.  A  common  belief  in  the  fortune  or  misfortune 
foretold  by  cards  indicated  both  credulity  and  superstition. 

Superstition  is  somewhat  less  common  than  credulity, 
however.  The  Jew  has  the  Mesusa  upon  his  door  post 
and  the  Italian  hangs  his  beads  at  the  head  of  his  bed  and 
a  holy  picture  on  the  wall  at  his  feet.  In  one  house  super- 
stition was  used  to  accomplish  a  practical  end  through  the 
medium  of  the  much  condemned  "  chain  letter."  A  type- 
written letter  of  this  kind  had  been  mailed  in  an  open 
envelope  with  a  one-cent  stamp.  It  requested  each  person 
to  send  twenty-five  cents  to  the  minister  or  priest,  and  also 
the  name  and  address  of  three  friends.  As  a  reward  for 
doing  this,  the  letter  carefully  explained  that  the  enclosed 
aluminum  heart-shaped  medal  with  a  cross  upon  it  was 
blessed,  and  promised  that  the  three  friends,  when  their 
names  were  received,  should  receive  similar  medals. 

Belief,  in  a  majority  of  these  people,  is  objectively  de- 
termined by  external  suggestion.  In  comparatively  few  is 
it  internally  determined  by  emotion,  mood,  or  temperament, 
and  in  very  few  objectively,  by  evidence. 

The  reasoning  of  a  majority  is  of  the  conjectural  type, 
being  little  more  than  guess  work.  Very  few  reason 
speculatively  and  none,  so  far  as  discovered,  inductively. 

JONES,  S.  C.  £.,  76-77. 

Relative  Extent  of  Resemblance  in  Instinct,  Feeling,  and 
Intellect.  —  The  individuals  making  up  any  social  popula- 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  207 

tion  are  more  alike  in  instinct  than  in  feeling,  and  more 
alike  in  feeling  than  in  intellect ;  or,  to  express  the  same 
fact  in  a  slightly  different  way,  the  resemblance  in  instinct 
is  wider,  that  is,  it  includes  more  individuals  than  the  re- 
semblance in  feeling,  and  the  resemblance  in  feeling  is 
wider  than  the  resemblance  in  intellect. 

Utilization 

Utilization  is  the  deliberate  and  systematic  adaptation  of 
the  external  world  to  ourselves. 

Degrees  of  Utilization.  —  Like  the  degrees  of  apprecia- 
tion, the  degrees  of  utilization  are  determined  by  the  range 
of  experience. 

Motives  of  Utilization.  —  The  motives  which  lead  men 
to  attempt  to  utilize  their  environment,  and  to  adapt  it  to 
themselves,  include,  need  or  intolerance  of  pain ;  appetite, 
or  craving  for  pleasure ;  the  sense  of  power,  and  the  love 
of  exercising  power ;  and  rational  desire,  or  the  craving  of 
our  entire  intellectual  and  moral  nature  for  the  higher 
satisfactions. 

Motives  of  Utilization :  New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

A  large  majority  of  the  families  in  this  block  are  in- 
fluenced by  the  sense  of  appetite  in  their  search  and 
demand  for  food  and  pleasures.  These  people  are  so 
frugal  and  industrious  that  but  few  are  urged  on  by  the 
motive  of  absolute  need.  Some  in  full  health,  strong  of 
body  and  active  in  spirit,  are  moved  by  a  sense  of  power 
and  a  passion  to  exercise  it.  A  few  are  controlled  by 
rational  desire,  indicated  by  their  struggles  for  the  educa- 
tion of  their  children  in  the  courses  in  music  and  in  art. 
The  majority  of  these  are  of  Jewish  families. 

Making  the  distribution  somewhat  more  precise,  we  can 
say,  with  a  close  approach  to  accuracy,  that  in  13  families 


208      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

dwelling  in  this  block  the  dominant  economic  motive  is 
need,  and  that  it  is  a  subordinate  motive  in  29  families ; 
that  appetite  is  the  dominant  economic  motive  in  181 
families,  and  a  subordinate  motive  in  12;  that  love  of 
power  is  the  dominant  economic  motive  in  2  families  and 
a  subordinate  motive  in  no  families,  and  that  rational 
desire  is  the  dominant  economic  motive  in  2  families  and 
a  subordinate  motive  in  22  families. 

JONES,  S.  C.  £.,  49. 

Methods  of  Utilization.  —  The  motives  of  utilization  work 
themselves  out  in  actual  utilization  through  four  chief 
methods,  namely,  (i)  attack,  (2)  instigation,  (3)  direction 
(including  impression  and  domination),  (4)  invention. 


Methods  of  Utilization :  New  York  City  Tenement 
Dwellers 

The  methods  whereby  men  utilize  their  environment, 
adapting  it  to  their  needs,  and  making  both  inanimate  things 
and  their  fellow-beings  serve  their  wants  are  :  attack ;  in- 
stigation, and  the  response  thereto  in  imitation  ;  direction, 
largely  by  means  of  the  mental  power  of  a  strong  will  to 
impress  a  weak  one ;  and,  lastly,  invention. 

People  living  in  a  city  block  are  commonly  above  the 
rude  methods  of  attack  whereby  brutes  and  savages  gain  a 
livelihood.  Yet  a  measure  of  it  is  sometimes  seen  in  con- 
nection with  other  forces.  The  lower  classes  of  laborers 
engaged  in  the  simplest  and  roughest  work  of  handling 
material  in  the  raw  state  seem  at  times  to  exist  by  mere 
brute  force. 

The  imitative  instinct  prevails.  The  foreign-born  follow 
the  example  of  those  who  have  been  in  the  country  longer, 
and,  being  of  the  lower  economic  strata,  they  look  for 
methods  of  procedure  to  those  who  have  attained  a  position 
which  they  hope  to  reach.  The  directive  method  is  often 
seen  in  the  house  into  which  the  immigrants  enter.  The 
naturalized  elements  take  on  a  directive  attitude  toward 
the  new-comers,  and  use  them  for  their  own  profit.  But 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  209 

it  is  not  those  who  are  directive  in  this  rather  artificial  sense 
that  are  here  recorded  as  such,  but  rather  those  who  are 
naturally  leaders,  strong  and  commanding  in  mind  or  body. 
In  1 8  families  those  more  brutal  methods  of  utilization 
that  approximate  closely  to  savage  attack  were  obvious 
enough  to  indicate  that  they  would  dominate  economic  con- 
duct, but  for  the  restraints  of  a  civilized  environment.  In 
86  families  these  methods,  still  apparent,  were  further  sub- 
ordinated. In  174  families  imitation  is  the  dominant  eco- 
nomic method,  and  in  17  others  an  important  subordinate 
method.  In  6  families  direction  of  others  asserts  itself  as 
the  dominant  method,  and  in  27  families  as  a  subordinate 
method. 

JONES,  S.  C.  B.,  57-58. 

Types  of  Disposition 

Methods  and  habits  of  utilization  combine  with  reactions 
of  the  environment  upon  individuals  to  create  Types  of 
Disposition.  Commonly,  however,  the  individual  is  not 
conscious  of  these  reactions,  while  the  moulding  of  char- 
acter, to  be  spoken  of  later  on  under  the  title  Characteri- 
zation, results  from  a  conscious  effort  of  the  individual  to 
adapt  himself  to  his  environment. 

Classification  of  Dispositions.  —  The  four  great  types  of 
disposition  are,  the  Aggressive  ;  the  Instigative,  which  works 
through  other  men  by  suggestion,  temptation,  or  persua- 
sion; the  Domineering,  which  asserts  authority,  commands, 
superintends,  and  guides  ;  and  the  Creative,  which  assumes 
responsibility  for  new  and  complicated  enterprises. 

American  Dispositions 

In  disposition  the  Alpine  stocks  are  somewhat  lacking 
in  ambition  ;  they  care  little  for  the  outward  circumstances 
of  life  and  still  less  for  all  that  we  mean  by  the  phrase 
"keeping  up  appearances."  The  economist  would  de- 


2io     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

scribe  them  by  saying  that  their  standard  of  living  is  rela- 
tively low.  The  Mediterranean  stocks  are  leisure  loving, 
but  not  indolent.  They  lack  aggressiveness,  and  in  so  far 
as  they  work  upon  human  beings  in  their  industrial  and 
political  activities,  they  are  instigative  rather  than  domi- 
neering in  their  methods.  The  Baltic  peoples  are  aggres- 
sive, domineering,  and  creative.  In  energy  and  ambition 
they  surpass  other  branches  of  the  white  race.  The  great 
predominance  of  the  Baltic  stocks  in  the  American  popu- 
lation hitherto,  combined  with  the  conditions  peculiar  to 
a  new  country,  have  made  us  preeminently  an  energetic, 
practical  people,  above  all,  an  industrial  and  political  peo- 
ple. There  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  dilution  of 
the  Baltic  blood  which  is  now  going  on  will  be  sufficient  to 
impair  seriously  these  qualities,  particularly  in  view  of  the 
fact  already  presented,  that  the  Mississippi  valley,  over- 
whelmingly English-Teutonic  in  stock,  industrially  and 
politically  dominates  the  continent. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 

Relative  Extent  of  Each  of  the  Four  Types  of  Disposi- 
tion.—  While  we  lack  adequate  statistical  material  from 
which  to  determine  the  distribution  of  the  types  of  dis- 
position, common  observation  assures  us  that  instigative 
dispositions  are  more  numerous  than  the  aggressive,  and 
much  more  numerous  than  the  domineering,  while  rela- 
tively few  dispositions  are  creative. 

Dispositions :  New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

The  Irish  form  the  larger  proportion  of  the  aggressive. 
The  Jews  contribute  largely  to  the  instigative  and  imitative 
type.  Many  of  them  have  the  understanding  to  be  direc- 
tive but  they  lack  the  virile  aggressiveness  necessary 
to  directive  power.  The  majority  of  Italians  are  divided 
between  the  two  lower  types.  The  creative  type,  as  mani- 
fested in  the  entrepreneur  who  assumes  responsibility,  is 
not  represented. 

The  totals  are  as  follows :  Ten  families  are  in  disposition 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  211 

of  the  merely  aggressive  type,  and  so  also  are  individual 
members  of  1 1 1  other  families.  Two  hundred  and  one 
families  are  instigative  or  imitative  in  disposition,  and  so 
also  are  individual  members  of  9  other  families.  Thirty- 
one  families  are  directive  or  domineering  in  disposition, 
and  so  also  are  individual  members  of  59  other  families. 

JONES,  S.  C.  B.,  77-78. 

Characterization 

By  the  practical  activity  of  characterization  is  meant  the 
adjustment  of  the  individual  to  his  environment,  which  be- 
comes necessary  when  he  can  no  farther  adapt  the  environ- 
ment to  himself,  and  the  resulting  moulding  of  character. 

Degrees  of  Characterization.  —  Like  the  degrees  of  ap- 
preciation and  of  utilization,  the  degrees  of  characterization 
are  determined  by  the  range  of  experience. 

Motives  of  Characterization.  —  The  motives  of  charac- 
terization include  neglected  desires,  new  desires,  the  sense 
of  the  authority  of  integral  desire  —  the  authority  of  the 
desires  of  the  organism  in  their  entirety,  as  over  against 
any  particular  desire,  and  a  sense  of  proportion  in  life. 

Motives  of  Characterization:  New  York  City  Tenement 
Dwellers 

The  dominant  moral  motive  of  an  ordinarily  intelligent 
person,  not  too  much  controlled  by  religious  mandates,  is, 
more  or  less  unconsciously,  the  desire  for  complete  develop- 
ment. This  is  more  true,  however,  of  the  deliberative  in- 
dividual than  of  the  impulsive.  The  latter  is  likely  to  be 
controlled  by  new  desires,  and  when  neglected  desires  rise 
into  power,  he  rushes  into  excesses.  American  manners, 
dress,  industrial  conditions,  all  give  rise  to  new  desires  in 
the  heart  of  the  immigrant,  and  many  families  in  this  block 
have  been  classified  as  largely  dominated  by  them.  But 


212      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  largest  proportion  is  classified  with  those  that  are  con- 
trolled by  the  authority  of  the  integral  personality.  This 
is  an  unconscious  yearning  for  complete  development  along 
all  lines  —  physical,  mental,  and  moral.  The  Jews,  with 
their  calculating  and  discriminating  disposition,  form  a 
large  part  of  this  class.  They  are  generally  obedient  to 
the  demands  of  the  larger  life.  They  are  careful  of  their 
bodies  and  of  their  minds.  They  hasten  to  obtain  all  avail- 
able things  that  contribute  to  their  development.  Very 
few  families  in  this  block  have  any  conception  of  propor- 
tion in  life,  and  none  has  been  recorded  as  chiefly  domi- 
nated by  this  Platonic  motive. 

The  record  of  observation  on  this  subject  is  as  follows: 
In  one  family  only,  hitherto  neglected  desires,  reasserting 
their  power,  are  the  dominant  moral  motive ;  in  five  fami- 
lies they  are  a  subordinate  motive.  In  58  families  new 
desires  are  the  dominant,  in  132  families  they  are  a  sub- 
ordinate moral  motive.  In  150  families  a  sense  of  the 
authority  of  an  integral  personality,  a  larger  life,  is  the 
dominant,  in  58  families  it  is  a  subordinate  moral  motive. 

JONES,  S.  C.  £.,  50. 

The  Methods  of  Characterization.  —  The  methods  of 
characterization  are,  persistence,  accommodation,  self- 
denial,  and  self-control. 


Methods  of  Characterization :  New  York  City  Tenement 

Dwellers 

In  a  community  largely  composed  of  immigrants,  accom- 
modation is  naturally  the  prevailing  mode  of  characteriza- 
tion. The  conditions  about  them  are  strange,  and  they 
must  adapt  their  mode  of  life  to  them.  Their  relation  to 
the  landlords,  the  employers,  the  government,  and  the 
people  about  them,  have  little  in  common  with  correspond- 
ing relations  in  their  native  land.  It  is  likely  that  the 
Russian  Jews  find  the  greatest  differences  between  their 
new  life  and  the  old.  Life  "  within  the  pale  "  to  which 
the  Jew  in  Russia  is  limited  and  the  freedom  in  this  country 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  213 

are  at  opposite  extre  ties.  Within  the  pale  the  individual 
Jew  is  perfectly  free  from  the  direct  action  of  the  govern- 
ment. Government  oppression  falls  upon  the  community 
as  a  whole,  and  the  individual  is  not  conscious  of  it  as 
coming  from  the  government,  but  as  an  act  of  Providence 
which  cannot  be  avoided.  The  Jews'  impression  of 
American  freedom  is  at  first  very  peculiar.  They  are  con- 
fused by  it.  In  Russia  they  could  dress  and  worship  as 
they  pleased  ;  here  they  find  that  they  must  conform  to  the 
American  customs  or  be  the  object  of  unpleasant  ridicule. 
The  government  deals  directly  with  the  individual,  and  in 
our  larger  cities  municipal  control  often  seems  paternal  to 
them.  They  conclude  that  the  freedom  which  they  sought 
is  not  here.  Through  the  process  of  accommodation  they 
gradually  take  up  our  customs  and  the  real  meaning  of  our 
institutions  dawns  upon  them. 

The  Jew  is  ever  ready  to  adopt  the  best  in  the  system 
of  others  in  order  to  be  successful.  Even  his  reputed  per- 
sistence in  religion  gives  way  to  accommodation  for  the  sake 
of  more  useful  ends.  His  desire  for  superiority,  in  what- 
ever realm  he  chooses,  is  the  motive  of  all  his  activities ; 
for  this  he  accommodates  his  own  manners  to  those  of  others, 
for  this  he  denies  himself.  His  natural  inclinations  are 
controlled  to  suit  the  end  which  he  wishes  to  accomplish. 

The  Irish  and  American  families  of  this  block  are  either 
of  the  higher  class  in  which  self-control  prevails,  or  of  that 
in  which  accommodation  is  the  method  of  characterization. 
Too  often  it  is  the  latter,  for  they  are  willing  to  accept  condi- 
tions as  they  are  rather  than  to  struggle,  deny  themselves, 
and  attain  to  better  conditions.  This  is  especially  true  of  the 
"  left-over "  class,  which  has  been  deserted  by  the  more 
ambitious  Irish  and  American  families.  The  accommoda- 
tion of  these  people  is  different  from  that  of  the  Jews,  in 
that  the  latter  act  consciously  and  for  a  purpose  while  the 
former  act  unconsciously,  merely  resigning  themselves  to 
the  new  conditions  forced  upon  them. 

The  persistent  class  is  composed  of  the  conservative 
element  of  the  community,  and  of  the  ignorant  and  dull, 
but  thrifty,  people.  The  old  people  and  a  portion  of  every 
nationality  in  the  block  possess  persistency  of  purpose. 
The  severe  economic  pressure  of  life  in  a  large  city  forces 


214      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

many  of  these  families  to  a  mode  of  action  different  from 
the  natural.  The  Italian,  by  nature  volatile  and  unsteady, 
under  the  stress  of  circumstances  becomes  persistent  and 
self-denying  in  his  endeavours  for  success.  The  most  re- 
markable instance  of  accommodation  seen  in  this  block  is 
that  furnished  by  the  cooperative  plan  of  living  adopted  by 
several  Italian  families.  Independently  of  one  another 
four  groups  of  two  or  three  families  each  ate  all  their 
meals  in  common.  They  had  undoubtedly  chosen  this 
manner  of  living  in  order  to  succeed  under  the  new  condi- 
tions found  in  this  country. 

In  21  families  mere  persistence  was  found  to  be  the 
dominant  method  of  accommodation,  and  in  121  more  fami- 
lies a  subordinate  method.  In  149  families  accommodation 
was  the  dominant,  and  in  5 1  families  a  subordinate  method. 
In  43  families  self-denial  was  the  dominant,  and  in  62 
families  a  subordinate  method.  In  27  families  self-control 
was  the  dominant,  and  in  22  families  the  subordinate 
method. 

JONES,  S.  C.  B.,  58-60. 


Types  of  Character 

Produced  by  the  different  degrees  of  motive  and  of 
method  are  four  great  Types  of  Character,  which,  as  modes 
of  mental  and  practical  resemblance,  are  not  less  impor- 
tant among  factors  of  society,  than  are  the  types  of  emo- 
tion, of  intellect,  and  of  disposition. 

Classification  of  Types.  The  types  of  character  created 
by  the  activities  and  methods  of  characterization  are,  I, 
the  Forceful,  in  which  are  emphasized  the  qualities  of 
courage  and  power ;  2,  the  Convivial,  or  pleasure-loving 
tyPe  5  3,  the  Austere,  a  product  of  reaction  against  the 
excesses  of  convivial  indulgence;  and  4,  the  Rationally- 
Conscientious,  a  product  of  the  reaction  against  and  prog- 
ress beyond  the  austere  type. 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  215 


Genesis  of  Character  Types 

To  a  majority  of  men,  the  struggle  for  existence  is  still 
fraught  with  difficulty  and  risk,  and  often  with  peril. 
Most  men,  therefore,  still  have  need  of  force  and  courage, 
and  most  men  profoundly  admire  these  qualities.  It  is 
doubtful  if  the  transition  from  chronic  warfare  to  a  busy 
industrial  civilization  materially  diminishes  the  demand  for 
primitive  virtues.  Not  only  the  soldier  and  the  marine, 
but  also  the  common  sailor,  the  explorer  and  the  engineer, 
the  ranchman  and  the  miner,  and  even  the  farmer  and  the 
mechanic,  are  compelled  by  the  daily  exigencies  of  their 
lives  to  scorn  and  cast  out  the  over-timid  co-worker. 
Consequently  it  is  not  among  primitive  men  only  that 
physical  prowess  is  valued  above  all  other  gifts.  In  mod- 
ern populations,  also,  the  average  man,  who  cares  little  for 
the  graces  of  body  or  of  mind,  is  likely  to  care  everything 
for  the  mere  power  to  achieve.  The  strong  and  valorous 
comrade  he  admires  above  all  other  characters.  This 
universal  adoration  of  power  is  modified  or  coloured,  of 
course,  by  other  emotions  and  by  the  intellectual  processes. 
It  may  even  take  the  form  of  a  supreme  admiration  of 
intellectual  or  moral  power,  as  distinguished  from  physical 
strength,  but  in  one  or  another  form  it  is  the  ruling  senti- 
ment, the  fundamental  preference  of  mankind.  The  prize 
fighter,  the  athlete,  the  military  hero,  the  imperturbable 
leader  who  can  withstand  the  assaults  of  malignity,  these 
are  the  popular  idols. 

To  mankind  generally  the  chief  relaxation  in  the 
struggle  for  existence  is  found  in  social  pleasures  of  the 
convivial  type.  Enough  not  only  to  eat,  but  also  to  drink, 
the  jovial  pleasures  of  feast  and  bout,  these  rude  rewards 
of  dangerous  toil  are  still  dear  to  the  average  man.  And 
so,  most  naturally,  when  peril  is  past  and  the  day's  work 
is  done,  the  average  man  desires  that  his  companions,  like 
himself,  shall  enter  into  the  spirit  of  good-fellowship.  The 
convivial  man  becomes  a  type  of  character  widely  appre- 
ciated. Like  the  valorous,  this  type  is  modified  and  refined 
in  various  ways,  but  chiefly  by  prosperity  and  the  differ- 
entiating effects  of  increasing  wealth.  In  prosperous 


2i6     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

communities  the  convivial  man  becomes  the  pleasure-lov- 
ing man  in  manifold  avatars.  At  his  best  he  is  the  gracious 
man;  and,  as  such,  he  often  is  a  popular  idol  only  less 
adored  than  the  military  herb.  As  such,  he  must  be  a 
prosperous  man,  and  gifted.  But  above  all  things  he  must, 
with  his  accomplishments,  combine  generosity,  liberality 
of  spirit,  and  the  love  of  enjoyment.  By  his  talents  or  his 
wealth  he  must  contribute  in  numberless  ways  to  the  pleas- 
ure of  his  fellow-men.  Withal,  he  must  be  a  complaisant 
man,  a  respecter  of  the  social  virtues,  but  discreetly  and 
often  more  than  a  little  blind  to  the  reigning  faults  and 
follies  of  a  luxurious  age. 

Thus  two  of  the  generic  ideals  of  character  spring 
directly  from  a  successful  struggle  for  existence.  The 
valorous  man  and  the  convivial  man  are  nature's  pri- 
mordial products  in  the  moral  realm.  But  in  this  realm,  as 
in  that  of  physical  life,  nature  is  wasteful  to  a  degree  that 
appals  imagination.  That  we  may  see  one  life  of  truly 
heroic  mould,  she  spawns  a  million  stalwart  brutes ;  and 
that  we  may  have  the  truly  gracious  strain,  she  permits 
unnumbered  roisterers  to  waste  not  only  their  substance, 
but  even  their  inmost  souls. 

It  is  by  reaction  against  these  wastes  that  we  get  the 
two  remaining  types  and  ideals  of  character.  In  some  of 
those  who  have  too  often  seen  a  jovial  intoxication  end  in 
sottishness ;  who  have  too  often  seen  luxury  pass  over  into 
debauchery  and  wantonness ;  who  have  even  seen  gracious- 
ness  become  a  wretched  deceit  that  ends  in  dishonour,  a 
healthy  opposition  has  been  aroused,  and  they  have  begun 
to  demand  of  themselves  and  of  their  associates  the  exer- 
cise of  a  decent  self-restraint.  Under  circumstances  of 
prolonged  and  general  hardship,  when  the  mere  mainten- 
ance of  life  becomes  difficult,  this  demand  is  strengthened 
by  experiences  of  intolerable  burdens  laid  upon  the  prudent 
by  all  extravagant  indulgences  on  the  part  of  the  reckless. 
Under  such  circumstances,  the  demand  is  not  only  for  self- 
restraint,  but  also  for  self-denial.  It  is  then  that  the  aus- 
tere man,  who  can  firmly  put  aside  the  pleasures  of  life, 
and  in  mere  duty  give  himself  to  severe  employments,  is 
idealized  by  thousands  of  those  humble  and  patient  ones 
to  whom  the  struggle  for  existence  has  brought  neither 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  217 

any  great  success  nor  overwhelming  disaster,  but  only  life 
itself,  in  exchange  for  unremitting  toil. 

The  austere  man,  therefore,  is  the  character-ideal  of  a 
section  of  mankind  by  no  means  insignificant.  Variously 
known  in  history  as  the  Hebraic,  the  Roman,  the  Puritan 
type,  he  has  often  commanded  an  uncompromising  alle- 
giance and  played  a  leading  rdle. 

But  from  the  ranks  of  austere  men,  inured  to  hardship, 
there  continually  spring  those  individuals,  numbered  in 
modern  times  by  tens  of  thousands,  who  achieve  a  real  and 
often  a  great  success  in  the  universal  struggle.  To  such, 
mere  existence  is  no  longer  the  sole  reward  of  effort. 
Opportunities  open  before  them  for  an  expansion  of  life. 
For  them  emotion  is  attuned  and  coloured,  and  the  ranges 
of  thought  are  widened.  They  do  not  cease  to  be  self- 
restrained,  but  they  become  intellectually  fearless.  They 
can  no  longer  think  of  self-denial  as  inherently  good,  but 
they  can  make  sacrifices  for  worthy  ends.  Enlightened, 
yet  still  sincere,  they  look  with  tolerant  minds  upon  much 
which  they  do  not  commend.  In  such  men  is  born  the 
highest  of  all  ideals  of  character,  that  of  the  rationally 
conscientious  man.  Always  striving  to  break  through  nar- 
rowing limitations,  but  casting  aside  pretence  of  every 
sort,  the  rationally  conscientious  man  endeavours  in  his 
conduct  to  express  and  to  perfect  his  own  essential  nature. 
Perceiving  in  himself  many  unrealized  possibilities,  some 
of  larger  life  and  some  of  moral  decay,  he  looks  frankly 
at  them  all,  and,  resisting  those  that  make  for  degenera- 
tion, without  apology  yields  to  those  of  growth.  His  habit, 
therefore,  is  not  that  of  indulgence  for  its  own  sake  or  of 
self-denial  for  its  own  sake :  it  is  a  rational  choosing  of 
the  larger  life.  Thus  the  perfect  ideal  of  rationally  con- 
scientious manhood  contains  the  notion  of  self-realization, 
and,  on  the  objective  side,  that  of  meliorism  or  progress. 
The  rationally  conscientious  man  believes  in  the  mental 
and  moral  advancement  of  his  race.  Exploring  the  wider 
possibilities  of  conscious  existence,  he  tries  to  establish 
the  intellectual  habit,  to  broaden  knowledge,  to  perfect  the 
forms  of  beauty  in  manners  and  in  art,  to  enlighten  the 
ignorant,  to  open  new  opportunities  to  those  who  have 
enjoyed  but  little,  to  improve  the  forms  of  society  and  of 


218      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  state,  and  to  perform  with  wisdom  the   duties  of  a 
citizen. 

These,  then,  are  the  four  original  ideals  of  character, 
created  directly,  or  through  reaction,  by  the  struggle  for 
existence.  In  every  population  they  are  simultaneously 
held,  and  nearly  every  individual  admires  or  believes  in 
more  than  one  of  them  ;  not,  however,  with  equal  intensity. 
In  a  majority  of  minds  the  ideal  of  valour  is  supreme,  but 
the  convivial  man  is  next  best  beloved.  To  a  large  mi- 
nority of  minds  the  ideal  of  the  austere  man  appeals  with 
constraining  power.  The  rationally  conscientious  man 
remains  the  ideal  of  the  relatively  few. 

GIDDINGS,  Democracy  and  Empire,  317-320. 

Forceful  Character :  Julius  Caesar 

Thus  far  have  we  followed  Caesar's  actions  before  the 
wars  of  Gaul.  After  this,  he  seems  to  begin  his  course 
afresh,  and  to  enter  upon  a  new  life  and  scene  of  action. 
And  the  period  of  those  wars  which  he  now  fought,  and 
those  many  expeditions  in  which  he  subdued  Gaul, 
showed  him  to  be  a  soldier  and  general  not  in  the  least 
inferior  to  any  of  the  greatest  and  most  admired  com- 
manders who  had  ever  appeared  at  the  head  of  armies. 
For  if  we  compare  him  with  the  Fabii,  the  Metelli,  the 
Scipios,  and  with  those  who  were  his  contemporaries,  or 
not  long  before  him,  Sylla,  Marius,  the  two  Luculli,  or  even 
Pompey  himself,  whose  glory,  it  may  be  said,  went  up  at 
that  time  to  heaven  for  every  excellence  in  war,  we  shall 
find  Caesar's  actions  to  have  surpassed  them  all.  One  he 
may  be  held  to  have  outdone  in  consideration  of  the  diffi- 
culty of  the  country  in  which  he  fought,  another  in  the 
extent  of  territory  which  he  conquered ;  some,  in  the 
number  and  strength  of  the  enemies  whom  he  defeated  ; 
one  man,  because  of  the  wildness  and  perfidiousness  of  the 
tribes  whose  good-will  he  conciliated,  another  in  his  hu- 
manity and  clemency  to  those  he  overpowered  ;  others, 
again,  in  his  gifts  and  kindnesses  to  his  soldiers  ;  all  alike  in 
the  number  of  the  battles  which  he  fought  and  the  enemies 
whom  he  killed.  For  he  had  not  pursued  the  wars  in 
Gaul  full  ten  years,  when  he  had  taken  by  storm  above 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  2191 

eight  hundred  towns,  subdued  three  hundred  states,  and  of 
the  three  millions  of  men,  who  made  up  the  gross  sum  of 
those  with  whom  at  several  times  he  engaged,  he  had 
killed  one  million,  and  taken  captive  a  second. 

He  was  so  much  master  of  the  good-will  and  hearty 
service  of  his  soldiers,  that  those  who  in  other  expeditions 
were  but  ordinary  men,  displayed  a  courage  past  defeat- 
ing or  withstanding  when  they  went  upon  any  danger 
where  Caesar's  glory  was  concerned. 

******* 

This  love  of  honour  and  passion  for  distinction  were 
inspired  into  them  and  cherished  in  them  by  Caesar  him- 
self, who,  by  his  unsparing  distribution  of  money  and  hon- 
ors showed  them  that  he  did  not  heap  up  wealth  from  the 
wars  for  his  own  luxury,  or  the  gratifying  his  private 
pleasures,  but  that  all  he  received  was  but  a  public  fund 
laid  by  for  the  reward  and  encouragement  of  valor,  and 
that  he  looked  upon  all  he  gave  to  deserving  soldiers  as  so 
much  increase  to  his  own  riches.  Added  to  this,  also, 
there  was  no  danger  to  which  he  did  not  willingly  expose 
himself,  no  labor  from  which-  he  pleaded  an  exemption. 
His  contempt  of  danger  was  not  so  much  wondered  at  by 
his  soldiers  because  they  knew  how  much  he  coveted 
honor.  But  his  enduring  so  much  hardship,  which  he  did 
to  all  appearance  beyond  his  natural  strength,  very  much 
astonished  them.  For  he  was  a  spare  man,  had  a  soft  and 
white  skin,  was  distempered  in  the  head  and  subject  to  an 
epilepsy,  which,  it  is  said,  first  seized  him  at  Corduba. 
But  he  did  not  make  the  weakness  of  his  constitution  a 
pretext  for  his  ease,  but  rather  used  war  as  the  best  physic 
against  his  indispositions  ;  whilst  by  indefatigable  journeys, 
coarse  diet,  frequent  lodging  in  the  field,  and  continual 
laborious  exercise,  he  struggled  with  his  diseases,  and  forti- 
fied his  body  against  all  attacks. 

PLUTARCH,  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men,  translated  by  A.  H.  CLOUGH, 
510-511. 

Forceful  Character:  John  Smith 

The  life  of  Smith,  as  it  is  related  by  himself,  reads  like 
that  of  a  belligerent  tramp,  but  it  was  not  uncommon  in 


22O     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

his  day,  nor  is  it  in  ours,  whenever  America  produces 
soldiers  of  fortune  who  are  ready,  for  a  compensation,  to 
take  up  the  quarrels  of  Egyptians  or  Chinese,  or  go  wher- 
ever there  is  fighting  and  booty. 


But  of  one  thing  we  may  be  certain :  he  was  seeking  ad- 
venture according  to  his  nature,  and  eager  for  any  heroic 
employment;  and  it  goes  without  saying  that  he  entered 
into  the  great  excitement  of  the  day  —  adventure  in 
America. 


It  is  now  time  to  turn  to  Smith's  personal  adventures 
among  the  Indians  during  this  period.  Almost  our  only 
authority  is  Smith  himself,  or  such  presumed  writings  of 
his  companions  as  he  edited  or  rewrote.  Strachey  and 
others  testify  to  his  energy  in  procuring  supplies  for  the 
colony,  and  his  success  in  dealing  with  the  Indians,  and  it 
seems  likely  that  the  colony  would  have  famished  but  for 
his  exertions.  Whatever  suspicion  attaches  to  Smith's 
relation  of  his  own  exploits,  it  must  never  be  forgotten 
that  he  was  a  man  of  extraordinary  executive  ability,  and 
had  many  good  qualities  to  offset  his  vanity  and  impatience 
of  restraint. 


It  is  necessary  to  follow  for  a  time  the  fortune  of  the 
Virginia  colony  after  the  departure  of  Captain  Smith.  Of 
its  disasters  and  speedy  decline  there  is  no  more  doubt 
than  there  is  of  the  opinion  of  Smith  that  these  were  owing 
to  his  absence.  The  savages,  we  read  in  his  narration,  no 
sooner  knew  he  was  gone  than  they  all  revolted  and  spoiled 
and  murdered  all  they  encountered. 

The  day  before  Captain  Smith  sailed,  Captain  Davis 
arrived  in  a  small  pinnace  with  sixteen  men.  These,  with 
a  company  from  the  fort  under  Captain  Ratcliffe,  were  sent 
down  to  Point  Comfort.  Captain  West  and  Captain 
Martin,  having  lost  their  boats  and  half  their  men  among 
the  savages  at  the  Falls,  returned  to  Jamestown.  The 
colony  now  lived  upon  what  Smith  had  provided,  and 
now  they  had  presidents  with  all  their  appurtenances. 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  221 

President  Percy  was  so  sick  he  could  neither  go  nor  stand. 
Provisions  getting  short,  West  and  Ratcliffe  went  abroad 
to  trade,  and  Ratcliffe  and  twenty-eight  of  his  men  were 
slain  by  an  ambush  of  Powhatan's,  as  before  related  in  the 
narrative  of  Henry  Spelman.  Powhatan  cut  off  their 
boats,  and  refused  to  trade,  so  that  Captain  West  set  sail 
for  England.  What  ensued  cannot  be  more  vividly  told 
than  in  the  General  Historic  : 

"  Now  we  all  found  the  losse  of  Captain  Smith,  yea  his 
greatest  maligners  could  now  curse  his  losse ;  as  for  corne 
provision    and   contribution   from    the    salvages,  we    had 
nothing  but  mortall  wounds,  with  clubs  and  arrowes." 
******* 

Captain  John  Smith  returned  to  England  in  the  autumn 
of  1609,  wounded  in  body  and  loaded  with  accusations  of 
misconduct,  concocted  by  his  factious  companions  in 
Virginia. 

******* 

Failing  to  obtain  employment  by  the  Virginia  Company, 
Smith  turned  his  attention  to  New  England,  but  neither 
did  the  Plymouth  Company  avail  themselves  of  his  service. 
At  last  in  1614  he  persuaded  some  London  merchants  to 
fit  him  out  for  a  private  trading  adventure  to  the  coast  of 
New  England. 

******* 

John  Smith  first  appears  on  the  New  England  coast  as  a 
whale  fisher.  The  only  reference  to  his  being  in  America 
in  Josselyn's  Chronological  Observations  of  America  is 
under  the  wrong  year,  1608:  "Captain  John  Smith  fished 
now  for  whales  at  Monhiggen."  He  says  :  "  Our  plot 
there  was  to  take  whales,  and  made  tryall  of  a  Myne  of 
gold  and  copper  ;  "  these  failing  they  were  to  get  fish  and 
furs.  Of  gold  there  had  been  little  expectation,  and  (he 
goes  on)  "  we  found  this  whale  fishing  a  costly  conclusion; 
we  saw  many,  and  spent  much  time  in  chasing  them ;  but 
could  not  kill  any ;  they  being  a  kind  of  Jubartes,  and  not 
the  whale  that  yeeldes  finnes  and  oyle  as  we  expected." 
They  then  turned  their  attention  to  smaller  fish,  but  owing 
to  their  late  arrival  and  "  long  lingering  about  the  whale" 


222      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

—  chasing  a  whale  that  they  could  not  kill  because  it  was 
not  the  right  kind — the  best  season  for  fishing  was  passed. 
Nevertheless,  they  secured  some  40,000  cod  —  the  figure  is 
naturally  raised  to  60,000  when  Smith  retells  the  story 
fifteen  years  afterwards. 

But  our  hero  was  a  born  explorer,  and  could  not  be  con- 
tent with  not  examining  the  strange  coast  upon  which  he 
found  himself.  Leaving  his  sailors  to  catch  cod,  he  took 
eight  or  nine  men  in  a  small  boat,  and  cruised  along  the 
coast,  trading  wherever  he  could  for  furs,  of  which  he 
obtained  above  a  thousand  beaver  skins ;  but  his  chance  to 
trade  was  limited  by  the  French  settlements  in  the  east, 
by  the  presence  of  one  of  Popham's  ships  opposite  Mon- 
hegan,  on  the  main,  and  by  a  couple  of  French  vessels  to 
the  westward.  Having  examined  the  coast  from  Penobscot 
to  Cape  Cod,  and  gathered  a  profitable  harvest  from  the 
sea,  Smith  returned  in  his  vessel,  reaching  the  Downs 
within  six  months  after  his  departure.  This  was  his  whole 
experience  in  New  England,  which  ever  afterwards  he  re- 
garded as  particularly  his  discovery,  and  spoke  of  as  one  of 
his  children,  Virginia  being  the  other. 


Smith  was  not  cast  down  by  his  reverses.  No  sooner 
had  he  laid  his  latest  betrayers  by  the  heels  than  he  set 
himself  resolutely  to  obtain  money  and  means  for  establish- 
ing a  colony  in  New  England,  and  to  this  project  and  the 
cultivation  in  England  of  interest  in  New  England  he 
devoted  the  rest  of  his  life. 


As  a  writer  he  was  wholly  untrained,  but  with  all  his  in- 
troversions and  obscurities  he  is  the  most  readable  chroni- 
cler of  his  time,  the  most  amusing  and  as  untrustworthy  as 
any.  He  is  influenced  by  his  prejudices,  though  not  so 
much  by  them  as  by  his  imagination  and  vanity. 

CHARLES  DUDLEY  WARNER,  Captain  John  Smith,  7-8,  35-36,  95, 
190-191,  247,  250-251,  252-253,  263,  303. 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  223 


Convivial  Character:   Sir  Roger  de  Coverley 

The  first  of  our  society  is  a  gentleman  of  Worcestershire, 
of  ancient  descent,  a  baronet,  his  name  Sir  Roger  de  Cov- 
erley. His  great-grandfather  was  inventor  of  that  famous 
country-dance  which  is  called  after  him.  All  who  know 
that  shire  are  very  well  acquainted  with  the  parts  and 
merits  of  Sir  Roger.  He  is  a  gentleman  that  is  very  sin- 
gular in  his  behaviour,  but  his  singularities  proceed  from  his 
good  sense,  and  are  contradictions  to  the  manners  of  the 
world,  only  as  he  thinks  the  world  is  wrong.  However, 
this  humour  creates  him  no  enemies,  for  he  does  nothing 
with  sourness  or  obstinacy  ;  and  his  being  unconfined  to 
modes  and  forms,  makes  him  but  the  readier  and  more 
capable  to  please  and  oblige  all  who  know  him.  When  he 
is  in  town  he  lives  in  Soho  Square :  it  is  said,  he  keeps 
himself  a  bachelor  by  reason  he  was  crossed  in  love  by  a 
perverse  beautiful  widow  of  the  next  county  to  him.  Be- 
fore this  disappointment,  Sir  Roger  was  what  you  call  a 
fine  gentleman,  had  often  supped  with  my  Lord  Rochester 
and  Sir  George  Etherege,  fought  a  duel  upon  his  first 
coming  to  town,  and  kicked  Bully  Dawson  in  a  public 
coffee-house  for  calling  him  youngster.  But  being  ill 
used  by  the  above  mentioned  widow,  he  was  very  serious 
for  a  year  and  a  half ;  and  though,  his  temper  being  nat- 
urally jovial,  he  at  last  got  over  it,  he  grew  careless  of 
himself  and  never  dressed  afterwards;  he  continues  to 
wear  a  coat  and  doublet  of  the  same  cut  that  were  in  fash- 
ion at  the  time  of  his  repulse,  which,  in  his  merry  humours, 
he  tells  us,  has  been  in  and  out  twelve  times  since  he  first 
wore  it.  He  is  now  in  his  fifty-sixth  year,  cheerful,  gay, 
and  hearty,  keeps  a  good  house  in  both  town  and  country ; 
a  great  lover  of  mankind ;  but  there  is  such  a  mirthful 
caste  in  his  behaviour,  that  he  is  rather  beloved  than  es- 
teemed. His  tenants  grow  rich,  his  servants  look  satisfied, 
all  the  young  women  profess  to  love  him,  and  the  young 
men  are  glad  of  his  company  :  when  he  comes  into  a  house 
he  calls  the  servants  by  their  names,  and  talks  all  the  way 
upstairs  to  a  visit. 


224     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

I  have  observed  in  several  of  my  papers,  that  my  friend 
Sir  Roger,  amidst  all  his  good  qualities,  is  something  of  a 
humorist  ;  and  that  his  virtues,  as  well  as  imperfections, 
are  as  it  were  tinged  by  a  certain  extravagance,  which 
makes  them  particularly  his,  and  distinguishes  them  from 
those  of  other  men.  This  cast  of  mind,  as  it  is  generally 
very  innocent  in  itself,  so  it  renders  his  conversation  highly 
agreeable,  and  more  delightful  than  the  same  degree  of 
sense  and  virtue  would  appear  in  their  common  and  ordi- 
nary colours. 

******* 

My  worthy  friend  Sir  Roger  is  one  of  those  who  is  not 
only  at  peace  within  himself,  but  beloved  and  esteemed  by 
all  about  him.  He  receives  a  suitable  tribute  for  his  uni- 
versal benevolence  to  mankind,  in  the  returns  of  affection 
and  good  will,  which  are  paid  him  by  everyone  that  lives 
within  his  neighbourhood. 

ADDISON  AND  STEELE,  Sir  Roger  de  Coverley  Papers,  18-20,  30- 


Irish  Conviviality 

From  his  earliest  appearance  in  history  the  Celtic  Irish- 
man was  preeminently  hospitable  and  convivial  ;  and  the 
Saxons  caught  these  contagious  qualities  as  soon  as  they 
set  foot  upon  Irish  soil,  and  practised  them  to  a  fault. 
These  gentry,  as  was  natural  to  men  in  whose  favor  the 
laws  were  made  and  against  whom  they  were  scarcely 
operative,  were  a  lawless  class,  overbearing,  unused  to 
contradiction  in  their  domains  at  home  and  impatient  of 
it  abroad.  Many  of  them,  new  to  the  duties  and  responsi- 
bilities of  landed  proprietors,  which  were  most  trying  in 
Ireland  even  to  the  patient  and  experienced,  came  by  royal 
grant  suddenly  to  great  estates.  Sudden  accession  to  great 
possessions  could  not  fail  to  stimulate  and  give  play  to 
all  the  tendencies  to  recklessness  and  extravagance  so 
marked  in  the  Irish  upper  classes.  As  masters,  though 
often  indulgent,  they  were  autocratic,  irresponsible,  reck- 
less, and  violent,  ruling  their  estates  literally  as  despots, 
binding  and  loosing  as  they  chose.  Eminent  examples  of 
the  type  just  described  were  not  wanting.  A  personal 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  225 

acquaintance  with  a  distinguished  member  of  the  class  — 
Mr.  Beauchamp  Bagenal  of  Dunleckny,  County  Carlow  — 
will  be  more  to  the  purpose  than  an  enumeration  of  the 
traits  of  the  gentry.  Mr.  Bagenal  is  described  with  comic 
gusto  in  the  pages  of  Froude,  and  in  Mr.  Daunt's  Eighty- 
Five  Years  of  Irish  History.  Mr.  Daunt  will  present 
him  :  — 

"  Of  manners  elegant,  fascinating,  polished  by  extensive 
intercourse  with  the  great  world,  of  princely  income,  and 
of  boundless  hospitality,  Mr.  Bagenal  possessed  all  the 
qualities  and  attributes  calculated  to  procure  him  popularity 
with  every  class.  A  terrestrial  paradise  was  Dunleckny 
for  all  lovers  of  good  wine,  good  horses,  good  dogs,  and 
good  society.  His  stud  was  magnificent,  and  he  had  a 
large  number  of  capital  hunters  at  the  service  of  visitors 
who  were  not  provided  with  steeds  of  their  own.  He 
derived  great  delight  from  encouraging  the  young  men 
who  frequented  his  house  to  hunt,  drink,  and  solve  points 
of  honor  at  twelve  paces. 

"  Enthroned  at  Dunleckny,  he  gathered  around  him  a 
host  of  spirits  congenial  to  his  own.  He  had  a  tender 
affection  for  pistols,  a  brace  of  which  implements,  loaded, 
were  often  placed  before  him  on  the  dinner-table.  After 
dinner  the  claret  was  produced  in  an  unbroached  cask ; 
Bagenal's  practice  was  to  broach  the  cask  with  a  bullet 
from  one  of  his  pistols,  whilst  he  kept  the  other  pistol  in 
terrorem  for  any  of  the  convives  who  should  fail  in  doing 
ample  justice  to  the  wine. 

"  Nothing  could  be  more  impressive  than  the  bland, 
fatherly,  affectionate  air  with  which  the  old  gentleman  used 
to  impart  to  his  junior  guests  the  results  of  his  own  experi- 
ence, and  the  moral  lessons  which  should  regulate  their 
conduct  through  life. 

"  '  In  truth,  my  young  friends,  it  behooves  a  youth  enter- 
ing the  world  to  make  a  character  for  himself.  Respect 
will  only  be  accorded  to  character.  A  young  man  must 
show  his  proofs.  I  am  not  a  quarrelsome  person  —  I 
never  was  —  I  hate  your  mere  duellist ;  but  experience  of 
the  world  tells  me  there  are  knotty  points  of  which  the 
only  solution  is  the  saw  handle.  Rest  upon  your  pistols, 
my  boys !  Occasions  will  arise  in  which  the  use  of  them 


226     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

is  absolutely  indispensable  to  character.  A  man,  I  repeat, 
must  show  his  proofs  —  in  this  world  courage  will  never  be 
taken  upon  trust.  I  protest  to  Heaven,  my  dear  young 
friends,  I  am  advising  you  exactly  as  I  should  advise  my 
own  son.' 

"And  having  thus  discharged  his  conscience,  he  would 
look  blandly  around  with  the  most  patriarchal  air  imaginable. 

"  His  practice  accorded  with  his  precept.  Some  pigs, 
the  property  of  a  gentleman  who  had  recently  settled 
near  Dunleckny,  strayed  into  an  enclosure  of  King  Bage- 
nal's,  and  rooted  up  a  flower  knot.  The  incensed  mon- 
arch ordered  that  the  porcine  trespassers  should  be  shorn 
of  their  ears  and  tails;  and  he  transmitted  the  severed 
appendages  to  the  owner  of  the  swine  with  an  intimation 
that  he,  too,  deserved  to  have  his  ears  docked ;  and  that 
only  he  had  not  got  a  tail,  he  {King  Bagenal)  would  sever 
the  caudal  member  from  his  dorsal  extremity.  '  Now,' 
quoth  Bagenal,  '  If  he's  a  gentleman,  he  must  burn  powder 
after  such  a  message  as  that.' 

"  Nor  was  he  disappointed.  A  challenge  was  given  by 
the  owner  of  the  pigs.  Bagenal  accepted  it  with  alacrity, 
only  stipulating  that  as  he  was  old  and  feeble,  being  then 
in  his  seventy-ninth  year,  he  should  fight  sitting  in  his  arm 
chair;  and  that  as  his  infirmities  prevented  early  rising, 
the  meeting  should  take  place  in  the  afternoon.  'Time 
was,'  said  the  old  man,  with  a  sigh,  'that  I  would  have 
risen  before  daylight  to  fight  at  sunrise,  but  we  cannot  do 
these  things  at  seventy-eight.  Well,  Heaven's  will  be  done.' 

"  They  fought  at  twelve  paces.  Bagenal  wounded  his 
antagonist  severely  ;  the  arm  of  the  chair  in  which  he  sat 
was  shattered,  but  he  remained  unhurt;  and  he  ended 
the  day  with  a  glorious  carouse,  tapping  the  claret,  we  may 
presume,  as  usual,  by  firing  a  pistol  at  the  cask. 

"  The  traditions  of  Dunleckny  allege  that  when  Bagenal, 
in  the  course  of  his  tour  through  Europe,  visited  the  petty 
court  of  Mecklenburg  Strelitz,  the  Grand  Duke,  charmed 
with  his  magnificence  and  the  reputation  of  his  wealth, 
made  him  an  offer  of  the  hand  of  the  fair  Charlotte,  who, 
being  politely  rejected  by  King  Bagenal,  was  afterwards 
accepted  by  King  George  III." 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  227 

The  social  life  of  Ireland  centred  in  Dublin,  and  the 
social  life  of  the  smaller  towns  was  cut  as  closely  as  pos- 
sible after  the  same  pattern.  The  years  from  1782  to  the 
end  of  the  century  were  the  palmy  days  of  the  Ireland  of 
the  Ascendency,  the  days  of  drink  and  debt,  improvidence 
and  extravagance.  The  Irish  capital  was  tumultuous. 
Street  brawls  growing  out  of  religious  feuds  were  of  fre- 
quent occurrence,  some,  by  the  number  of  combatants  and 
their  systematic  conduct,  more  like  pitched  battles.  In 
1 790  one  of  these  conflicts  occurred  in  which  above  a  thou- 
sand men  were  engaged,  a  society  of  Protestant  weavers 
and  tailors  pitting  themselves  against  a  band  of  Catho- 
lic butchers  who  advanced  under  a  banner  inscribed  "  V. 
B.  Mary."  The  watchmen  of  the  city  gave  up  all  hope 
of  controlling  the  disturbance,  and  retired  to  a  point  of 
vantage,  well  out  of  reach  of  stick  and  stone,  to  enjoy 
the  spectacle.  The  disturbance  was  formally  reported  to 
the  Mayor,  but  he  declined  to  interfere,  on  the  ground 
that  "  it  was  as  much  as  his  life  was  worth  to  go  among 
them."  A  curious  fact  in  connection  with  these  rows  was 
the  participation  in  them  of  young  aristocrats  —  the  bucks 
and  beaux  of  Dublin,  and  the  students  of  Trinity  College, 
who  could  have  no  other  motive  than  a  liking  for  the  sport 
on  its  own  account.  The  Trinity  boys,  with  their  strong 
esprit  de  corps,  were  always  a  valuable  acquisition  to  a 
faction,  and  with  the  great  keys  of  their  rooms  slung  in  the 
tails  of  their  gowns  did  splendid  execution.  A  number  of 
clubs,  resembling  the  London  Mohocks,  contributed  to  the 
disorders  of  the  city.  Wild  young  fellows,  often  of  the 
better  sort,  made  up  the  membership.  Notable  among 
these  were  the  Hell-Fire  Club  (perhaps  the  most  notorious 
of  all),  the  Hawkabites,  Cherokees,  Sweaters,  Pinkindin- 
dies,  and  Chalkers.  Each  had  its  peculiar  excuse  for  ex- 
isting, and  all  had  in  common  the  purpose  "  to  be  sociable 
together,"  and,  after  dining,  to  pour  tumultuously  into  the 
midnight  streets,  "  flown  with  insolence  and  wine,"  and  bent 
upon  breaking  the  king's  peace  in  one  way  or  another. 
The  specialty  of  the  Sweaters  was  midnight  raids  upon  the 
homes  of  Catholics  on  the  pretext  of  searching  for  arms. 
The  search  for  arms  was  the  pretext ;  the  real  motive  the 
pleasure  of  terrorizing  the  household.  The  Chalkers  and 


228     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Pinkindindies  made  a  specialty,  as  an  act  passed  against 
the  former  in  1773  recites,  of  "mangling  others,  merely 
with  the  wanton  and  wicked  intent  to  disable  and  disfigure 
them."  Their  operations  were  by  way  of  rebuke  to  dun- 
ning or  procrastinating  tradesmen  and  the  like,  or  to  a 
barber,  perhaps,  who  disappointed  one  of  the  members 
when  his  services  were  the  condition  of  attendance  at  a 
dinner  or  ball.  The  Pinkindindies  were  ingeniously  hu- 
mane. Shrinking  from  inflicting  upon  their  victims  the 
slightest  serious  injury,  they  cut  off  the  tips  of  the  scab- 
bards of  their  swords,  and  were  thus  enabled  to  prick  them 
full  of  holes  without  fear  of  going  beyond  the  bounds  of  a 
good  practical  joke. 

The  Dublin  society  of  rank  and  fashion,  the  most  brilliant 
that  Ireland  had  to  offer,  was  in  full  bloom  just  after  the 
Irish  Parliament  regained  its  freedom.  The  removal  at 
this  time  of  commercial  restrictions  gave  an  impulse  to 
prosperity,  and  better  times  seemed  to  be  dawning.  The 
Parliament  met  yearly,  and  for  each  season  the  members 
took  up  their  abode  in  Dublin,  composing  a  leading  class. 
Two  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  peerage  and  three  hundred 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  with  their  families  and  connec- 
tions, annually  poured  into  town  from  their  country  seats. 
Among  the  peerage  there  was  much  wealth,  taste,  and 
cultivation,  and  the  polish  and  elegance  that  travel  and  a 
wide  intercourse  with  society  in  England  and  on  the  conti- 
nent produced.  A  large  proportion  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons were  the  true  old  gentry  of  the  land,  of  the  most 
hearty  and  festive  type,  overflowing  with  family  pride, 
sociability,  and  a  hospitality  whose  manifestations  prudence 
was  never  permitted  to  check.  In  the  wake  of  the  gentry 
came  many  of  the  country  class,  with  all  their  provincial 
and  personal  oddities  and  eccentricities,  to  give  society  a 
touch  of  distinctly  local  color. 

The  eighteenth  century  was  everywhere  a  century  of 
violence  and  hard  drinking.  In  Dublin  the  violence  found 
an  outlet  in  disturbances  like  those  alluded  to  above,  in 
which  the.  lower  classes  and  some  wild  fellows  of  the  better 
sort  participated.  But  for  the  nobility  and  gentry  duelling 
was  the  mania,  and  it  was  indulged  in  to  an  extent  almost 
beyond  belief.  Sir  Jonah  Harrington,  in  his  Personal 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  229 

Sketches,  vouches  for  two  hundred  and  twenty-seven  mem- 
orable and  official  duels  fought  in  his  time,  and  the  author 
of  Ireland  Sixty  Years  Ago  states  that  three  hundred  duels 
by  men  of  note  were  fought  between  1780  and  1800.  Even 
the  gravest  persons  settled  their  differences  in  single  com- 
bat. Sir  Jonah's  remark,  "  I  think  I  may  challenge  any 
country  in  Europe  to  show  such  an  assemblage  of  gallant 
judicial  and  official  antagonists  at  fire  and  sword,"  cannot 
be  gainsaid.  Scarcely  a  man  on  the  bench  or  at  the  bar 
could  be  found  who  had  not  fought  at  least  one  duel. 

H.  S.  KRANS,  Irish  Life  in  Irish  Fiction,  2-6,  9-14. 


Austere  Character:  Lycurgus 

When  he  perceived  that  his  more  important  institutions 
had  taken  root  in  the  minds  of  his  countrymen,  that 
custom  had  rendered  them  familiar  and  easy,  that  his 
commonwealth  was  now  grown  up  and  able  to  go  alone, 
.  .  .  Lycurgus,  viewing  with  joy  and  satisfaction  the  great- 
ness and  beauty  of  his  political  structure,  now  fairly  at 
work  and  in  motion,  conceived  the  thought  to  make  it 
immortal  too  .  .  .  He  called  an  extraordinary  assembly 
of  all  the  people,  and  told  them  that  he  now  thought  every- 
thing reasonably  well  established,  both  for  the  happiness 
and  the  virtue  of  the  state ;  but  that  there  was  one  thing 
still  behind,  of  the  greatest  importance,  which  he  thought 
not  fit  to  impart  until  he  had  consulted  the  oracle ;  in  the 
meantime,  his  desire  was  that  they  would  observe  the  laws 
without  any  the  least  alteration  until  his  return,  and  then 
he  would  do  as  the  god  should  direct  him.  They  all  con- 
sented readily,  and  bade  him  hasten  his  journey ;  but, 
before  he  departed,  he  administered  an  oath  to  the  two 
kings,  the  senate,  and  the  whole  commons,  to  abide  by 
and  maintain  the  established  form  of  polity  until  Lycurgus 
should  be  come  back.  This  done,  he  set  out  for  Delphi, 
and,  having  sacrificed  to  Apollo,  asked  him  whether  the 
laws  he  had  established  were  good,  and  sufficient  for  a 
people's  happiness  and  virtue.  The  oracle  answered  that 
the  laws  were  excellent,  and  that  the  people,  while  it  ob- 
served them,  should  live  in  the  height  of  renown.  Lycur- 


230     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

gus  took  the  oracle  in  writing,  and  sent  it  over  to  Sparta ; 
and,  having  sacrificed  the  second  time  to  Apollo,  and  taken 
leave  of  his  friends  and  his  son,  he  resolved  that  the  Spar- 
tans should  not  be  released  from  the  oath  they  had  taken, 
and  that  he  would  of  his  own  act,  close  his  life  where  he 
was.  He  was  now  about  that  age  in  which  life  was  still 
tolerable,  and  yet  might  be  quitted  without  regret.  Every- 
thing, moreover,  about  him  was  in  a  sufficiently  prosperous 
condition.  He,  therefore,  made  an  end  of  himself  by  a 
total  abstinence  from  food ;  thinking  it  a  statesman's  duty 
to  make  his  very  death,  if  possible,  an  act  of  service  to  the 
state,  and  even  in  the  end  of  his  life  to  give  some  example 
of  virtue  and  effect  some  useful  purpose.  He  would,  on 
the  one  hand,  crown  and  consummate  his  own  happiness 
by  a  death  suitable  to  so  honorable  a  life,  and,  on  the 
other,  would  secure  to  his  countrymen  the  enjoyment  of 
the  advantages  he  had  spent  his  life  in  obtaining  for  them, 
since  they  had  solemnly  sworn  the  maintenance  of  his 
institutions  until  his  return. 

PLUTARCH,  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men,  translated  by  A.  H.  CLOUGH, 
41. 


Austere  Character:  A  New  England  Example 

For  the  regulation  of  his  domestic  concerns,  Mr.  Weld 
prescribed  to  himself  and  his  family,  a  fixed  system  of  rules ; 
which  were  invariably  observed,  and  contributed  not  a  little 
to  the  pleasantness  and  prosperity  of  his  life.  His  children, 
labourers,  and  servants  submitted  to  them  with  cheerful- 
ness ;  and  his  house  became  the  seat  of  absolute  industry, 
peace,  and  good  order.  Breakfast  was  on  the  table  pre- 
cisely at  six  o'clock ;  dinner,  at  twelve  ;  and  supper,  at  six 
in  the  evening.  After  supper  he  neither  made  visits  him- 
self, nor  permitted  any  of  his  family  to  make  them. 

His  observation  of  the  Sabbath  was  probably  unexampled. 
When  hired  labourers  were  at  work  for  him,  however  busy 
the  season,  even  when  his  crops  were  exposed  to  destruc- 
tion by  rain,  he  dismissed  them  all  so  early  on  Saturday 
afternoon,  as  to  enable  them  to  reach  their  own  homes  before 
sunset :  the  time  when  he  began  the  Sabbath.  His  cattle 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  231 

were  all  fed;  his  cows  milked;  the  vegetables  for  the  ensuing 
day  prepared ;  and  his  family  summoned  together ;  previ- 
ously to  this  sacred  period.  Until  nine  o'clock  he  spent 
the  evening  with  his  household  in  reading,  and  prayer ;  and 
at  this  moment  they  uniformly  retired  to  their  beds.  No 
room  in  his  house  was  swept ;  no  bed  was  made ;  nor  was 
any  act,  except  such  as  were  acts  of  necessity  and  mercy 
in  the  strict  sense,  done ;  until  sunset  on  the  succeeding 
day ;  when  in  his  opinion  the  Sabbath  terminated. 

Mr.  Weld  was  naturally  of  a  very  ardent  disposition. 
Yet  so  entirely  had  he  acquired  an  ascendancy  over  his 
temper,  that  a  censurable,  or  imprudent,  act,  is  not  known 
to  have  been  done  by  him,  nor  an  improper  word  uttered. 
To  vice  and  licentiousness,  in  every  form,  he  gave  no  in- 
dulgence, either  in  his  conversation,  or  his  public  instruc- 
tions. On  the  contrary,  idleness,  intemperance,  profaneness, 
and  all  kinds  of  immoral  conduct,  were  reproved  by  him 
with  undeviating  severity.  His  example  in  the  practice  of 
every  virtue  was  such,  as  to  create  in  all  classes  of  men 
entire  veneration  for  his  character.  It  is  doubted  whether 
any  person  ever  uttered  a  reproach  against  Mr.  Weld. 

TIMOTHY  DWIGHT,  Travels  in  New  England  and  New   York, 
Vol.  II.  22-23. 

Rationally  Conscientious  Character:  Joseph  Priestley 

If  the  man  to  perpetuate  whose  memory  we  have  this 
day  raised  a  statue  had  been  asked  on  what  part  of  his 
busy  life's  work  he  set  the  highest  value,  he  would  un- 
doubtedly have  pointed  to  his  voluminous  contributions  to 
theology.  In  season  and  out  of  season,  he  was  the  stead- 
fast champion  of  that  hypothesis  respecting  the  Divine 
nature  which  is  termed  Unitarianism  by  its  friends  and 
Socinianism  by  its  foes.  Regardless  of  odds,  he  was 
ready  to  do  battle  with  all  comers  in  that  cause ;  and  if  no 
adversaries  entered  the  lists,  he  would  sally  forth  to  seek 
them. 

To  this,  his  highest  ideal  of  duty,  Joseph  Priestley  sacri- 
ficed the  vulgar  prizes  of  life,  which,  assuredly,  were  within 
easy  reach  of  a  man  of  his  singular  energy  and  varied 
abilities.  For  this  object,  he  put  aside,  as  of  secondary  im- 


232      The  Elements  and  Striicture  of  Society 

portance,  those  scientific  investigations  which  he  loved  so 
well,  and  in  which  he  showed  himself  so  competent  to  en- 
large the  boundaries  of  natural  knowledge  and  to  win  fame. 
In  this  cause,  he  not  only  cheerfully  suffered  obloquy  from 
the  bigoted  and  the  unthinking,  and  came  within  sight  of 
martyrdom  ;  but  bore  with  that  which  is  much  harder  to  be 
borne  than  all  these,  the  unfeigned  astonishment  and  hardly 
disguised  contempt  of  a  brilliant  society,  composed  of  men 
whose  sympathy  and  esteem  must  have  been  most  dear  to 
him,  and  to  whom  it  was  simply  incomprehensible  that  a 
philosopher  should  seriously  occupy  himself  with  any  form 
of  Christianity. 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  man  who,  setting  before  him- 
self such  an  ideal  of  life,  acted  up  to  it  consistently,  is 
worthy  of  the  deepest  respect,  whatever  opinion  may  be 
entertained  as  to  the  real  value  of  the  tenets  which  he  so 
zealously  propagated  and  defended. 

But  I  am  sure  that  I. speak  not  only  for  myself,  but  for 
all  this  assemblage,  when  I  say  that  our  purpose  to-day  is 
to  do  honour,  not  to  Priestley,  the  Unitarian  divine,  but 
to  Priestley,  the  fearless  defender  of  rational  freedom  in 
thought  and  in  action  :  to  Priestley,  the  philosophic  thinker; 
to  that  Priestley  who  held  a  foremost  place  among  "swift 
runners  who  hand  over  the  lamp  of  life,"  and  transmit  from 
one  generation  to  another  the  fire  kindled,  in  the  child- 
hood of  the  world,  at  the  Promethean  altar  of  science. 
******* 

If  we  ask  what  is  the  deeper  meaning  of  all  these  vast 
changes  [from  the  eighteenth  to  the  nineteenth  centuries], 
I  think  there  can  be  but  one  reply.  They  mean  that  reason 
has  asserted  and  exercised  her  primacy  over  all  provinces 
of  human  activity:  that  ecclesiastical  authority  has  been 
relegated  to  its  proper  place  ;  that  the  good  of  the  gov- 
erned has  been  finally  recognized  as  the  end  of  govern- 
ment, and  the  complete  responsibility  of  governors  to  the 
people  as  its  means ;  and  that  the  dependence  of  natural 
phenomena  in  general,  on  the  laws  of  action  of  what  we 
call  matter  has  become  an  axiom. 

But  it  was  to  bring  these  things  about,  and  to  enforce  the 
recognition  of  these  truths,  that  Joseph  Priestley  laboured. 
If  the  nineteenth  century  is  other  and  better  than  the  eigh- 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  233 

teenth,  it  is,  in  great  measure,  to  him  and  to  such  men  as  he, 
that  we  owe  the  change.  If  the  twentieth  century  is  to  be 
better  than  the  nineteenth,  it  will  be  because  there  are 
among  us  men  who  walk  in  Priestley's  footsteps. 

Such  men  are  not  those  whom  their  own  generation 
delights  to  honour;  such  men,  in  fact,  rarely  trouble  them- 
selves about  honour,  but  ask,  in  another  spirit  than  Fal- 
staff's,  "  What  is  honour?  Who  hath  it?  He  that  died  o' 
Wednesday."  But  whether  Priestley's  lot  be  theirs,  and 
a  future  generation,  in  justice  and  in  gratitude,  set  up  their 
statues ;  or  whether  their  names  and  fame  are  blotted  out 
from  remembrance,  their  work  will  live  as  long  as  time 
endures.  To  all  eternity,  the  sum  of  truth  and  right  will 
have  been  increased  by  their  means ;  to  all  eternity,  false- 
hood and  injustice  will  be  the  weaker  because  they  have 
lived. 

HUXLEY,  Science  and  Culture,  Address  on  Joseph  Priestley. 


American  Character  Types 

In  the  United  States  these  character  types  have  been 
exhibited  in  a  large  way,  with  less  of  restraint  upon  their 
perfect  expression  and  unfolding  than  anywhere  else  in 
the  world. 

The  forceful  man  has  been  superbly  developed  in  that 
pioneer  life  which  has  crept  mile  by  mile  across  the  conti- 
nent, from  the  days  of  Daniel  Boone  to  those  of  the 
ranchmen  and  the  miners  who  have  taken  possession  of 
the  vast  plains  and  the  mountain  camps.  As  the  free 
wild  life  of  those  days  becomes  a  memory  only,  the  force- 
ful man  will  yet  survive  in  a  thousand  dangerous  callings 
that  demand  nerve  and  forgetfulness  of  self ;  in  the 
fisheries,  the  railroad  service,  the  mining  industries,  and 
in  the  commerce  of  the  lakes  and  of  the  sea. 

The  convivial  character  at  its  best,  stripped  of  objection- 
able features,  and  displaying  to  advantage  its  most  engag- 
ing ones,  was  developed  on  a  large  scale  in  the  southern 
white  population  of  the  plantations  before  the  Civil  War. 
There  was  a  hospitality,  a  beauty,  and  a  graciousness  of 
social  life,  which,  unhappily,  we  are  not  likely  to  see 


234      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

again  in  this  land  for  many  generations,  if  ever.  The  con- 
vivial  character  that  is  developing  here  to-day  is  of  a  far 
less  engaging  sort.  It  is  that  of  the  luxury-loving  classes 
in  the  great  cities,  reckless  in  their  expenditures  of  wealth 
and  vulgar  in  its  display.  In  the  less  well-to-do  stratum 
it  is  that  of  a  middle  and  working  class  public,  fond  of 
cheap  theatres  and  concert  halls,  a  public  which  will  not 
soon  be  transformed  by  more  refining  influences. 

After  all  it  has  been  the  austere  character,  shaped  in 
New  England  and  by  New  England  puritanism,  which  has, 
on  the  whole,  dominated  American  thought  and  morals. 
It  has  stood  fearlessly,  I  am  tempted  to  say  relentlessly,  for 
all  the  ten  commandments,  not  excepting  those  referring 
to  graven  images  and  Sabbath  observance.  Its  geographi- 
cal distribution  is  along  a  well-marked  zone  extending  from 
New  England  to  Kansas.  Throughout  this  northern  belt 
of  States  it  has  continuously  antagonized  all  amusements 
that  are  by  the  common  consent  of  mankind  demoralizing, 
and,  until  recently,  it  has  been  almost  equally  uncompro- 
mising in  its  opposition  to  the  diversions  of  dancing,  card 
playing,  and  the  theatre. 

The  rationally  conscientious  type  of  character  is  the  off- 
spring of  the  austere,  and  no  one  can  become  familiar  with 
the  history  of  the  liberal  movement  in  theology  and  in 
politics,  which  has  counted  among  its  great  leaders  such 
men  as  Parker,  Emerson,  Channing,  Dewey,  Youmans, 
Fiske,  and  George  William  Curtis,  without  realizing  that 
here  in  America,  this  splendid  progeny  of  the  austere 
character  has  not  been  devoid  of  influence  upon  our 
national  life,  even  if  its  numbers  have  been  relatively 
small. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 


Relative  Extent  of  Each  of  the  Four  Types  of  Character. 
—  In  all  nations,  even  the  most  civilized,  the  vast  majority 
of  individuals  is  distributed  between  the  forceful  and  the 
convivial  types.  The  austere  type  ranks  next  in  point  of 
numbers,  and  a  very  small  proportion  of  the  entire  popula- 
tion can  be  classed  as  rationally  conscientious. 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  235 

Extent  of  Character  Types:  New  York  City  Tenement 
Dwellers 

Forty-six  families  may  be  classed  as  forceful  and  this 
type  is  represented  in  seventy-seven  others.  These  are 
the  people  who  are  strenuous  and  daring.  They  are 
strong  of  body  and  rely  chiefly  upon  their  muscles,  both 
for  protection  and  for  their  livelihood.  Their  work  is  a 
struggle  with  soil,  rock,  iron,  and  wood  in  large  quantities. 
They  are  cellar-diggers,  hod-carriers,  and  rock-blasters. 
Many  are  engaged  in  dangerous  occupations.  Some  are 
scaffolders,  boatmen,  railroad  employees,  and  drivers.  In 
such  occupations  men  can  hardly  be  classified  as  otherwise 
than  forceful.  In  the  case  of  other  trades  or  occupations, 
such  as  painting,  bricklaying,  carpentry,  plumbing,  and 
washing,  other  evidence  was  taken  into  consideration.  No 
family  was  classified  merely  by  the  occupation  of  its 
members.  The  majority  of  the  washer-women  were 
ranked  as  forceful  characters  because  of  their  coarse, 
robust,  and  masculine  ways,  but  some  of  them  were  of  a 
very  different  type.  The  personal  appearance,  the  manner 
of  speech,  the  kind  and  arrangement  of  furniture,  were 
carefully  considered.  Very  important  also  were  the  pleas- 
ures indulged  in.  No  topic  was  closer  to  the  hearts  of 
these  people  than  the  prize-fight.  The  children  in  many 
of  the  families  could  give  the  characteristic  position  of 
each  of  the  great  pugilists,  and  the  rules  were  known  even 
to  the  smallest  detail.  Horse-play  was  the  delight  of  both 
parents  and  children. 

The  nationalities  contributing  to  this  type  are  chiefly  the 
Irish,  the  German,  and  the  Italian. 

One  hundred  and  seventy-five  families  may  be  classed 
as  convivial,  and  the  type  is  represented  in  thirty-five 
others.  Here  are  to  be  found  the  tailors,  furriers,  pedlers, 
store-keepers,  clerks,  bakers,  and  tobacco-workers.  By 
disposition  those  engaged  in  these  trades  prefer  the  less 
strenuous  kinds  of  work  and  they  are  better  adapted  to 
them. 

In  this  type  are  found  those  who  in  their  love  of  ease 
live  in  dirty  houses  and  are  content  with  ragged  clothes. 


236      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Others  take  pleasure  in  good  things  to  eat  and  to  drink. 
Their  money  is  spent  for  luxuries  of  the  table.  Still  others 
delight  in  fine  clothes  and  well-furnished  rooms.  Their 
pleasures  resemble  their  occupations.  They  appeal  to  the 
emotions.  Theatre-going,  dancing,  table-games,  gambling, 
novel-reading,  calling,  and  gossiping  are  their  chief  means 
of  amusement. 

All  nationalities  are  represented  in  this  type,  and  espe- 
cially the  Jews.  The  occupations  mentioned  are  filled 
largely  by  them  and  they  will  work  at  no  others.  As  a 
rule  they  are  not  enthusiastic  over  athletics ;  their  spare 
time  is  spent  in  calling  upon  one  another,  in  parties  and  in 
dances. 

Four  families  may  be  classed  as  austere,  and  the  type 
is  represented  in  nine  others.  One  of  the  first  four  is  a 
Jewish  family  still  under  the  influence  of  religion.  Its 
ideals  are  those  of  self-sacrifice.  In  labor  all  its  members 
are  diligent  and  persevering. 

The  other  three  families  of  the  first  four  are  composed 
of  aged  people  driven  to  austerity  by  the  hard  circumstances 
of  their  lives.  In  their  youth  they  may  have  been  of 
a  different  type ;  but  now,  in  the  evening  of  life,  their 
path  is  one  of  self-denial.  Two  of  these  three  families 
are  Catholics,  who  look  upon  their  hard  lot  as  so  much  of 
the  "good  works"  necessary  to  obtain  happiness  hereafter. 
One  family,  an  aged  soldier  and  his  wife,  neglected  by  their 
children,  impelled  by  their  love  for  each  other,  have  resolved 
to  endure  that  they  may  not  be  separated  in  their  old  age. 
They  belong  to  a  Protestant  church. 

The  rationally  conscientious  type  is  represented  in  eight 
families.  With  two  others,  they  have  already  been  de- 
scribed as  belonging  to  the  highest  class  in  their  apprecia- 
tion of  their  environment. 

JONES,  S.  C  £.,  80-82. 

Types  of  Mind 

Instinct,  emotion,  intellect,  disposition,  and  character  are 
not  independent  faculties,  or  separable  one  from  another. 
They  are  differentiated  manifestations  of  mind  in  its 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  237 

totality.  According  to  the  kinds,  qualities,  and  strengths 
of  these  manifestations,  and  their  relative  proportions, 
there  appear  Types  of  Mind  in  general. 

Since  mental  phenomena  present  three  general  aspects, 
namely,  motor,  affective  (or  emotional),  and  intellective, 
we  might  naturally  look  for  three  types  of  mind,  according 
as  one  or  another  phase  of  mentality  predominates.  Other 
considerations,  however,  suggest  four  types,  corresponding 
to  the  commonly  recognized  four  temperaments.  A  more 
scientific  determination  of  types  than  either  of  the  fore- 
going, is  found  in  the  six  possible  arrangements  (in  order 
of  predominance  and  subordination)  of  the  three  funda- 
mental modes  of  mental  phenomena.  Designating  each 
of  the  three  by  a  letter,  namely,  motor  reactions  by  M, 
feeling  (affection  or  emotion)  by  E,  and  the  intellective 
aspect  by  I,  we  have  the  following  six  possibilities :  — 

MEI  EMI  IME 

MIE  EIM  IEM 

Of  these  six  arrangements,  two,  in  which  intellect  holds 
the  third  place,  namely,  MEI  and  EMI,  are  found  only 
among  animals,  human  babies,  and  defectives.  Among 
normal  human  adults,  intellect  moves  forward  to  the  second 
or  the  first  place,  and  we  have,  therefore,  four  mental  types 
of  normal  human  beings  of  adult  age,  namely,  MIE, 
EIM,  IEM,  and  IME.  These  four  types  may  be 
called  the  Ideo-Motor,  the  Ideo-Emotional,  the  Dogmatic- 
Emotional,  and  the  Critically-Intellectual. 

Ideo-Motor.  —  In  the  individuals  whose  combination  is 
M I  E,  a  forceful  character,  an  aggressive  disposition, 
intellect  of  low  grade,  and  strong  emotion  are  combined 
with  a  prompt  and  persistent  motor  activity. 


238      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Ideo-Emotional.  —  In  individuals  whose  combination  is 
E I  M,  a  convivial  character,  an  instigative  disposition,  an 
imaginative  intellect,  prone  to  reason  from  analogy,  a  weak 
but  persistent  and  usually  good-natured  emotion  are  com- 
bined with  motor  reactions  that  are  usually  intermittent 
and  of  less  promptness  than  in  the  ideo-motor  type. 

Dogmatic-Emotional.  — In  individuals  whose  combination 
is  I  E  M,  an  austere  character  and  a  domineering  disposi- 
tion are  combined  with  dogmatism  of  belief,  strong  emotion, 
and  intermittent  activity. 

Critically-Intellectual.  —  In  individuals  whose'  combina- 
tion is  I  M  E,  all  the  emotional  and  motor  processes  are 
dominated  by  a  critical  intellect,  and  even  disposition  and 
character  are  intellectually  controlled. 

Relative  Extent  of  Each  of  the  Four  Types  of  Mind.  — 
An  overwhelming  majority  of  the  American  people  is  of 
the  ideo-emotional  and  dogmatic-emotional  types.  The 
evidence  in  support  of  this  assertion  is  found  in  the  com- 
position of  the  people  by  nationalities,  in  their  religious 
preferences,  and  in  their  intellectual  achievements.  Thus 
a  distribution  of  the  population  of  the  United  States  by 
nationalities  into  the  four  mental  types  above  described, 
and  three  intermediate  types,  namely,  ideo-motor  to  ideo- 
emotional,  ideo-emotional  to  dogmatic-emotional,  and 
dogmatic-emotional  to  critically-intellectual,  in  accordance 
with  a  predetermined  method,  has  given  the  following  per- 
centages :  Ideo-Motor,  2.9 ;  Ideo-Motor  to  Ideo-Emotional, 
8.1  ;  Ideo-Emotional,  29.2  ;  Ideo-Emotional  to  Dogmatic- 
Emotional,  33-5;  Dogmatic-Emotional,  19.3;  Dogmatic- 
Emotional  to  Critically-Intellectual,  6.3  ;  Critically-Intel- 
lectual, 1.6.  A  distribution  by  religious  preferences,  in 
accordance  with  the  same  predetermined  method,  has 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  239 

given  the  following  percentages :  Ideo-Motor  to  Ideo- 
Emotional,  7.6 ;  Ideo-Emotional,  29.9 ;  Ideo-Emotional  to 
Dogmatic-Emotional,  35.8  ;  Dogmatic-Emotional,  20.8  ; 
Dogmatic-Emotional  to  Critically-Intellectual,  6.1,  a  very 
close  agreement  with  the  distribution  by  nationalities. 
Finally,  a  distribution  of  4,559  books,  a  year's  output  of 
American  publishing  houses,  has  given  percentages  as 
follows  :  Ideo-Emotional  —  books  that  aim  to  please, 
amuse,  interest;  appealing  to  imagination,  emotion,  senti- 
ment, 52;  Dogmatic-Emotional  —  books  that  aim  to  con- 
vert, influence,  instruct;  appealing  to  belief,  self-interest, 
or  ethical  emotion,  40  ;  Critically-Intellectual  —  books 
that  aim  to  criticise,  or  to  make  positive  inductive  addi- 
tions to  knowledge  ;  appealing  only  to  critical  reason,  8.1 

Types  of  Mind :    New  York  City  Tenement  Dwellers 

Thirty-eight  families  [in  Block  X]  are  of  the  ideo-motor 
type,  and  so  also  are  individual  members  of  seventy-three 
other  families.  Most  of  these  are  Italian  and  Irish.  They 
are  engaged  in  the  lower  forms  of  physical  labor,  and  their 
exhausting  work  leaves  them  little  energy  for  emotional 
pleasures  or  for  thought. 

One  hundred  and  seventy  families  are  of  the  ideo-emo- 
tional  type,  and  so  also  are  individual  members  of  thirty- 
three  other  families. 

These  families  are  highly  imaginative  and  much  given 
to  nervous  excitement  and  to  pleasures  of  chance.  Tears 
and  laughter  are  equally  near  the  surface.  Feeling  is 
easily  aroused.  Appeal  to  reason  has  little  or  no  effect 
upon  them.  To  reach  this  class  at  all  it  is  necessary  to 
mix  the  truth  well  with  pathos  or  humor.  The  speaker 
who  would  be  successful  in  addressing  them  must  himself 

1  For  the  complete  investigation  here  quoted,  see  Giddings,  A  Provisional 
Distribution  of  the  Population  of  United  States  into  Psychological  Classes,  Tht 
Psychological  Review,  Vol.  VIII.,  No.  4,  July,  1901. 


240     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

show  much  feeling  and  make  liberal  use  of  shibboleths  and 
symbols,  which  arouse  the  emotions  of  his  particular 
audience. 

That  such  a  large  majority  in  this  tenement  community 
should  be  of  the  emotional  type  is  a  fact  that  should  be 
viewed  seriously  by  all  who  are  interested  in  the  welfare  of 
the  social  classes  here  represented.  These  are  the  families, 
together  with  those  of  the  motor  type,  that  make  possible 
dangerous  panics  and  frenzied  mobs.  This  is  the  element 
that  demagogues  control  for  their  own  purposes.  And 
this  is  the  soil  in  which  fakes  of  every  kind,  religious  and 
others,  take  root  and  flourish. 

To  modify  and  develop  this  type  into  something  higher 
is  one  of  the  all-important  functions  of  our  educational 
institutions.  The  power  of  the  school  is  nowhere  more 
clearly  seen  than  in  its  effect  upon  an  emotional  community. 
Much  of  superstition  is  bound  to  give  place  before  the 
enlightenment  that  the  school  creates.  Common-sense  and 
reason,  awakened  in  the  younger  minds  by  the  school,  will 
at  length  begin  to  dominate. 

Six  families  are  of  the  dogmatic-emotional  type,  and  so 
also  are  individual  members  of  eighty-four  other  families. 
A  majority  of  these  families  are  Jews. 

There  are  no  families  in  Block  X  that  can  with  certainty 
be  classed  as  critically-intellectual. 

JONES,  S.  C.  B.  92-93. 


Practical  Differences  and  Resemblances 

The  objective  differences  and  resemblances,  consisting 
of  diversities  or  similarities  of  mental  acquisitions,  ideas, 
beliefs,  and  modes  of  conduct,  that  may  be  observed  in  any 
social  population  may  be  classed  as  Cultural,  Economic, 
Moral  and  Legal,  and  Political. 

Cultural.  —  The  cultural  differences  and  resemblances 
presented  by  a  social  population  include  diversity  or 
unity  of  language ;  degrees  of  literacy ;  peculiarities 
of  manners,  costumes,  amusements,  and  arts;  unity  or 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  241 

diversity  of  religious  belief  and  worship,  and  disagreement 
or  agreement  in  the  mental  attitude  of  the  people  toward 
scientific  knowledge,  investigation,  and  discovery. 

Unity  of  Language :    Greece 

For  the  Helots  as  well  as  the  Penestae  had  their  own 
common  language  and  mutual  sympathies,  a  separate  resi- 
dence, arms,  and  courage  ;  to  a  certain  extent,  also,  they 
possessed  the  means  of  acquiring  property,  since  we  are 
told  that  some  of  the  Penestse  were  richer  than  their 
masters. 

GROTE,  History  of  Greece,  Vol.  II.  279. 

Literacy  in   Japan 

Did  the  degree  of  illiteracy  in  a  country  bear  a  neces- 
sary relation  to  the  difficulty  encountered  by  its  people  in 
learning  their  alphabet,  or  syllabary,  or  hieroglyphs,  or 
whatever  vehicle  they  use  for  the  written  expression  of 
their  thought,  then  Japan  should  be  the  most  illiterate 
country  in  the  world,  whereas  it  is  safe  to  say  that  in 
that  empire  the  ratio  of  illiteracy  is  scarcely  greater  than 
in  Germany  or  New  England.  Except  among  the  pa- 
riahs, it  is  a  very  rare  thing  to  find,  even  in  the  lowest 
classes,  a  man  or  woman  who  cannot  read  and  write, 
although  the  labor  involved  in  these  acquirements  is  ten, 
twenty,  fifty  times  as  great  as  that  imposed  upon  the 
learner  in  any  Western  land.  For  every  Japanese  child  in 
school,  seven  years,  at  least,  is  the  time  which  must  be 
devoted  to  the  mere  recognition  of  the  characters  employed 
in  writing,  and  even  then  the  list  is  by  no  means  mas- 
tered. The  little  scholar  at  the  end  of  that  period  is 
only  able  to  recognize,  possibly,  a  tenth  of  all  the  signs 
which  are  used.  He  is  qualified,  perhaps,  to  read  the 
better  class  of  newspapers  which  employ  only  a  range 
of  about  four  or  five  thousand  characters.  To  know  the 
entire  list  of  nearly  fifty  thousand  is  the  rare  attainment 
of  the  lifelong  student  of  literature,  and  it  is  as  doubtful 


242      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

whether  any  one  has  succeeded  in  gaining  such  a  mas- 
tery, as  it  is  whether  there  is  any  one  in  the  West  to- 
day who  is  familiar  with  every  word  in  the  Century 
Dictionary. 

ARTHURM.  Rx  we,  Feudal  and  Modern  Japan,  Vol.  II.  23-25. 


Diversity  of  Manners  and  Ceremony:  Transylvania 

Oats  have  been  defined  by  Dr.  Johnson  as  a  grain  serv- 
ing to  nourish  horses  in  England  and  men  in  Scotland ; 
and  in  spite  of  this  contemptuous  definition,  its  name,  to 
us  Caledonian  born,  must  always  awaken  pleasant  recollec- 
tions of  the  porridge  and  bannocks  of  our  childhood.  It 
is,  however,  a  new  experience  to  find  a  country  where  this 
often  unappreciated  grain  occupies  a  still  prouder  position, 
and  where  its  name  is  associated  with  memories  yet  more 
pregnant  and  tender  ;  for  autumn,  not  spring,  is  the  season 
of  Saxon  love,  and  oats,  not  myrtle,  are  here  emblematic 
of  courtship  and  betrothal. 

In  proportion  as  the  waving  surface  of  the  green  oat- 
fields  begins  to  assume  a  golden  tint,  so  also  does  curiosity 
awaken  and  gossip  grow  rife  in  the  village.  Well-informed 
people  may  have  hinted  before  that  such  and  such  a  youth 
had  been  seen  more  than  once  stepping  in  at  the  gate  of 
the  big  red  house  in  the  long  street,  and  more  than  one 
chatterer  had  been  ready  to  identify  the  speckled  carna- 
tions which  on  Sundays  adorned  the  hat  of  some  youthful 
Conrad  or  Thomas,  as  having  been  grown  in  the  garden  of 
a  certain  Anna  or  Maria ;  but  after  all  these  had  been  but 
mere  conjectures,  for  nothing  positive  can  be  known  as 
yet,  and  ill-natured  people  were  apt  to  console  themselves 
with  the  reflection  that  St.  Catherine's  Day  was  yet  a  long 
way  off,  and  that  "  there  is  many  a  slip  'twixt  the  cup  and 
the  lip." 

But  now  the  great  day  which  is  to  dispel  all  doubt  and 
put  an  end  to  conjecture  is  approaching  —  that  day  which 
will  destroy  so  many  illusions  and  fulfil  so  few ;  for  now 
the  sun  has  given  the  final  touch  to  the  ripening  grain,  and 
soon  the  golden  sheaves  are  lying  piled  together  on  the 
clean-shorn  stubble-field,  only  waiting  to  be  carted  away. 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  243 

Then  one  evening  when  the  sun  is  sinking  low  on  the 
horizon,  and  no  breath  of  air  is  there  to  lift  the  white 
powdery  dust  from  off  the  hedge-rows,  the  sound  of  a 
drum  is  heard  in  the  village  street,  and  a  voice  proclaims 
aloud  that  "to-morrow  the  oats  are  to  be  fetched  home." 

Like  wildfire  the  news  has  spread  throughout  the  village ; 
the  cry  is  taken  up  and  repeated  with  various  intonations 
of  hope,  curiosity,  anticipation,  or  triumph,  "To-morrow 
the  oats  will  be  fetched." 

A  stranger  probably  fails  to  perceive  anything  particu- 
larly thrilling  about  this  intelligence,  having  no  reason  to 
suppose  the  garnering  of  oats  to  be  in  any  way  more  inter- 
esting than  the  carting  of  potatoes  or  wheat;  and,  no 
doubt,  to  the  majority  of  land-owners  the  thought  of  to- 
morrow's work  is  chiefly  connected  with  dry  prosaic  details, 
such  as  repairing  the  harness  and  oiling  the  cart-wheels. 
But  there  are  others  in  the  village  on  whom  the  announce- 
ment has  had  an  electrifying  effect,  and  for  whom  the 
words  are  synonymous  with  love  and  wedding-bells.  Five 
or  six  of  the  young  village  swains,  or  maybe  as  many  as 
eight  or  ten,  spend  that  evening  in  a  state  of  pleasurable 
bustle  and  excitement,  busying  themselves  in  cleaning  and 
decking  out  the  cart  for  the  morrow,  furbishing  up  the  best 
harness,  grooming  the  work-horses  till  their  coats  are  made 
to  shine  like  satin,  and  plaiting  up  their  manes  with  bright- 
colored  ribbons. 

Early  next  morning  the  sound  of  harness-bells  and  the 
loud  cracking  of  whips  cause  all  curious  folk  to  rush  to 
their  doors ;  and  as  every  one  is  curious,  the  whole  popula- 
tion is  soon  assembled  in  the  street  to  gaze  at  the  sight  of 
young  Hans  N ,  attired  in  his  bravest  clothes  and  wear- 
ing in  his  cap  a  monstrous  bouquet,  riding  postilion  fashion 
on  the  left-hand  horse,  and  cracking  his  whip  with  osten- 
tatious triumph,  while  behind,  on  the  gayly  decorated  cart, 
is  seated  a  blushing  maiden,  who  lowers  her  eyes  in  con- 
fusion at  thus  seeing  herself  the  object  of  general  attention 
—  at  least  this  is  what  she  is  supposed  to  do,  for  every 
well-brought-up  girl  ought  surely  to  blush  and  hang  her 
head  in  graceful  embarrassment  when  she  first  appears  in 
the  character  of  a  bride ;'  and  although  no  formal  proposal 
has  yet  taken  place,  by  consenting  to  assist  the  young  man 


244      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

to  bring  in  his  oats  she  has  virtually  confessed  her  willing- 
ness to  become  his  wife. 

Her  appearance  on  this  occasion  will  doubtless  cause 
much  envy  and  disappointment  among  her  less  fortunate 
companions,  who  gaze  out  furtively  through  the  chinks  of 
the  wooden  boarding  at  the  spectacle  of  a  triumph  they 
had  perhaps  hoped  for  themselves.  "  So  it  is  the  red- 
haired  Susanna  after  all,  and  not  the  miller's  Agnes,  as 
every  one  made  sure,"  the  gossips  are  saying.  "  And  who 
has  young  Martin  got  on  his  cart,  I  wonder  ?  May  I  never 
spin  flax  again  if  it  is  not  that  saucy  wench,  the  black-eyed 
Lisi,  who  was  all  but  promised  to  small-pox  Peter  of  the 
green  corner  house,"  —  and  so  on,  and  so  on,  in  endless 
variety,  as  the  decorated  carts  go  by  in  procession,  each 
one  giving  rise  to  manifold  remarks  and  comments,  and 
not  one  of  them  failing  to  leave  disappointment  and  heart- 
burning in  its  rear. 

This  custom  of  the  maiden  helping  the  young  man  to 
bring  in  his  oats,  and  thereby  signifying  her  willingness  to 
marry  him,  is  prevalent  only  in  a  certain  district  to  the 
north  of  Transylvania  called  the  Haferland,  or  country  of 
oats  —  a  broad  expanse  of  country  covered  at  harvest-time 
by  a  billowy  sea  of  golden  grain,  the  whole  fortune  of  the 
land-owners.  In  other  parts  various  other  betrothal  cus- 
toms are  prevalent,  as  for  instance  in  Neppendorf,  a  large 
village  close  to  Hermanstadt,  inhabited  partly  by  Saxons, 
partly  by  Austrians,  or  Landlers,  as  they  call  themselves. 
This  latter  race  is  of  far  more  recent  introduction  in  the 
country  than  the  Saxons,  having  only  come  hither  (last 
century)  in  the  time  of  Maria  Theresa,  who  had  summoned 
them  to  replenish  some  of  the  Saxon  colonies  in  danger  of 
becoming  extinct.  If  it  is  strange  to  note  how  rigidly  the 
Saxons  have  kept  themselves  from  mingling  with  the  sur- 
rounding Magyars  and  Roumanians,  it  is  yet  more  curious 
to  see  how  these  two  German  races  have  existed  side  by 
side  for  over  a  hundred  years  without  amalgamating  ;  and 
this  for  no  sort  of  antagonistic  reason,  for  they  live  together 
in  perfect  harmony,  attending  the  same  church,  and  con- 
forming to  the  same  regulations,  but  each  people  preserv- 
ing its  own  individual  costume  and  customs.  The  Saxons 
and  the  Landlers  have  each  their  different  parts  of  the 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  245 

church  assigned  to  them ;  no  Saxon  woman  would  ever 
think  of  donning  the  fur  cap  of  a  Landler  matron,  while 
as  little  would  the  latter  exchange  her  tight-fitting  fur  coat 
for  the  wide  hanging  mantle  worn  by  the  other. 

Until  quite  lately  unions  have  very  seldom  taken  place 
between  members  of  these  different  races.  Only  within 
the  last  twenty  years  or  so  have  some  of  the  Saxon  youths 
awoke  to  the  consciousness  that  the  Austrian  girls  make 
better  and  more  active  housewives  than  their  own  phleg- 
matic countrywomen,  and  have  consequently  sought  them 
in  marriage.  Even  then,  when  both  parties  are  willing, 
many  a  projected  union  makes  shipwreck  upon  the  stiff- 
neckedness  of  the  two  paterfamilias,  who  neither  of  them 
will  concede  anything  to  the  other.  Thus,  for  instance, 
when  the  Saxon  father  of  the  bridegroom  demands  that 
his  future  daughter-in-law  should  adopt  Saxon  attire  when 
she  becomes  the  wife  of  his  son,  the  Landler  father  will 
probably  take  offence  and  withdraw  his  consent  at  the 
last  moment ;  not  a  cap  nor  a  jacket,  not  even  a  pin  or  an 
inch  of  ribbon,  will  either  of  the  two  concede  to  the  wishes 
of  the  young  people.  Thus  many  hopeful  alliances  are 
nipped  in  the  bud,  and  those  which  have  been  accomplished 
are  almost  invariably  based  on  the  understanding  that  each 
party  retains  its  own  attire,  and  that  the  daughters  born  of 
such  union  follow  the  mother,  the  sons  the  father,  in  the 
matter  of  costume. 

Among  the  Landlers  the  marriage  proposal  takes  place 
in  a  way  which  deserves  to  be  mentioned.  The  youth  who 
has  secretly  cast  his  eye  on  the  girl  he  fain  would  make 
his  wife  prepares  a  new  silver  thaler  (about  2s.  6d.)  by 
winding  round  it  a  piece  of  bright-colored  ribbon,  and 
wrapping  the  whole  in  a  clean  sheet  of  white  letter-paper. 
With  this  coin  in  his  pocket  he  repairs  to  the  next  village 
dance,  and  takes  the  opportunity  of  slipping  it  unobserved 
into  the  girl's  hand  while  they  are  dancing.  By  no  word 
or  look  does  she  betray  any  consciousness  of  his  actions, 
and  only  when  back  at  home  she  produces  the  gift,  and 
acquaints  her  parents  with  what  has  taken  place.  A  family 
council  is  then  held  as  to  the  merits  of  the  suitor  and  the 
expediency  of  accepting  or  rejecting  the  proposal.  Should 
the  latter  be  decided  upon,  the  maiden  must  take  an  early 


246      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

opportunity  of  intrusting  the  silver  coin  to  a  near  relation 
of  the  young  man,  who  in  receiving  it  back  is  thereby  in- 
formed that  he  has  nothing  further  to  hope  in  that  direc- 
tion ;  but  if  three  days  have  elapsed  without  his  thaler 
returning  to  him,  he  is  entitled  to  regard  this  as  encourage- 
ment, and  may  commence  to  visit  in  the  house  of  his  sweet- 
heart on  the  footing  of  an  official  wooer. 

In  case  of  rejection,  it  is  considered  a  point  of  honor  on 
the  part  of  all  concerned  that  no  word  should  betray  the 
state  of  the  case  to  the  outer  world  —  a  delicate  reticence 
one  is  surprised  to  meet  with  in  these  simple  people. 

This  giving  of  the  silver  coin  is  probably  a  remnant  of 
the  old  custom  of  "buying  the  bride,"  and  in  many  villages 
it  is  customary  still  to  talk  of  the  braut  kaufen. 

In  some  places  it  is  usual  for  the  lad  who  is  courting  to 
adorn  the  window  of  his  fair  one  with  a  flowering  branch 
of  hawthorn  at  Pentecost,  and  at  Christmas  to  fasten  a 
sprig  of  mistletoe  or  a  fir-branch  to  the  gable  end  of  her 
house. 

To  return,  however,  to  the  land  of  oats,  where,  after  the 
harvest  has  been  successfully  garnered,  the  bridegroom 
proceeds  to  make  fast  the  matter,  or,  in  other  words,  offi- 
cially to  demand  the  girl's  hand  of  her  parents. 

It  is  not  consistent  with  village  etiquette  that  the  bride- 
groom in  spe  should  apply  directly  to  the  father  of  his 
intended,  but  he  must  depute  some  near  relation  or  intimate 
friend  to  bring  forward  his  request.  The  girl's  parents, 
on  their  side,  likewise  appoint  a  representative  to  transmit 
the  answer.  These  two  ambassadors  are  called  the  wort- 
macher  (word-makers)  —  sometimes  also  the  hochzeitsvdter 
(wedding-fathers).  Much  talking  and  speechifying  are 
required  correctly  to  transact  a  wedding  from  beginning 
to  end,  and  a  fluent  and  eloquent  wortmacker  is  a  much- 
prized  individual. 

Each  village  has  its  own  set  formulas  for  each  of  the 
like  occasions — long-winded  pompous  speeches,  rigorously 
adhered  to,  and  admitting  neither  of  alteration  nor  cur- 
tailment. 

E.  GERARD,  The  Land  beyond  the  Forest,  94-99. 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  247 


American  Cultural  Unity 

Nothing  else  is  so  serious  a  barrier  to  community  of 
thought  as  a  difference  of  language.  This  barrier  will  for 
generations  prevent  a  universal  cooperation  of  the  peoples 
of  Europe.  Astonishing,  indeed,  by  comparison  is  the 
unity  of  language  in  the  United  States.  On  the  mainland 
of  the  United  States  in  1900  there  were  only  1,403,212  per- 
sons unable  to  speak  English,  and  of  these  86.7  per  cent 
were  foreign  born  whites,  whose  children  with  few  excep- 
tions will  speak  the  language  of  the  country  of  their 
adoption. 

Next  to  differences  of  language,  illiteracy  and  the  igno- 
rance which  it  generally  implies  is  an  obstacle  to  unity  of 
thought  and  purpose.  Here,  again,  as  compared  with  all 
parts  of  the  world  except  northwestern  Europe,  the  people 
of  the  United  States  are  relatively  homogeneous.  The 
whole  number  of  illiterates  found  in  1900  on  the  mainland 
of  the  United  States  was  only  6,180,069.  Of  these  only 
3,200,746  were  whites,  and  only  1,913,61 1  were  native  born 
whites. 

Next  to  ignorance,  differences  of  religion  have  been  a 
barrier  to  successful  cooperation  on  a  large  scale,  since 
history  began.  One  of  the  chief  efforts  of  every  empire 
which  has  sought  to  create  a  moral  solidarity  among  its 
subjects  has  been  to  establish  by  persuasion  or  by  force  a 
unity  of  religious  belief.  Two  of  the  greatest  powers  of 
modern  times,  however,  have  for  more  than  a  century 
adhered  to  a  policy  of  the  widest  toleration.  One  of  these, 
the  British  Empire,  is  in  the  matter  of  religious  belief  the 
most  heterogeneous  aggregation  of  men  in  the  world. 
Christians,  Mohammedans,  Buddhists,  each  faith  numbered 
by  millions,  swear  allegiance  to  the  British  crown.  Amer- 
ica, on  the  other  hand,  is  practically  a  Christian  population, 
the  representation  of  non-Christian  faiths  in  the  United 
States  being  almost  infinitesimal.  The  most  radical  differ- 
ences of  religious  belief  that  we  have,  are  represented  by 
the  division  into  Catholics,  Protestants,  and  Mormons.  Re- 
ligious statistics  were  not  taken  in  the  census  of  1900. 
The  census  of  1890  found  a  total  of  20,612,806  communi- 


248      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

cants  or  church  members  in  the  United  States,  of  whom 
6,231,417  were  Roman  Catholics. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 

Manners  in  America 

Another  question  is  more  serious  and  less  easily  an- 
swered. What  is  the  effect  of  social  equality  upon  man- 
ners ?  Many  causes  go  to  the  making  of  manners,  as  one 
may  see  by  noting  how  much  better  they  are  in  some  parts 
of  Europe  than  in  other  parts  where  nevertheless  the 
structure  of  society  is  equally  aristocratic,  or  democratic, 
as  the  case  may  be.  One  must  therefore  be  careful  not  to 
ascribe  to  this  source  only  such  peculiarities  as  America 
shows.  On  the  whole,  bearing  in  mind  that  the  English 
race  has  less  than  some  other  races  of  that  quickness  of 
perception  and  sympathy  which  goes  far  to  make  manners 
good,  the  Americans  have  gained  more  than  they  have  lost 
by  equality.  I  do  not  think  that  the  upper  class  loses  in 
grace,  I  am  sure  that  the  humbler  class  gains  in  indepen- 
dence. The  manners  of  the  "  best  people  "  are  exactly 
those  of  England,  with  a  thought  more  of  consideration 
towards  inferiors  and  of  frankness  towards  equals.  Among 
the  masses,  there  is,  generally  speaking,  as  much  real  cour- 
tesy and  good  nature  as  anywhere  else  in  the  world.  There 
is  less  outward  politeness  than  in  some  parts  of  Europe, 
Portugal  for  instance,  or  Tuscany,  or  Sweden.  There  is 
a  certain  coolness  or  off-handness  which  at  first  annoys 
the  European  visitor,  who  still  thinks  himself  "a  superior"; 
but  when  he  perceives  that  it  is  not  meant  for  insolence, 
and  that  native  Americans  do  not  notice  it,  he  learns  to 
acquiesce.  Perhaps  the  worst  manners  are  those  of  per- 
sons drest  in  some  rag  of  authority.  The  railroad  car-con- 
ductor has  a  bad  name ;  but  personally  I  have  always  been 
well  treated  by  him,  and  remember  with  pleasure  one  on 
a  Southern  railroad  (an  ex-Confederate  soldier)  who  did  the 
honours  of  his  car  with  a  dignified  courtesy  worthy  of  those 
Hungarian  nobles  who  are  said  to  have  the  best  manners 
in  Europe.  The  hotel  clerk  is  supercilious,  but  if  one 
frankly  admits  his  superiority,  his  patronage  becomes 
friendly,  and  he  may  even  condescend  to  interest  himself 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  249 

in  making  your  stay  in  the  city  agreeable.  One  finds  most 
courtesy  among  the  rural  population  of  New  England  and 
the  Middle  States,  least  among  the  recent  immigrants  in 
the  cities  and  the  unsettled  population  of  the  West.  How- 
ever, the  most  material  point  to  remark  is  the  improvement 
in  recent  years.  The  concurrent  testimony  of  European 
travellers,  including  both  admirers  and  detractors  of  democ- 
racy, proves  that  manners  must  have  been  disagreeable 
forty  years  ago,  and  one  finds  nowadays  an  equally  general 
admission  that  the  Americans  are  as  pleasant  to  one  another 
and  to  strangers  as  are  the  French  or  the  Germans  or  the 
English.  The  least  agreeable  feature  to  the  visitors  of 
former  years,  an  incessant  vaunting  of  their  own  country 
and  disparagement  of  others,  has  disappeared,  and  the 
tinge  of  self-assertion  which  the  sense  of  equality  used  to 
give  is  now  but  faintly  noticeable. 

BRYCE,  The  American  Commonwealth,  Vol.  II.  609-610. 


Local  Types  of  Opinion  in  America 

Both  the  general  tendencies  and  the  class  tendencies  in 
the  development  of  public  opinion  which  I  have  attempted 
to  sketch,  may  be  observed  all  over  the  vast  area  of  the 
Union.  Some,  however,  are  more  powerful  in  one  region, 
others  in  another,  while  the  local  needs  and  feelings  of 
each  region  tend  to  give  a  particular  colour  to  its  views 
and  direction  to  its  aims.  One  must  therefore  inquire  into 
and  endeavour  to  describe  these  local  differences,  so  as,  by 
duly  allowing  for  them,  to  correct  what  has  been  stated 
generally  with  regard  to  the  conditions  under  which  opinion 
is  formed,  and  the  questions  which  evoke  it. 

In  an  earlier  chapter  I  have  classified  the  States  into 
five  groups,  the  Northeastern  or  New  England  States,  the 
Middle  States,  the  Northwestern  States,  the  Southern 
States,  and  the  States  of  the  Pacific  Slope.  For  the  pur- 
pose of  our  present  inquiry  there  is  no  material  difference 
between  the  first  two  of  these  groups,  but  the  differences 
between  the  others  are  significant. 


250      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

In  the  Eastern  States  the  predominant  influence  is  that 
of  capitalists,  manufacturers,  merchants  —  in  a  word,  of  the 
commercial  classes.  The  East  finds  the  capital  for  great 
undertakings  all  over  the  country,  particularly  for  the  mak- 
ing of  railroads,  the  stock  of  which  is  chiefly  held  by  East- 
ern investors,  and  the  presidents  whereof  often  have  their 
central  office  in  New  York,  Boston,  or  Philadelphia,  though 
the  line  may  traverse  the  Western  or  Southern  States.  The 
East  also  conducts  the  gigantic  trade  with  Europe.  It  ships 
the  grain  and  the  cattle,  the  pork  and  the  petroleum,  it 
finances  the  shipping  of  much  of  the  cotton,  it  receives 
nearly  all  the  manufactured  goods  that  Europe  sends,  as  well 
as  the  emigrants  from  Britain,  Germany,  and  Scandinavia. 
The  arms  of  its  great  bankers  and  merchants  stretch  over 
the  whole  Union,  making  those  commercial  influences 
which  rule  in  their  own  seat  potent  everywhere.  Eastern 
opinion  is  therefore  the  most  quickly  and  delicately  sensi- 
tive to  financial  movements  and  to  European  influences,  as 
well  as  the  most  firmly  bound  to  a  pacific  policy.  As  in 
the  beginning  of  the  century,  trade  interests  made  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut  anxious  to  avoid  a  breach  with 
England,  to  whose  ports  their  vessels  plied,  so  now,  though 
the  shipping  which  enters  Eastern  ports  is  chiefly  Euro- 
pean (English,  Norwegian,  German,  French),  the  mercan- 
tile connections  of  American  and  European  merchants  and 
financiers  are  so  close  that  an  alarm  of  war  might  produce 
widespread  disaster. 

The  East  is  also,  being  the  oldest,  the  best  educated  and 
most  intelligent  quarter  of  the  country.  Not  only  does  it 
contain  more  men  of  high  culture,  but  the  average  of  knowl- 
edge and  thought  (excluding  the  mob  of  the  great  cities 
and  some  backward  districts  in  the  hills  of  Pennsylvania) 
is  higher  than  elsewhere.  Its  literary  men  and  eminent 
teachers  labour  for  the  whole  country,  and  its  cities,  which 
show  the  lowest  element  of  the  population  in  their  rabble, 
show  also  the  largest  number  of  men  of  light  and  leading 
in  all  professions.  Although  very  able  newspapers  are 
published  in  the  West  as  well  as  in  the  East,  still  the  tone 
of  Eastern  political  discussion  is  more  generally  dignified 
and  serious  than  in  the  rest  of  the  Union.  The  influences 
of  Europe,  which,  of  course,  play  first  and  chiefly  upon  the 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  251 

East,  are,  so  far  as  they  affect  manners  and  morality,  by 
no  means  an  unmixed  good.  But  in  the  realm  of  thought 
Europe  and  its  criticism  are  a  stimulative  force,  which 
corrects  any  undue  appreciation  of  national  virtues,  and 
helps  forward  sound  views  in  economics  and  history.  The 
leisured  and  well-read  class  to  be  found  in  some  Eastern 
cities  is  as  cosmopolitan  in  tone  as  can  be  found  anywhere 
in  the  world,  yet  has  not  lost  the  piquancy  of  its  native 
soil.  Its  thought  appropriates  what  is  fresh  and  sound  in 
the  literature  or  scientific  work  of  Germany,  England,  and 
France,  more  readily  than  any  of  those  countries  seems  to 
learn  from  each  of  the  others.  These  causes,  added  to  the 
fact  that  the  perversions  of  party  government  have  been 
unusually  gross  among  the  irresponsible  masses  that  crowd 
these  very  cities,  has  roused  a  more  strenuous  opposition 
to  the  so-called  "  machine "  than  in  other  parts  of  the 
country.  The  Eastern  voter  is  less  bound  to  his  party, 
more  accustomed  to  think  for  himself,  and  to  look  for  light, 
when  he  feels  his  own  knowledge  defective,  to  capable 
publicists.  When,  either  in  Federal  or  State  or  city  politics, 
an  independent  party  arises,  repudiating  the  bad  nomina- 
tions of  one  or  both  of  the  regular  organizations,  it  is  here 
that  it  finds  its  leaders  and  the  greatest  part  of  its  support. 
There  is  also  in  New  England  a  good  deal  left  of  the  spirit 
of  Puritanism,  cold  and  keen  as  glacier  air,  with  its  high 
standard  of  public  duty  and  private  honour,  its  disposition 
to  apply  the  maxims  of  religion  to  the  conduct  of  life,  its 
sense,  particularly  needed  in  this  tender-hearted  country, 
that  there  are  times  when  Agag  must  be  hewn  in  pieces 
before  the  Lord  in  Gilgal.  If  the  people  of  New  England, 
rural  New  York,  and  New  Jersey  had  been  left  unpolluted 
by  the  turbid  flood  of  foreign  immigration,  they  would  be 
the  fittest  of  any  in  the  world  for  a  pure  democratic  govern- 
ment. Evils  there  would  still  be,  as  in  all  governments, 
but  incomparably  less  grave  than  those  which  now  tax  the 
patriotism  of  the  party  which  from  these  States  holds  up  the 
banner  of  reform  for  the  whole  Union.  .  .  .  The  most  dis- 
tinctive elements  in  the  western  States  are  the  farming  class, 
which  here  attains  its  greatest  strength,  and  the  masses  of 
newly  arrived  Germans  and  Scandinavians. 


252      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Western  opinion  dislikes  theory,  and  holds  the  practical 
man  to  be  the  man  who,  while  discerning  keenly  his  own 
interest,  discerns  nothing  else  beyond  the  end  of  his  nose. 
It  goes  heartily  into  a  party  fight,  despising  Independents, 
Mugwumps,  and  "bolters"  of  all  sorts.  It  has  boundless 
confidence  in  the  future  of  the  country,  of  the  West  in 
particular,  of  its  own  State  above  all,  caring  not  much  for 
what  the  East  thinks,  and  still  less  for  the  judgment  of 
Europe.  .  .  .  While  things  are  as  they  are  now,  you  can- 
not get  the  average  Western  man  to  listen  to  philosophical 
reasonings,  or  trouble  himself  about  coming  dangers.  To 
arrest  him  you  must  touch  his  sentiment,  and  at  this 
moment  the  questions  whose  solution  presses  are  questions 
which  sentiment  goes  no  way  to  solve. 

The  West  may  be  called  the  most  distinctively  American 
part  of  America,  because  the  points  in  which  it  differs 
from  the  East  are  the  points  in  which  America  as  a  whole 
differs  from  Europe.  But  the  character  of  its  population 
differs  in  different  regions,  according  to  the  parts  of  the 
country  from  which  the  early  settlers  came.  Now  the 
settlers  have  generally  moved  along  the  parallels  of  latitude, 
and  we  have  therefore  the  curious  result  that  the  character- 
istics of  the  older  States  have  propagated  themselves  west- 
ward in  parallel  lines,  so  that  he  who  travels  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  will  find  fewer  differences 
to  note  than  he  who,  starting  from  Texas,  travels  north  to 
Manitoba.  Thus  northern  Ohio  was  filled  from  New 
England  and  western  New  York,  and  in  its  turn  colonized 
northern  Illinois,  Michigan,  and  much  of  the  farther  North- 
west. Southern  Ohio  and  Illinois,  together  with  great  part 
of  Indiana,  were  peopled  from  Virginia  and  Kentucky. 
******* 

The  Pacific  Slope,  as  its  inhabitants  call  it,  geographically 
includes  the  State  of  Oregon,  but  Oregon  resembles  the 
Northwestern  States  in  so  many  respects  that  she  may 
better  be  classed  with  them.  California  and  Nevada  on  the 
other  hand  are  distinctly  peculiar.  They  are  more  Western 
than  the  States  I  have  just  been  describing,  with  the  charac- 
teristics of  those  States  intensified  and  some  new  features 
added. 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  253 

Along  with  the  high  spirit  and  self-confidence  which 
belong  to  a  ruling  race,  these  Southern  democrats  have  an 
enlargement  of  view  and  an  aptitude  for  grasping  decided 
and  continuous  lines  of  policy,  in  fact  a  turn  for  statesman- 
ship as  contrasted  with  mere  politics,  which  is  less  common 
in  the  North,  because  it  is  less  favoured  by  the  conditions 
under  which  ambition  has  in  the  North  to  push  its  way. 
The  Southern  man  who  enters  public  life  has  a  more 
assured  position  than  his  rival  from  a  Northern  State,  be- 
cause he  represents  the  opinion  of  a  united  body  who  will 
stand  by  him,  who  regard  him  as  their  champion,  and  who 
expect  from  him  less  subservience  to  their  instructions. 
He  is  less  obliged  to  fear  and  court  the  breath  of  popular 
favour.  He  is  not  more  educated  or  intelligent :  he  has 
certainly  lived  in  a  less  stimulating  atmosphere.  But  he 
has  courage  and  a  clear  vision  of  his  objects,  the  two  gifts 
essential  for  a  statesman  ;  he  feels  a  united  popular  impulse 
behind  him  which  supplies  a  sort  of  second  patriotism. 
Opinion  in  the  Southern  States  before  the  war,  in  spite  of 
the  divisions  between  Democrats  and  Whigs,  was  generally 
bold,  definite,  and  consistent,  because  based  on  few  princi- 
ples. It  was  the  opinion  of  a  small  class  who  were  largely 
occupied  with  public  affairs.  It  has  preserved  this  quality 
while  losing  its  old  fierceness  and  better  recognizing  the 
conditions  under  which  it  must  work  in  a  Federal  republic. 
BRYCE,  The  American  Commonwealth,  Vol.  II.  268-274. 

Economic.  —  The  chief  economic  differences  and  resem- 
blances discoverable  in  any  social  population  are  those  of 
standard  of  living  and  of  occupation. 

The  term  standard  of  living  has  been  used  loosely  by 
economic  writers.  The  commodities  that  a  labouring  class 
consumes  are  not  its  standard  of  living,  they  are  merely  an 
index  of  its  standard.  Still  less  is  mere  desire  a  standard. 
The  real  standard  of  living  is  a  certain  conception  of  eco- 
nomic life,  which  regulates  desire  and  controls  conduct.  It 
is  constituted  of  traditional  beliefs  and  new  ideas  in  vary- 
ing proportions,  and  changes  as  these  factors  change. 


254     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 


Roman  Standards  of  Living 

I  write  these  things  unto  thee  from  Scipio  Africanus' 
country  house,  where  I  am  staying,  and  after  having  wor- 
shipped his  departed  spirit,  and  the  chest  in  which,  in  my 
opinion,  that  hero  is  buried :  the  soul  of  him,  indeed,  I  per- 
suade myself,  hath  returned  unto  heaven,  whence  it  was  ; 
not  because  he  led  great  armies  (for  this  also  the  furious 
Cambyses  did,  and  profited  by  his  fury),  but  for  his  great 
moderation  and  piety,  more  admirable  in  him  when  he  left 
his  country  than  when  he  defended  it.  Either  Scipio  must 
be  deprived  of  Rome,  or  Rome  of  liberty.  "  Nothing," 
saith  he,  "  will  I  derogate  from  laws,  nothing  from  decrees. 
Amongst  all  citizens  let  there  be  an  equal  right.  O  my 
country,  use  the  benefits  I  give  you,  but  let  me  go.  I  have 
been  the  cause ;  I  will  also  be  the  proof  of  your  liberty,  I 
depart,  if  I  have  waxed  greater  than  is  expedient  for  thee." 
How  can  I  choose  but  admire  this  magnanimity  ?  He  de- 
parted unto  voluntary  banishment  and  relieved  the  city. 
The  matter  was  brought  unto  that  pass,  that  either  liberty 
should  do  injury  to  Scipio,  or  Scipio  to  liberty.  Neither 
was  lawful.  Therefore  he  gave  place  to  the  laws,  and 
betook  himself  to  his  country  house  at  Liturnum,  as  will- 
ing to  give  the  Commonwealth  the  credit  of  his  banishment 
as  he  had  been  to  give  that  of  Hannibal.  I  saw  that  same 
country  house,  builded  of  four-square  stone,  a  wall  com- 
passing about  a  wood,  towers  also  set  under  both  sides  of 
the  house  for  purposes  of  defence  ;  a  cistern  beneath  the 
building  and  lawns,  which  was  able  to  serve  even  an  army 
of  men ;  a  little  narrow,  gloomy  bath,  as  the  old  fashion 
was,  —  for  nothing  seemed  warm  to  our  fathers  unless  it 
were  dark.  Great  pleasure  entered  into  me,  as  I  contrasted 
Scipio's  manners  and  our  own.  In  this  little  nook,  that 
terror  of  Carthage,  to  whom  Rome  owes  it  that  it  was 
taken  but  once,  would  wash  his  body,  wearied  with  work 
upon  the  farm;  for  hard  work  was  his  exercise,  and  he 
tilled  the  earth  as  our  fathers  used.  It  was  under  so  mean 
a  roof  as  this  he  stood  ;  it  was  this  mean  floor  that  carried 
him.  But  now,  who  is  he  that  would  put  up  with  such  a 
bath  as  this  ?  Poor  and  base  seemeth  a  man  to  himself, 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  255 

unless  the  walls  shine  with  great  and  precious  plaques ; 
except  Alexandrian  marbles  be  distinguished  amongst  Nu- 
midian  stucco  ;  except  there  be  laid  all  about  upon  them  a 
curious  varied  plastering  like  a  picture ;  except  the  cham- 
ber be  covered  over  with  glass  ;  except  Thasian  stone, 
which  once  was  a  rare  spectacle  even  in  a  temple,  forms 
the  lining  for  the  very  baths  in  which  we  repose  our  bodies 
after  copious  perspiration  ;  except  the  taps  which  pour 
water  upon  us  are  silver.  And  as  yet  I  speak  of  the  wash- 
houses  of  the  common  people  :  what  shall  I  say  when  I 
come  to  the  baths  of  f reedmen  ?  What  statues  —  what 
pillars  holding  nothing  up,  but  placed  for  ornament's  sake 
and  for  their  cost  —  what  water  sliding  down  upon  stairs 
with  a  great  plash  !  To  that  delicacy  are  we  come,  that  we 
will  not  tread  but  upon  precious  stones.  In  this  bath  of 
Scipio's  there  be  tiny  chinks,  rather  than  windows,  cut  out 
in  the  stone  wall,  that  without  taking  off  from  the  strength 
of  the  place  they  should  let  in  the  light.  But  now  they  are 
called  "  mosquito  baths,"  if  any  be  not  framed  so  as  to 
receive  the  sun,  with  wide  windows  all  day  long,  except  they 
be  bathed  and  fanned  both  at  once,  except  from  their  hip- 
bath they  can  look  out  upon  both  land  and  sea.  Those, 
therefore,  which  drew  crowds  and  astonishment  when  they 
were  opened,  these  are  relegated  into  the  ranks  of  the  old- 
fashioned,  when  riot  both  devised  some  new  thing,  where- 
with she  outdoes  even  herself.  But  in  old  time  there  were 
few  baths,  and  those  not  adorned  with  any  trimming-up. 
For  why  should  a  trumpery  thing  be  adorned  whose  end 
was  use,  and  not  delight  ?  Water  was  not  always  being 
sprinkled  about,  neither  always  as  from  a  warm  fountain, 
did  it  run  fresh  and  sparkling  for  them  to  wash  off  their 
grime.  But,  ye  Gods !  how  it  delighted  me  to  enter  into 
those  very  baths,  dark  though  they  were,  and  covered  with 
ceiling  of  the  common  sort,  which  thou  didst  know  that 
Cato,  when  he  was  overseer  of  public  buildings,  or  else 
Fabius  Maximus,  or  some  of  the  Cornelii,  tempered  with 
their  own  hands.  For  this  duty  the  most  noble  overseers 
of  public  buildings  performed,  namely,  of  going  into  those 
places  which  were  designed  for  the  people,  and  of  exacting 
neatness  and  a  profitable  and  healthy  temperature,  not  such 
as  has  lately  come  into  fashion,  liker  unto  a  burning  alive, 


256     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

so  that  a  servant  convicted  of  some  wickedness  should  now 
be  sentenced  to  be  bathed  alive.  No  difference  now  seem- 
eth  unto  me  whether  the  bath  be  scalding  hot  or  be  but 
warm.  Of  how  great  rusticity  may  some  condemn  Scipio, 
because  into  his  warm  bath  he  did  not  let  in  the  day  with 
large  windows  —  because  he  used  not  to  broil  in  a  great 
deal  of  sunlight,  and  used  to  be  actually  afraid  of  boiling 
in  his  bath  ?  Poor  wretch  !  he  knew  not  how  to  live.  He 
actually  was  not  washed  in  filtered,  but  very  often  in  dirty 
water — nay,  almost  muddy,  when  there  was  heavy  rain. 
Neither  much  cared  he  whether  it  was  so  or  not ;  it  was 
sweat  and  not  ointment  that  he  came  to  wash  away.  Canst 
thou  imagine  how  people  will  talk? — I  envy  not  Scipio; 
he  lived  in  banishment,  indeed,  who  had  to  bathe  thus,  and 
in  truth,  if  thou  wilt  know  it,  he  did  not  have  even  this  bath 
every  day ;  for,  according  to  those  who  have  handed  down 
the  old  manners  of  the  city,  they  washed  every  day  their 
arms  and  legs,  which  were  begrimed  with  dirt,  but  it  was 
only  once  in  nine  days  that  they  washed  all  over.  In  this 
place,  some  one  will  say,  it  is  apparent  that  they  were  most 
unclean.  What  must  they  have  smelt  of  ?  of  war,  of  labour, 
of  heroism.  After  that  clean  baths  are  furnished  there  be 
more  filthy  men.  Horace  having  to  describe  an  infamous 
man,  and  one  notorious  for  too  many  delights,  what  sayeth 
he? 

"  Of  pomander  doth  Rufillus  smell." 

Thou  wouldst  give  place  to  Rufillus  now,  as  if  he  smelt 
like  a  goat,  and  as  Gargonius  did,  to  whom  Horace  hath 
opposed  Rufillus.  It  is  too  little  to  take  an  ointment  upon 
thee  except  it  be  renewed  twice  or  thrice  in  a  day,  lest  it 
should  vanish  from  the  body.  They  boast  of  a  perfume 
as  if  it  were  their  own.  If  these  things  seem  so  sad  unto 
thee,  thou  shalt  impute  it  to  the  villa  wherein  I  am. 

SENECA,  Letters,  translated  by  THOMAS  LODGE. 

Standards  of  Comfort :    North  and  South  before  the  Civil 

War. 

I  think  that  the  error  which  prevails  in  the  South,  with 
regard  to  the  general  condition  of  our  working  people,  is 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  257 

much  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  a  different  standard 
of  comfort  is  used  by  most  persons  at  the  South  from 
that  known  at  the  North,  and  that  used  by  northern 
writers.  People  at  the  South  are  content  and  happy 
with  a  condition  which  few  accept  at  the  North  unless 
with  great  complaint,  or  with  expressions  of  resignation 
such  as  are  the  peculiar  property  of  slaves  at  the  South. 
If,  reader,  you  had  been  travelling  all  day  through  a  country 
of  the  highest  agricultural  capability,  settled  more  than 
twenty  years  ago,  and  toward  nightfall  should  be  advised 
by  a  considerate  stranger  to  ride  five  miles  further,  in  order 
to  reach  the  residence  of  Mr.  Brown,  because  Mr.  Brown, 
being  a  well-to-do  man,  and  a  right  good  fellow,  had 
built  an  uncommonly  good  house,  and  got  it  well  fur- 
nished, had  a  score  of  servants,  and  being  at  a  distance 
from  neighbors,  was  always  glad  to  entertain  a  respect- 
able stranger  —  after  hearing  this,  as  you  continued  your 
ride  somewhat  impatiently  in  the  evening  chill,  what 
consolations  would  your  imagination  find  in  the  prospect 
before  you  ?  My  New  England  and  New  York  expe- 
rience would  not  forbid  the  hope  of  a  private  room, 
where  I  could,  in  the  first  place,  wash  off  the  dust  of  the 
road,  and  make  some  change  of  clothing  before  being 
admitted  to  a  family  apartment.  This  family  room  would 
be  curtained  and  carpeted,  and  glowing  softly  with  the 
light  of  sperm  candles  or  a  shaded  lamp.  When  I 
entered  it,  I  could  expect  that  a  couch  or  an  arm-chair, 
and  a  fragrant  cup  of  tea,  with  refined  sugar,  and 
wholesome  bread  of  wheaten  flour,  leavened,  would  be 
offered  me.  I  should  think  it  likely  that  I  should  then 
have  a  snatch  of  Tannhauser  or  Trovatore,  which  had 
been  running  faintly  in  my  head  all  day,  fingered 
clearly  out  to  my  entire  satisfaction  upon  a  piano-forte. 
I  should  then  look  with  perfect  confidence  to  being  able 
to  refer  to  Shakespeare,  or  Longfellow,  or  Dickens,  if 
anything  I  had  seen  or  thought  during  the  day  had 
haply  led  me  to  wish  to  do  so.  I  should  expect,  as  a 
matter  of  course,  a  clean,  sweet  bed,  where  I  could 
sleep  alone  and  undisturbed,  until  possibly  in  the  morn- 
ing a  jug  of  hot  water  should  be  placed  at  my  door,  to 
aid  the  removal  of  a  traveller's  rigid  beard.  I  should 


258      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

expect  to  draw  a  curtain  from  before  the  window,  to 
lift  the  sash  without  effort,  to  look  into  a  garden,  and 
fill  my  lungs  with  fragrant  air ;  and  I  should  be  certain 
when  I  came  down  of  a  royal  breakfast.  A  man  of 
these  circumstances  in  this  rich  country,  he  will  be  ask- 
ing my  opinion  of  his  fruits.  A  man  of  his  disposition 
cannot  exist  in  the  country  without  ladies,  and  ladies 
cannot  exist  in  the  country  without  flowers ;  and  might 
I  not  hope  for  the  refinement  which  decks  even  the 
table  with  them  ?  and  that  the  breakfast  would  be  a 
meal  as  well  as  a  feed  —  an  institution  of  mental  and 
moral  sustenance  as  well  as  of  palatable  nourishment  to 
the  body  ?  My  horse  I  need  hardly  look  after  if  he  be  a 
sound  brute ;  —  good  stables,  litter,  oats,  hay,  and  water, 
grooming,  and  discretion  in  their  use,  will  never  be 
wanting  in  such  a  man's  house  in  the  country. 

In  what  civilized  region,  after  such  advice,  would  such 
thoughts  be  preposterous,  unless  in  the  slave  States  ? 
Not  but  that  such  men  and  such  houses,  such  families 
and  home  comforts  may  be  found  in  the  South.  I  have 
found  them  —  a  dozen  of  them,  delightful  homes.  But 
then  in  a  hundred  cases  where  I  received  such  advice, 
and  heard  houses  and  men  so  described,  I  did  not  find 
one  of  the  things  imagined  above,  nor  anything  rang- 
ing with  them.  Between  the  Mississippi  and  the  upper 
James  River,  I  saw  not  only  none  of  those  things,  re- 
ceived none  of  those  attentions,  but  I  saw  and  met 
nothing  of  the  kind.  Nine  times  out  of  ten  at  least, 
after  such  a  promise,  I  slept  in  a  room  with  others,  in  a 
bed  which  stank,  supplied  with  but  one  sheet,  if  with  any; 
I  washed  with  utensils  common  to  the  whole  household; 
I  found  no  garden,  no  flowers,  no  fruit,  no  tea,  no 
cream,  no  sugar,  no  bread ;  (for  corn  pone,  let  me  assert, 
in  parenthesis,  though  possibly,  as  tastes  differ,  a  very 
good  thing  of  its  kind  for  ostriches,  is  not  bread : 
neither  does  even  flour,  salt,  fat,  and  water,  stirred  together 
and  warmed,  constitute  bread ; )  no  curtains,  no  lifting 
windows  (three  times  out  of  four  absolutely  no  windows), 
no  couch  —  if  one  reclined  in  the  family  room  it  was 
on  the  bare  floor  —  for  there  were  no  carpets  or  mats. 
For  all  that  the  house  swarmed  with  vermin.  There  was 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  259 

no  hay,  no  straw,  no  oats  (but  mouldy  corn  and  leaves 
of  maize),  no  discretion,  no  care,  no  honesty  at  the  — 
there  was  no  stable,  but  a  log-pen ;  and  besides  this, 
no  other  out-house  but  a  smoke-house,  a  corn-house,  and 
a  range  of  nigger-houses.  .  .  .  From  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi  to  the  banks  of  the  James,  I  did  not  (that  I 
remember)  see,  except  perhaps  in  one  or  two  towns,  a 
thermometer,  nor  a  book  of  Shakespeare,  nor  a  piano- 
forte or  sheet  of  music ;  nor  the  light  of  a  carcel  or 
other  good  centre-table  or  reading-lamp,  nor  an  engrav- 
ing, or  a  copy  of  any  kind,  of  a  work  of  art  of  the 
slightest  merit. 

FREDERICK  LAW  OLMSTED,  A  Journey  in  the  Back  Country,  392-397. 


Sclav  and  Saxon  Standards  in  the  Coal  Regions 

A  study  of  the  day-book  of  stores,  where  Anglo-Saxons 
and  Sclavs  deal,  reveals  very  clearly  the  difference  in  their 
standards  of  living.  A  greater  variety  of  articles  are  con- 
sumed by  the  former  than  by  the  latter.  A  store-keeper 
said,  if  the  bill  of  a  Sclav  goes  up  to  $10  a  month  for  gro- 
ceries, it  is  high ;  the  bill  of  the  average  English-speaking 
family  goes  up  to  $20  and  to  $25.  By  a  computation 
made,  in  one  of  the  company  stores  in  Schuylkill  County, 
of  the  purchases  of  12  English-speaking  and  12  Sclav 
families  for  one  year,  we  found  the  per  capita  expenditure 
of  the  former  to  be  $5.48  and  of  the  latter  $2.86  per  month. 
In  the  account  of  the  Sclavs  we  found  the  following 
items :  flour,  barley,  salt  pork,  potatoes,  cabbage,  pickles 
(barrel),  garlic,  coffee  and  coffee  essence,  sardines  (5  cans 
for  25  cents),  eggs,  and  very  sparingly  butter,  cheese, 
and  sugar.  In  the  list  of  Anglo-Saxons  there  were  flour,  ham, 
onions,  potatoes,  cabbages,  pickles  (bottled),  coffee,  tea, 
eggs,  lard,  dried  beef,  spices,  cakes,  crackers,  mackerel, 
canned  tomatoes,  canned  peaches,  canned  apricots, 
canned  cherries,  soap,  rubbers,  brooms,  lemons,  salmon, 
and  large  quantities  of  butter,  cheese,  and  sugar.  A  peru- 
sal of  the  contents  of  these  books  clearly  showed  that  the 
felt  want  of  the  "  white  men  "  was  far  larger  than  that 
of  the  "foreigners."  The  dawn  of  luxury,  however,  was 


260     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

visible  in  some  of  the  Sclav  accounts.  It  appeared  in  the 
purchase  of  cheap  prunes,  mixed  jams  (5  pounds  for  25 
cents),  and  a  brand  of  apple-butter  (3  pounds  for  10  cents). 
These  luxuries  would  go  a  long  way.  Observing  merchants 
say  that  a  Sclav  family  will  live  on  half  what  is  thought  to 
be  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  an  equal  number  in 
an  English-speaking  family. 

Of  course,  there  are  exceptions.  We  knew  an  Anglo- 
Saxon  who  divided  a  herring  for  two  meals,  thinking  it 
luxury  to  eat  the  whole  of  it  at  once.  No  Sclav  can  sur- 
pass that  save  the  fellows  who  make  a  meal  on  bread  alone. 
Among  the  English-speaking  of  these  coal  fields,  the  Ger- 
mans have  the  credit  of  practicing  greatest  economy  in  the 
home.  As  above  stated  the  contents  of  the  tables  of  50 
per  cent  of  mine  employees  reflect  the  condition  of  the 
mining  industry.  A  wag  said,  as  he  smelt  the  stench  of 
smoked  herrings  in  a  patch  :  "  It's  poor  times ;  when  times 
are  good  you'll  smell  beefsteak  and  onions."  He  spoke 
the  truth.  When  the  pinch  comes,  the  table  feels  it  even 
sooner  than  dress  or  social  amusements.  Vanity,  even  in 
civilized  people,  is  stronger  than  appetite.  Many  a  girl 
goes  ungrudgingly  to  the  table  to  satisfy  her  hunger  with 
bread  and  pickles  if  only  she  can  get  that  waist  made  for 
the  party.  Many  a  family  also,  which  struggles  to  meet 
its  dues  in  a  building  and  loan  association,  will  spend  less 
on  the  table  than  those  who  have  their  homes  paid  for.  It 
is  wonderful  how  some  will  stint  themselves  for  the  sake 
of  a  house.  It  is  pathetic  to  hear  a  father  on  his  dying  bed 
saying :  "  How  foolish,  why  did  we  pinch  ourselves  so  ?  " 
******* 

We  have  seen  the  great  variation  in  the  standard  of  liv- 
ing between  the  Sclav  and  the  Anglo-Saxon.  The  peoples 
of  Southern  Europe  come  here  with  their  traditional  cus- 
toms and  usages.  They  cling  to  them  with  great  tenacity, 
but  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  they  are  not 
influenced  by  the  nations  around  them.  The  Sclav,  not- 
withstanding he  is  behind  the  Anglo-Saxon  in  civilization, 
is  not  so  far  removed  that  he  does  not  feel  the  influence  of 
the  law  of  social  capillarity.  Walter  Bagehot  said  that 
"the  experience  of  the  English  in  India  shows  that  a 
highly  civilized  race  may  fail  in  producing  a  rapidly  excel- 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  261 

lent  effect  on  a  less  civilized  race,  because  it  is  too  good 
and  too  different.  The  higher  being  is  not  and  cannot  be 
a  model  for  the  lower ;  he  could  not  mould  himself  on  it  if 
he  would,  and  would  not  if  he  could.  But  in  early  society 
there  were  no  such  great  differences,  and  the  rather  superior 
conqueror  must  have  easily  improved  the  rather  inferior 
conquered."  The  relation  between  the  various  nationalities 
in  these  coal  fields  is  best  represented  by  that  existing  among 
men  in  the  early  stage  of  the  world's  civilization.  They 
act  and  react  upon  each  other,  and  the  Sclavs  gradually 
feel  the  effect  of  new  ideas  in  a  new  environment. 

PETER  ROBERTS,  The  Anthracite  Coal  Communities,  106-107,  in- 


American  Occupations 

In  occupation  the  American  people  has  been  under- 
going continual  differentiation  for  a  century,  but  especially 
since  the  Civil  War.  Of  29,074,117  persons  engaged  in 
gainful  occupations  on  the  mainland  of  the  United  States 
in  1900,  10,381,765,  or  35.7  per  cent  were  engaged  in 
agricultural  pursuits  ;  7,085,992,  or  24.4  per  cent  were 
engaged  in  manufacturing  and  mechanical  pursuits ; 
4,778,233,  or  16.3  per  cent  were  employed  in  trade  and 
transportation  ;  1,264,737,  or  4.3  per  cent  were  occupied  in 
professional  services;  and  5,691,746,  or  19.4  per  cent  were 
employed  in  domestic  and  personal  services.  Here,  obvi- 
ously, we  have  great  differences  of  interest,  and  varied 
points  of  view,  of  all  questions  of  practical  policy. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 

Moral  and  Legal.  —  The  practical  differences  and  resem- 
blances that  may  be  classed  under  the  categories  moral 
and  legal  include  peculiarities  of  conduct,  or  standards  of 
conduct,  variety  or  uniformity  in  the  common  law  and  in 
statute  law,  variety  or  uniformity  in  legal  procedure,  and  in 
methods  of  proof.  In  all  civilized  countries,  proof  by 
objective  evidence  has  been  substituted  for  proof  by  ordeals 
and  compurgations.  But  the  oath,  a  relic  of  the  appeal  to 


262     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

heaven,  survives,  and  here  and  there  in  ignorant  sections 
informal  or  extra-legal  proceedings  against  suspected 
persons  still  closely  approximate  the  methods  of  ordeal 
and  compurgation. 

Diversity  of  Laws  in  America 

The  want  of  uniformity  in  private  law  and  methods  of 
administration  is  an  evil  which  different  minds  will  judge 
by  different  standards.  Some  may  think  it  a  positive 
benefit  to  secure  a  variety  which  is  interesting  in  itself  and 
makes  possible  the  trying  of  experiments  from  which  the 
whole  country  may  profit.  Is  variety  within  a  country 
more  a  gain  or  a  loss  ?  Diversity  in  coinage,  in  weights 
and  measures,  in  the  rules  regarding  bills  and  checks  and 
banking  and  commerce  generally,  is  obviously  inconvenient. 
Diversity  in  dress,  in  food,  in  the  habits  and  usages  of 
society,  is  almost  as  obviously  a  thing  to  rejoice  over,  be- 
cause it  diminishes  the  terrible  monotony  of  life.  Diversity 
in  religious  opinion  and  worship  excited  horror  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  but  now  passes  unnoticed  unless  where 
accompanied  by  intolerance.  In  the  United  States  the 
possible  diversity  of  laws  is  immense.  Each  State  can 
play  whatever  tricks  it  pleases  with  the  law  of  family 
relations,  of  inheritance,  of  contracts,  of  torts,  of  crimes. 
But  the  actual  diversity  is  not  great,  for  all  the  States,  save 
Louisiana,  have  taken  the  English  common  and  statute 
law  of  1/76  as  their  point  of  departure,  and  have  adhered 
to  its  main  principles.  A  more  complete  uniformity  as 
regards  marriage  and  divorce  might  be  desirable,  for  it  is 
particularly  awkward  not  to  know  whether  you  are  married 
or  not,  nor  whether  you  have  been  or  can  be  divorced  or 
not ;  and  several  States  have  tried  bold  experiments  in 
divorce  laws.  But,  on  the  whole,  far  less  inconvenience 
than  could  have  been  expected  seems  to  be  caused  by  the 
varying  laws  of  different  States,  partly  because  commercial 
law  is  the  department  in  whicn  the  diversity  is  smallest, 
partly  because  American  practitioners  and  judges  have 
become  expert  in  applying  the  rules  for  determining  which 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  263 

law,  where  those  of  different  States  are  in  question,  ought 
to  be  deemed  to  govern  a  given  case. 

BRYCE,  The  American  Commonwealth,  Vol.  I.  337-338. 

Political.  —  The  political  differences  and  resemblances 
to  be  found  in  a  social  population  include  diversities  and 
identities  of  political  sympathy  on  questions  of  local,  class, 
or  other  interest,  and  the  differences  and  identities  that 
are  associated  with  a  differentiation  of  the  population  into 
political  ranks,  if  such  exist. 

Political  Unity  in  America 

Everybody  knows  that  it  was  the  Federal  system  and 
the  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  grounded  thereon,  and 
not  expressly  excluded,  though  certainly  not  recognized, 
by  the  Constitution,  which  led  to  the  secession  of  1861,  and 
which  gave  European  powers  a  plausible  ground  for  recog- 
nizing the  insurgent  minority  as  belligerents.  Nothing 
seems  now  less  probable  than  another  secession,  not  merely 
because  the  supposed  legal  basis  for  it  has  been  abandoned, 
and  because  the  advantages  of  continued  union  are  more 
obvious  than  ever  before,  but  because  the  precedent  of  the 
victory  won  by  the  North  will  discourage  like  attempts  in 
the  future.  This  is  so  strongly  felt  that  it  has  not  even 
been  thought  worth  while  to  add  to  the  Constitution  an 
amendment  negativing  the  right  to  secede.  The  doctrine 
of  the  legal  indestructibility  of  the  Union  is  now  well  estab- 
lished. To  establish  it,  however,  cost  thousands  of  mill- 
ions of  dollars  and  the  lives  of  a  million  of  men. 

The  combination  of  States  into  groups  was  a  familiar 
feature  of  politics  before  the  war.  South  Carolina  and  the 
Gulf  States  constituted  one  such,  and  the  most  energetic, 
group ;  the  New  England  States  frequently  acted  as  an- 
other, especially  during  the  war  of  1812.  At  present, 
though  there  are  several  sets  of  States  whose  common 
interests  lead  their  representatives  in  Congress  to  act 
together,  it  is  no  longer  the  fashion  for  States  to  combine 
in  an  official  way  through  their  State  organizations,  and 


264      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

their  doing  so  would  excite  reprehension.  It  is  easier, 
safer,  and  more  effective  to  act  through  the  great  national 
parties.  Any  considerable  State  interest  (such  as  that  of 
the  silver-miners  or  cattlemen,  or  Protectionist  manufac- 
turers) can  generally  compel  a  party  to  conciliate  it  by 
threatening  to  forsake  the  party  if  neglected.  Political 
action  runs  less  in  State  channels  than  it  did  formerly,  and 
the  only  really  threatening  form  which  the  combined  action 
of  States  could  take,  that  of  using  for  a  common  disloyal 
purpose  State  revenues  and  the  machinery  of  State  govern- 
ments, has  become,  since  the  failure  of  secession,  most 
improbable. 

BRYCE,  The  American  Commonwealth,  Vol.  I.  336-337. 

American  Party  Solidarity 

Since  the  organization  of  the  Whig  and  Democratic 
parties  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  voting  population 
of  the  United  States  has  been  divided  between  two  great 
political  organizations  of  national  extent.  The  total  vote 
for  Mr.  Bryan  in  1896  of  6,502,925,  and  for  Mr.  McKinley 
of  7,106,779,  and  of  less  than  1,000,000  for  all  other  can- 
didates, is  fairly  indicative  of  the  normal  tendency  of  voters 
in  this  country  to  array  themselves  in  two  leading  organi- 
zations. This  fact,  however,  does  not  indicate  any  ten- 
dency toward  political  disintegration.  Quite  the  contrary, 
for  in  every  campaign  the  minds  of  voters  North  and 
South,  East  and  West,  and  of  the  most  diverse  local  inter- 
ests and  prejudices  are  centred  on  the  same  issues.  Im- 
portant as  party  spirit  is,  there  is  from  first  to  last  an 
underlying  consciousness  of  a  common  country  and  of 
policies  which  are  of  interest  to  the  entire  population. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 

Political  Ranks  in  Germany,  1803 

Society  here  is  divided  into  Noblesse  and  Bourgeois. 
The  first  consists  of  some  noble  families  from  various  parts 
of  Germany,  who  have  chosen  Frankfort  for  their  resi- 
dence, and  a  few  original  citizens  of  Frankfort,  but  who 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  265 

have  now  obtained  the  rank  of  nobility.  The  citizens  who 
connect  themselves  with  strangers,  have  made  their  fortunes 
by  commerce,  which  some  of  them  still  follow. 

There  is  a  public  assembly  for  the  nobility  once  a  week, 
at  which  they  drink  tea,  converse,  or  play  at  cards  from 
six  to  ten.  On  the  other  nights  the  same  company  meet 
alternately  at  each  other's  houses,  and  pass  the  evening  in 
the  same  manner.  None  of  the  Bourgeois  families  are 
invited  to  these  parties ;  but  they  have  assemblies  of  the 
same  kind  among  themselves,  and  often  entertain  their 
friends,  and  the  strangers  with  whom  they  are  acquainted, 
in  a  very  hospitable  manner  at  their  tables.  The  noble- 
men who  reside  in  Frankfort,  and  the  nobility  of  all  de- 
grees, and  of  every  nation,  who  accidentally  pass  through 
it,  cheerfully  accept  of  these  invitations  to  dine  with  the 
citizens,  but  none  of  the  German  ladies  of  quality  con- 
descend so  far.  While  their  fathers,  husbands,  and  broth- 
ers, are  entertained  at  a  Bourgeois  table,  they  choose  rather 
to  dine  at  home  by  themselves ;  and  they  certainly  judge 
wisely,  if  they  prefer  a  spare  diet  to  good  cheer. 

The  distinction  of  ranks  is  observed  in  Germany,  with 
all  the  scrupulous  precision  that  a  matter  of  that  importance 
deserves.  There  is  a  public  concert  in  this  place  supported 
by  subscription.  One  would  imagine  that  the  subscribers 
would  take  their  seats  as  they  entered  the  room,  that  those 
who  came  earliest  would  have  their  choice.  —  No  such 
matter.  —  The  two  first  rows  are  kept  for  the  ladies  of 
quality,  and  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  citizens  must 
be  contented  to  sit  behind,  let  them  come  at  what  hour, 
and  pay  what  money  they  please.  —  After  all,  this  is  not 
so  bad  as  in  an  assembly  of  nobility,  where  commons  are 
not  permitted  to  sit,  even  in  the  lobby,  whatever  price  they 
may  have  paid  for  their  seat  in  parliament. 

******* 

Some  of  the  nobility  who  reside  in  this  city,  take  every 
opportunity  of  pointing  out  the  essential  difference  that 
there  is,  and  the  distinctions  that  ought  to  be  made,  between 
their  families  and  those  of  the  Bourgeois ;  who,  though 
they  have,  by  commerce,  or  some  profession  equally  ignoble, 
attained  great  wealth,  which  enables  them  to  live  in  a  style 
of  magnificence  unbecoming  their  rank ;  yet  their  noble 


266     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

neighbours  insinuate,  that  they  always  retain  a  vulgarity 
of  sentiment  and  manners,  unknown  to  those  whose  blood 
has  flowed  pure  through  several  generations,  unmixed  with 
that  puddle  which  stagnates  in  the  veins  of  plebeians. 

JOHN  MOORE,  A  View  of  Society  and  Manners  in  France,  Switzer- 
land, and  Germany,  Vol.  I.  361-364,  371. 

Degree  of  Practical  Resemblance.  —  From  the  statistics 
of  languages  spoken,  literacy,  religious  preferences,  occu- 
pations, and  political  preferences,  a  rough  measure  of  the 
degree  of  practical  resemblance  in  the  community  may  be 
obtained.  If  seventy-five  per  cent  or  more  of  the  popu- 
lation speak  the  same  language,  can  read  and  write  (or 
are  illiterate),  are  of  one  religious  faith,  follow  the  same 
occupation  or  class  of  occupations,  and  belong  to  one 
political  party,  the  degree  of  practical  resemblance  may 
be  designated  very  great.  If  fifty  to  seventy-five  per  cent 
of  the  population  are  in  the  foregoing  respects  alike,  the 
degree  of  practical  resemblance  may  be  designated  great. 
If  the  agreements  do  not  embrace  more  than  twenty-five 
to  fifty  per  cent  of  the  population,  the  degree  of  practical 
resemblance  should  be  called  small ;  and  if  they  embrace 
less  than  twenty-five  per  cent,  the  degree  is  very  small. 

So  measured,  the  degree  of  practical  resemblance  of  the 
population  of  the  United  States  is  very  great  in  respect  of 
language  and  literacy,  great  in  respect  of  religious  belief, 
if  we  regard  only  the  broad  distinction  of  Christian  and 
other  religions,  great  in  political  sympathy,  and  small  in 
respect  of  occupation. 

Leaders  and  Followers 

The  extent  to  which  a  population  is  differentiated  into 
leaders  and  followers  can  be  determined  only  inexactly,  by 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  267 

observation,  assisted  but  little  by  statistics.  Some  statistical 
material,  however,  is  available.  Thus  it  is  possible  to  learn 
how  many  individuals  occupy  positions  of  administrative 
responsibility  in  religion,  education,  business,  and  politics. 
There  are  few  communities  in  which  some  differentiation 
is  not  to  be  found ;  in  most  communities  it  is  a  dominating 
social  fact,  and  one  which  very  deeply  impresses  both  the 
imagination  and  the  "  common  sense  "  of  mankind.  The 
exploits  of  leaders  and  heroes  have  been  the  chief  theme 
of  legend  and  epic,  and  until  very  modern  times,  the  chief 
theme  of  the  historian. 

Agamemnon 

And  as  the  many  tribes  of  feathered  birds,  wild  geese  or 
cranes  or  long-necked  swans,  on  the  Asian  mead  by  Kays- 
trios'  stream,  fly  hither  and  thither  joying  in  their  plu- 
mage, and  with  loud  cries  settle  ever  onwards,  and  the  mead 
resounds  ;  even  so  poured  forth  the  many  tribes  of  warriors 
from  ships  and  huts  into  the  Skamandrian  plain.  And 
the  earth  echoed  terribly  beneath  the  tread  of  men  and 
horses.  So  stood  they  in  the  flowery  Skamandrian  plain, 
unnumbered  as  are  leaves  and  flowers  in  their  season. 
Even  as  the  many  tribes  of  thick  flies  that  hover  about 
a  herdsman's  steading  in  the  spring  season,  when  milk 
drencheth  the  pails,  even  in  like  number  stood  the  flowing- 
haired  Achaians  upon  the  plain  in  face  of  the  Trojans, 
eager  to  rend  them  asunder.  And  even  as  the  goatherds 
easily  divide  the  ranging  flocks  of  goats  when  they  mingle 
in  the  pasture,  so  did  their  captains  marshal  them  on  this 
side  and  on  that,  to  enter  into  the  fray,  and  in  their  midst 
lord  Agamemnon,  his  head  and  eyes  like  unto  Zeus  whose 
joy  is  the  thunder,  and  his  waist  like  unto  Ares  and  his 
breast  unto  Poseidon.  Even  as  a  bull  standeth  out  far 
foremost  amid  the  herd,  for  he  is  preeminent  amid  the 
pasturing  kine,  even  such  did  Zeus  make  Atreides  on  that 
day,  preeminent  among  many  and  chief  amid  heroes. 

HOMER,  The  Iliad,  translated  by  LANG,  LEAF,  and  MYERS,  35-36. 


268      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 


Pericles 

But  when  Aristides  was  now  dead,  and  Themistocles 
driven  out,  and  Cimon  was  for  the  most  part  kept  abroad 
by  the  expeditions  he  made  in  parts  out  of  Greece,  Pericles, 
seeing  things  in  this  posture,  now  advanced  and  took  his 
side,  not  with  the  rich  and  few,  but  with  the  many  and 
poor,  contrary  to  his  natural  bent,  which  was  far  from 
democratical ;  but,  most  likely  fearing  he  might  fall  under 
suspicion  of  aiming  at  arbitrary  power,  and  seeing  Cimon 
on  the  side  of  the  aristocracy,  and  much  beloved  by  the 
better  and  more  distinguished  people,  he  joined  the  party 
of  the  people,  with  a  view  at  once  both  to  secure  himself 
and  procure  means  against  Cimon. 

******* 

At  the  first,  as  has  been  said,  when  he  set  himself 
against  Cimon's  great  authority,  he  did  caress  the  people. 
Finding  himself  come  short  of  his  competitor  in  wealth 
and  money,  by  which  advantages  the  other  was  enabled  to 
take  care  of  the  poor,  inviting  every  day  some  one  or  other 
of  the  citizens  that  was  in  want  to  supper,  and  bestowing 
clothes  on  the  aged  people,  and  breaking  down  the  hedges 
and  enclosures  of  his  grounds,  that  all  that  would  might 
freely  gather  what  fruit  they  pleased,  Pericles,  thus  out- 
done in  popular  arts,  by  the  advice  of  one  Damonides  of 
CEa,  as  Aristotle  states,  turned  to  the  distribution  of  the 
public  moneys :  and  in  a  short  time  having  brought  the 
people  over,  what  with  moneys  allowed  for  shows  and  for 
service  on  juries,  and  what  with  other  forms  of  pay  and 
largess,  he  made  use  of  them  against  the  Council  of 
Areopagus,  of  which  he  himself  was  no  member,  as  having 
never  been  appointed  by  lot  either  chief  archon,  or  law- 
giver, or  king,  or  captain.  For  from  of  old  these  offices 
were  conferred  on  persons  by  lot,  and  they  who  had  ac- 
quitted themselves  duly  in  the  discharge  of  them  were 
advanced  to  the  Court  of  Areopagus.  And  so  Pericles, 
having  secured  his  power  and  interest  with  the  populace, 
directed  the  exertions  of  his  party  against  this  council  with 
such  success,  that  most  of  those  causes  and  matters  which 
had  been  used  to  be  tried  there,  were,  by  the  agency  of 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  269 

Ephialtes,  removed  from  its  cognizance ;  Cimon,  also,  was 
banished  by  ostracism  as  a  favorer  of  the  Lacedaemonians 
and  a  hater  of  the  people,  though  in  wealth  and  noble  birth 
he  was  among  the  first,  and  had  won  several  most  glorious 
victories  over  the  barbarians,  and  had  filled  the  city  with 
money  and  spoils  of  war ;  as  is  recorded  in  the  history  of 
his  life.  So  vast  an  authority  had  Pericles  obtained  among 
the  people. 

PLUTARCH,  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men,  translated  by  A.  H.  CLOUGH, 
109-110. 

Total  Resemblance 

Any  quality  of  instinct,  emotion,  intellect,  character,  or 
practical  action  may  be  a  point  of  resemblance  between 
one  individual  and  another. 

The  total  number  of  points  of  resemblance  in  any  given 
case  may  be  called  the  total  resemblance. 

Degrees  of  Total  Resemblance.  —  Accordingly,  total  re- 
semblance may  be  of  greater  or  less  degree,  varying  with 
the  number  of  points  of  resemblance. 

*  Usually  the  degree  of  mental  and  practical  resemblance 
may  be  observed  to  correspond  to  the  degree  of  kinship. 

As  a  rule  the  mental  and  practical  resemblance  of  indi- 

v 

viduals  of  the  same  nationality  is  greater  than  the  mental 
and  practical  resemblance  of  individuals  of  different  nation- 
alities but  of  the  same  ethnic  race ;  as  a  rule  the  mental 
and  practical  resemblance  of  individuals  of  the  same  ethnic 
race  is  greater  than  the  mental  and  practical  resemblance 
of  individuals  of  different  ethnic  races,  but  of  the  same 
glottic  race,  and  so  on. 

Total  mental  and  practical  resemblance  may,  however, 
vary  irrespective  of  degrees  of  kinship. 

Two  individuals  of  different  nationalities,  or  even  of  dif- 
ferent races,  may  more  closely  resemble  each  other  in  mind 


270     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  activity  than   do  two  other  individuals  of   the  same 
nationality. 

A  potential  mental  and  practical  resemblance  also,  or 
the  capacity  of  two  or  more  minds  to  become  alike,  has  to 
be  recognized. 

Causes  Determining  Type  of  Mind  and  Degree  of  Total 
Resemblance 

The  causes  that  in  any  social  population  determine  the 
relative  extent  of  the  different  types  of  mind  and  the 
degree  of  total  resemblance  may  be  distinguished  as  proxi- 
mate and  ultimate. 

Proximate  Causes.  —  The  proximate  causes  obviously 
are  to  be  found  in  the  character  and  extent  of  the  com- 
mon stimulation  and  of  the  inter-stimulation  and  response. 
Already  (page  177)  we  have  observed  that  stimuli  may  on 
the  whole  be  productive  of  ideo-motor,  ideo-emotional,  dog- 
matic-emotional, or  critically-intellectual  activities  of  mind. 
They  therefore  are  creative  of  the  corresponding  types 
of  mind.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  the  whole  process  of 
inter-stimulation  and  response. 

The  greater  the  extent  of  the  common  stimulation,  and 
the  more  extended,  continuous,  and  complicated  the  inter- 
stimulation,  the  higher  the  degree  of  total  resemblance. 

Ultimate  Causes.  —  The  ultimate  causes  of  mental  types 
and  total  resemblance  lie  (j)  in  the  demotic  composition 
and  amalgamation,  and  (2)  in  the  character  of  the  material 
environment  of  land  and  climate. 

The  more  heterogeneous  a  population  —  the  more  varied 
its  demotic  composition,  the  more  varied,  other  things 
being  equal,  will  be  the  mental  and  the  moral  types,  and 
the  less  the  total  resemblance. 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  271 

Besides  this  direct  correlation  of  types  and  of  resem- 
blance with  the  demotic  heterogeneity  or  homogeneity, 
there  is  also  a  direct  correlation  of  mental  and  practical 
resemblance  with  the  types  of  environment,  just  as  there 
is  between  demotic  composition  and  environment.  To 
determine  the  closeness  of  this  correlation  is  one  of  the 
important  problems  of  inductive  sociology ;  indeed,  it  was 
almost  the  first  one  to  be  treated  of  in  modern  sociological 
writing,  having  been  the  fundamental  theme  of  Montes- 
quieu's De  I'e sprit  des  loix. 

The  inhabitants  of  regions  poor  in  resources,  whether 
isolated  or  accessible,  are  usually  homogeneous  in  mental 
and  practical  qualities,  as  in  blood.  They  have  been  sub- 
jected to  like  experiences,  and  have  developed  like  qualities 
of  nature,  and  like  habits  of  thought  and  conduct. 

The  inhabitants  of  a  region  rich  in  resources  but  iso- 
lated, while  homogeneous  in  blood,  exhibit  considerable 
differences  of  energy  and  ability,  of  promptness  and  per- 
sistency of  response,  and  therefore  are  differentiated  into 
leaders  and  followers.  This  is  because  a  high  birth-rate 
and  a  relatively  dense  population  intensify  the  struggle 
for  existence,  and  sharpen  the  distinctions  made  by 
natural  selection. 

Among  the  inhabitants  of  the  region  that  is  rich  in 
resources  and  accessible,  every  variety  of  mental  and  prac- 
tical difference  is  found,  yet  usually  the  mental  hetero- 
geneity is  less  than  the  ethnic.  Men  of  different  bloods 
may  have  minds  and  interests  alike.  Assimilation,  which 
is  purely  a  psychological  process,  may  go  on  faster  than 
amalgamation  —  the  physical  commingling  of  bloods. 

Finally,  there  is  undoubtedly  a  direct  relation  of  both 
land  and  climate  to  instinct,  to  feeling,  and  to  intelligence. 


272     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Mental  Effects  of  Physical  Conditions 

It  has  long  been  observed  that  the  southern  peoples  of 
the  northern  hemisphere  are  more  excitable  and  impulsive, 
in  both  individual  and  social  activity,  than  are  the  people 
of  colder  northern  climes.  To  what  extent  this  is  due  to 
temperature  merely,  we  do  not  yet  know.  It  is,  however, 
certain  that  excessive  temperature  is  a  real  factor  in  emo- 
tional conduct. 

Rapid  alternations  of  heat  and  cold,  and  especially  swift 
transitions  from  winter  to  summer,  and  from  summer  to 
winter,  combined  with  a  dull  monotony  of  surface,  as  on 
the  steppes  of  Russia  or  the  vast  plains  of  America, 
strongly  predispose  a  population  to  a  moody  emotionalism. 
An  equable  climate,  combined  with  a  varied  and  interest- 
ing topography,  as  in  ancient  Greece  and  in  modern  Eng- 
land, predisposes  a  population  to  intellectual  activity  and 
to  a  control  of  emotionalism  by  thought. 

In  lands  where  earthquakes,  famines,  and  pestilences 
are  most  frequent,  the  habitual  state  of  fear  represses  a 
cool,  critical  intellectual  activity,  and  stimulates  imagina- 
tion and  emotion.  These  are  the  states  of  mind  that  most 
powerfully  contribute  to  sympathetic  like-mindedness  and 
impulsive  social  action. 

GIDDINGS,  Inductive  Sociology,  140-141. 

Relation  of  Climate  to  Emotion  and  Type  of  Mind 

Cold  air  constringes  the  extremities  of  the  external  fibres 
of  the  body ;  this  increases  their  elasticity,  and  favours  the 
return  of  the  blood  from  the  extreme  parts  to  the  heart. 
It  contracts  those  very  fibres  ;  consequently  it  increases 
also  their  force.  On  the  contrary,  warm  air  relaxes  and 
lengthens  the  extremes  of  the  fibres ;  of  course  it  dimin- 
ishes their  force  and  elasticity. 

People  are  therefore  more  vigorous  in  cold  climates. 
Here  the  action  of  the  heart  and  the  reaction  of  the  ex- 
tremities of  the  fibres  are  better  performed,  the  tempera- 
ture of  the  humours  is  greater,  the  blood  moves  more 
freely  towards  the  heart,  and  reciprocally  the  heart  has 
more  power.  This  superiority  of  strength  must  produce 


Differentiation  and  Resemblance  273 

various  effects ;  for  instance,  a  greater  boldness,  that  is, 
more  courage ;  a  greater  sense  of  superiority,  that  is,  less 
desire  of  revenge ;  a  greater  opinion  of  security,  that  is, 
more  frankness,  less  suspicion,  policy,  and  cunning.  In 
short,  this  must  be  productive  of  very  different  tempers. 
Put  a  man  into  a  close,  warm  place,  and  for  the  reasons 
above  given  he  will  feel  a  great  faintness.  If  under  this 
circumstance  you  propose  a  bold  enterprise  to  him,  I  be- 
lieve you  will  find  him  very  little  disposed  towards  it ;  his 
present  weakness  will  throw  him  into  despondency;  he 
will  be  afraid  of  everything,  being  in  a  state  of  total  inca- 
pacity. The  inhabitants  of  warm  countries  are,  like  old 
men,  timorous  ;  the  people  in  cold  countries  are,  like  young 
men,  brave.  If  we  reflect  on  the  late  wars,  which  are  more 
recent  in  our  memory,  and  in  which  we  can  better  distin- 
guish some  particular  effects  that  escape  us  at  a  greater 
distance  of  time,  we  shall  find  that  the  northern  people, 
transplanted  into  southern  regions,  did  not  perform  such 
exploits  as  their  countrymen,  who,  fighting  in  their  own 
climate,  possessed  their  full  vigour  and  courage. 

******* 

In  cold  countries  they  have  very  little  sensibility  for 
pleasure ;  in  temperate  countries,  they  have  more ;  in  warm 
countries,  their  sensibility  is  exquisite.  As  climates  are 
distinguished  by  degrees  of  latitude,  we  might  distinguish 
them  also  in  some  measure  by  those  of  sensibility.  I  have 
been  at  the  opera  in  England  and  in  Italy,  where  I  have 
seen  the  same  pieces  and  the  same  performers :  and  yet 
the  same  music  produces  such  different  effects  on  the  two 
nations :  one  is  so  cold  and  phlegmatic,  and  the  other  so 
lively  and  enraptured,  that  it  seems  almost  inconceivable. 

It  is  the  same  with  regard  to  pain,  which  is  excited  by 
the  laceration  of  some  fibre  of  the  body.  The  Author  of 
nature  has  made  it  an  established  rule  that  this  pain  should 
be  more  acute  in  proportion  as  the  laceration  is  greater : 
now  it  is  evident  that  the  large  bodies  and  coarse  fibres  of 
the  people  of  the  north  are  less  capable  of  laceration  than 
the  delicate  fibres  of  the  inhabitants  of  warm  countries; 
consequently  the  soul  is  there  less  sensible  of  pain.  You 
must  flay  a  Muscovite  alive  to  make  him  feel. 

From  this  delicacy  of  organs  peculiar  to  warm  climates 


274      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

it  follows  that  the  soul  is  most  sensibly  moved  by  whatever 
relates  to  the  union  of  the  two  sexes  :  here  everything  leads 
to  this  object. 

In  northern  climates  scarcely  has  the  animal  part  of  love 
a  power  of  making  itself  felt.  In  temperate  climates,  love, 
attended  by  a  thousand  appendages,  endeavours  to  please 
by  things  that  have  at  first  the  appearance,  though  not  the 
reality,  of  this  passion.  In  warmer  climates  it  is  liked  for 
its  own  sake,  it  is  the  only  cause  of  happiness,  it  is  life 
itself. 

In  southern  countries  a  machine  of  a  delicate  frame  but 
strong  sensibility  resigns  itself  either  to  a  love  which  rises 
and  is  incessantly  laid  in  a  seraglio,  or  to  a  passion  which 
leaves  women  in  a  greater  independence,  and  is  conse- 
quently exposed  to  a  thousand  inquietudes.  In  northern 
regions  a  machine  robust  and  heavy  finds  pleasure  in  what- 
ever is  apt  to  throw  the  spirits  into  motion,  such  as  hunt- 
ing, travelling,  war,  and  wine.  If  we  travel  towards  the 
north,  we  meet  with  people  who  have  few  vices,  many  vir- 
tues, and  a  great  share  of  frankness  and  sincerity.  ,If  we 
draw  near  the  south,  we  fancy  ourselves  entirely  removed 
from  the  verge  of  morality ;  here  the  strongest  passions 
are  productive  of  all  manner  of  crimes,  each  man  endeavour- 
ing, let  the  means  be  what  they  will,  to  indulge  his  inordi- 
nate desires.  In  temperate  climates  we  find  the  inhabitants 
inconstant  in  their  manners,  as  well  as  in  their  vices  and 
virtues :  the  climate  has  not  a  quality  determinate  enough 
to  fix  them. 

The  heat  of  the  climate  may  be  so  excessive  as  to  deprive 
the  body  of  all  vigour  and  strength.  Then  the  faintness 
is  communicated  to  the  mind ;  there  is  no  curiosity,  no 
enterprise,  no  generosity  of  sentiment;  the  inclinations  are 
all  passive;  indolence  constitutes  the  utmost  happiness; 
scarcely  any  punishment  is  so  severe  as  mental  employ- 
ment; and  slavery  is  more  supportable  than  the  force  and 
vigour  of  mind  necessary  for  human  conduct. 

MONTESQUIEU,  De  Vesprit  des  loix,  translated  by  THOMAS  NUGENT, 
Vol.  I.  238-239,  240-241. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  CONSCIOUSNESS  OF  KIND 
The  Subjective  Aspect 

IN  the  preceding  chapter  the  modes  of  mental  and  of 
practical  resemblance  were  viewed  as  objective  facts.  It 
is  necessary  now  to  analyze  the  subjective  phenomena 
which,  perhaps,  accompany  all  degrees  of  mental  and 
of  practical  resemblance,  and  certainly  are  found  in  connec- 
tion with  the  higher  degrees.  These  subjective  phe- 
nomena consist  of  various  degrees  and  modes  of  awareness 
on  the  part  of  the  resembling  individuals  themselves,  that 
they  are  alike.  Collectively  they  are  the  Consciousness  of 
Kind.  This  consciousness  in  its  turn  is  a  social  and 
a  socializing  force,  sometimes  exceedingly  delicate  and 
subtle  in  its  action,  sometimes  turbulent  and  all-powerful. 
Assuming  endlessly  varied  modes  of  prejudice  and  of  pre- 
possession, of  liking  and  of  disliking,  of  love  and  of  hate, 
it  tends  always  to  reconstruct  and  to  dominate  every  mode 
of  association  and  every  social  grouping. 

The  Fact  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind 

Every  living  creature  loveth  his  like, 
And  every  man  loveth  his  neighbour. 
All  flesh  consorteth  according  to  kind, 
And  a  man  will  cleave  to  his  like. 
What  fellowship  shall  the  wolf  have  with  the  lamb  ? 
So  is  the  sinner  unto  the  godly. 

What  peace  is  there  between  the  hyena  and  the  dog  ? 
275 


276     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

And  what  peace  between  the  rich  man  and  the  poor  ? 
Wild  asses  are  the  prey  of  lions  in  the  wilderness ; 
So  poor  men  are  pasture  for  the  rich. 

Ecclesiasticus,  Chap.  xiii.  15-19. 

Organic  Sympathy 

Before  there  is  any  distinct  perception  of  differences  or 
of  resemblances  by  individvals  who,  from  time  to  time, 
are  brought  into  contact  with  one  another,  there  are  in  their 
minds  differences  or  resemblances  of  sensation  corre- 
sponding to  differences  or  resemblances  of  response  to 
stimulus.  In  each  mind  also  are  differences  or  resem- 
blances between  sensations  awakened  by  self  and  sensa- 
tions awakened  by  fellow-beings.  Furthermore,  in  each 
mind  there  are  vague  feelings  of  repulsion  or  of  attraction, 
and  equally  vague  feelings  of  agreeableness  or  of  disagree- 
ableness  in  the  presence  of  other  individuals.  Collectively, 
the  resembling  sensations  of  resembling  individuals,  the 
resembling  sensations  of  self  and  of  others  who  resemble 
self,  and  the  accompanying  vague  feelings  of  attraction 
and  of  pleasure,  may  be  designated  by  the  phrase  Organic 
Sympathy. 

Like  Feelings  with  Like-Response. —  The  original  ele- 
ment in  organic  sympathy  is  the  resemblance  of  the 
complex  of  sensations  in  one  mind  to  the  complex  of 
sensations  in  another  mind,  accompanying  the  like- 
response  of  the  two  similar  nervous  organizations  to  the 
same  or  to  like  stimuli. 

Similarity  of  Sensations  of  Self  and  of  Others.  —  On 
this  basis,  experience  creates  groupings  of  other  resembling 
sensations  which  are  antecedent  to  perceptions  of  likeness, 
but  which  prepare  the  way  for  them. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  277 

Throughout  life  the  child  growing  into  the  man  is 
continually  receiving  from  his  own  bodily  organism,  and 
from  the  closely  resembling  bodily  organisms  of  individuals 
like  himself,  sensations  that  are  in  a  high  degree  alike  ; 
while  sensations  different  from  these  are  being  received 
from  other  objects  of  every  kind. 

Facility  of  Imitation.  —  Animals  or  persons  that  closely 
resemble  one  another  in  nervous  organization  imitate  one 
another  with  facility. 

Often  imitation  is  incited  by  conspicuous  difference, 
but  the  greater  the  difference  between  one  organism  and 
another,  the  more  difficult  is  any  imitation  of  one  by  the 
other.  Like-response  to  like  stimulus  easily  develops  into 
an  imitation,  in  minor  matters, — in  details  of  difference, — 
of  one  another  by  creatures  that,  on  the  whole,  are  alike 
rather  than  unlike. 

Sensations  of  Meeting.  —  When  two  persons  who  have 
never  before  seen  one  another  unexpectedly  meet,  some- 
thing happens  in  the  nervous  organization  of  each  which, 
when  examined,  would  have  to  be  described  as  either  a 
shock  of  unpleasant  feeling  or  as  a  thrill  of  pleasurable 
feeling. 

The  feeling  of  shock,  surprise,  anger,  disgust,  which 
may  happen  to  be  the  experience  in  the  case,  is  due  to  a 
complicated  impression  of  unlikeness  which  the  stranger 
makes,  —  an  impression  composed  of  sensations  of  many 
kinds.  If  the  experience  is  a  thrill  of  pleasure,  it  is  pro- 
duced by  a  complex  combination  of  impressions  of  un- 
likeness with  impressions  of  likeness.  The  fundamental 
resemblances  of  the  two  persons  are  sufficiently  great  to 
dominate  their  differences. 

Total  Organic  Sympathy.  —  All  of  the  phenomena  above 


278      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

described  enter  into  the  composition  of  that  vague  but 
positive  state,  organic  sympathy.  Composed  of  sensations 
and  emotions,  it  lies  deeper  in  consciousness  than  any 
clear  perception  of  resemblance.  Creatures  that  presum- 
ably have  no  power  of  intellectual  discrimination  manifest 
the  attractions  of  organic  sympathy.  Human  beings  quite 
capable  of  nice  discrimination  often  find  themselves  liking 
or  disliking  one  another  when  they  can  give  no  reason  for 
their  feeling. 

Degrees  of  Organic  Sympathy.  —  The  careful  observer 
will  not  fail  to  discover  that  human  beings  differ  among 
themselves  in  their  power  of  organic  sympathy.  In  some 
persons  organic  sympathy  is  strong,  in  others  of  medium 
strength,  in  others  weak. 

Organic  Sympathy :  Gregariousness 

The  gregarious  life  —  i.e.  that  of  the  animals  who  live 
in  troops  or  hordes  —  is  founded  on  the  attraction  of  like 
for  like,  irrespective  of  sex,  and  for  the  first  time  manifests 
the  true  social  tendencies,  through  the  habit  of  acting  in 
common. 

RIBOT,  The  Psychology  of  the  Emotions,  281. 

Organic  Sympathy  among  Animals 

Sociality  can  begin  only  where,  through  some  slight 
variation,  there  is  less  tendency  than  usual  for  the  indi- 
viduals to  disperse  widely.  The  offspring  of  the  same 
parents,  naturally  kept  together  during  their  early  days, 
may  have  their  proneness  to  stay  together  maintained  for 
a  longer  time  —  they  may  tend  to  part  only  at  a  somewhat 
later  age. 

******* 

Sociality  having  thus  commenced,  and  survival  of  the 
fittest  tending  ever  to  maintain  and  increase  it,  it  will  be 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  279 

further  strengthened  by  the  inherited  effects  of  habit. 
The  perception  of  kindred  beings,  perpetually  seen,  heard, 
and  smelt,  will  come  to  form  a  predominant  part  of  con- 
sciousness—  so  predominant  a  part  that  absence  of  it 
will  inevitably  cause  discomfort 

Without  further  evidence  we  may  safely  infer  that 
among  creatures  led  step  by  step  into  gregariousness, 
there  will  little  by  little  be  established  a  pleasure  in  being 
together,  — a  pleasure  in  the  consciousness  of  one  another's 
presence,  —  a  pleasure  simpler  than,  and  quite  distinct 
from,  those  higher  ones  which  it  makes  possible. 

******* 

From  the  mental  states  produced  in.  a  gregarious  ani- 
mal by  the  presence  of  others  like  itself,  we  pass  to  the 
mental  states  produced  in  it  by  the  actions  of  others  like 
itself.  The  transition  is  insensible;  for  consciousness  of 
the  presence  rarely  exists  apart  from  consciousness  of  the 
actions.  Here,  however,  we  may  limit  ourselves  to  actions 
that  have  marked  significance. 

As  indicated  above,  an  advantage  gained  by  gregarious- 
ness  which  is  probably  the  first,  and  remains  among  many 
creatures  the  most  important,  is  the  comparative  safety 
secured  by  earlier  detection  of  enemies.  The  emotion  of 
fear  expresses  itself  in  movements  of  escape,  preceded 
and  accompanied,  it  may  be,  by  sounds  of  some  kind. 
Members  of  a  herd  simultaneously  alarmed  by  a  distant 
moving  object  or  by  some  noise  it  makes  —  simultaneously 
making  the  movements  and  sounds  accompanying  alarm  — 
severally  see  and  hear  these  as  being  made  by  the  rest  at 
the  same  time  that  they  are  themselves  making  them,  and 
at  the  same  time  that  there  is  present  the  feeling  which 
prompts  them.  Frequent  repetition  inevitably  establishes 
an  association  between  the  consciousness  of  fear  and  the 
consciousness  of  these  signs  of  fear  in  others  —  the  sounds 
and  movements  cannot  be  perceived  without  there  being 
aroused  the  feeling  habitually  joined  with  them  when  they 
were  before  perceived.  Hence  it  inevitably  happens 
that  what  is  called  the  natural  language  of  fear  becomes, 
in  a  gregarious  race,  the  means  of  exciting  fear  in  those  to 
whom  no  fearful  object  is  perceptible.  The  alarmed  mem- 
bers of  a  flock,  seen  and  heard  by  the  rest,  excite  in  the 


280      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

rest  the  emotion  they  are  displaying ;  and  the  rest, 
prompted  by  the  emotion  thus  sympathetically  excited, 
begin  to  make  like  movements  and  sounds.  Evidently 
the  process  thus  initiated  must,  by  inheritance  of  the 
effects  of  habit,  furthered  by  survival  of  the  fittest,  render 
organic  a  quick  and  complete  sympathy  of  this  simple 
kind.  Eventually  a  mere  hearing  of  the  sound  of  alarm 
peculiar  to  the  species  will  by  itself  arouse  the  emotion  of 
alarm.  For  the  meaning  of  this  sound  becomes  known 
not  only  in  the  way  pointed  out  but  in  another  way.  Each 
is  conscious  of  the  sound  made  by  itself  when  in  fear ; 
and  the  hearing  of  a  like  sound,  tending  to  recall  the 
sound  made  by  itself,  tends  to  arouse  the  accompanying- 
feeling. 

Hence  the  panics  so  conspicuous  among  gregarious 
creatures.  Motions  alone  often  suffice.  A  flock  of  birds 
toward  which  a  man  approaches  will  quietly  watch  for  a 
while ;  but  when  one  flies,  those  near  it,  excited  by  its 
movements  of  escape,  fly  also ;  and  in  a  moment  the  rest 
are  in  the  air.  The  same  happens  with  sheep.  Long  they 
stand  stupidly  gazing,  but  when  one  runs,  all  run ;  and  so 
strong  is  the  sympathetic  tendency  among  them  that  they 
will  severally  go  through  the  same  movement  at  the  same 
spot  —  leaping  where  there  is  nothing  to  be  leapt  over. 
Commonly,  along  with  these  motions  of  alarm,  there  are 
sounds  of  alarm,  which  may  similarly  be  observed  to  spread. 
Rooks  on  the  ground  no  sooner  hear  the  loud  caw  of  one 
that  suddenly  rises,  than  they  join  in  chorus  as  they  rise. 

Beyond  sympathetic  fear,  thus  readily  established  in 
gregarious  animals  because  from  hour  to  hour  causes  of 
fear  act  in  common  on  many,  and  because  the  signs  of  fear 
are  so  conspicuous,  there  are  sympathetic  feelings  of  other 
kinds  established  after  a  kindred  manner.  Creatures  liv- 
ing together  are  simultaneously  affected  by  surrounding 
conditions  of  a  favourable  kind ;  are  therefore  liable  to  be 
simultaneously  thrown  into  pleasurable  states ;  are  there- 
fore habitually  witnesses  of  the  sounds  and  movements 
accompanying  such  states,  in  others  as  well  as  in  them- 
selves ;  and  hence,  in  a  way  like  that  above  explained,  are 
apt  to  have  pleasurable  feelings  sympathetically  excited. 

Lambs   in   the  spring  show  us   that  the  friskiness  of 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  281 

one  is  a  cause  of  friskiness  in  those  near  it  —  if  one 
leaps,  others  leap.  Among  horses,  pleasurable  excitement 
spreads,  as  every  hunting-field  shows.  A  pack  of  dogs, 
too,  takes  up  the  cry  when  a  leader  begins  to  give  tongue. 
In  the  poultry  yard  kindred  facts  may  be  noticed.  Early 
in  the  day  that  quacking  of  the  ducks  which  is  significant 
of  satisfaction,  comes  and  goes  in  chorus :  when  one  sets 
the  example,  the  rest  follow.  The  like  happens  with  geese 
and  with  fowls.  Gregarious  birds  in  a  wild  state  furnish 
further  illustrations.  In  a  rookery  the  cawing  rises  into 
bursts  of  many  voices,  and  then  almost  dying  away,  again 
suddenly  spreads  sympathetically ;  and  the  like  holds  with 
the  screamings  of  parrots  and  macaws. 

HERBERT  SPENCER,  Principles  of  Psychology,  Vol.  II.  560-561,  562- 
564. 

Perception   of  Resemblance 

When  the  child  begins  to  combine  sensations  of  the 
moment  with  memories  of  similar  sensations  in  the  past, 
and  to  connect  these  immediate  and  memory  sensations 
with  the  objects  that  have  produced  them,  the  process  of 
perception  has  begun.  The  child  now  has  not  only  like  and 
unlike  sensations,  but  also  Perceptions  of  Likeness  and  of 
Unlikeness.  These  are  much  more  complicated  mental 
states. 

Perceptions  of  Difference  and  of  Resemblance.  —  It  seems 
probable  that  perceptions  of  unlikeness  appear  earlier  in 
the  experience  of  every  individual  than  perceptions  of 
likeness.  Indeed,  likeness  can  be  distinguished  from 
absolute  identity  only  by  perceptions  of  the  differences 
that  exist  between  things  that  are  in  certain  respects 
alike. 

In  the  process  of  becoming  acquainted,  the  differences 
between  one  individual  and  another  are  first  observed, 
and  a  sense  of  difference  is  always  present  in  the  mind, 


282      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

to  be  more  or  less  overcome  by  any  growing  sense  of 
similarity. 

Impressions  of  Meeting.  —  With  the  attainment  of  clear 
perceptions  of  differences  and  of  resemblances,  the  mere 
sensations  of  meeting  are  merged  in  complex  Impressions 
of  Meeting.  On  the  intellectual  side  these  are  impres- 
sions of  difference  or  impressions  of  resemblance.  Ac- 
companying these,  however,  are  emotional  states,  which 
are  manifested  in  the  attitude  of  strangers  toward  one 
another. 

Attitude  toward  Strangers.  —  According  as  the  im- 
pressions are,  on  the  whole,  impressions  of  difference  or 
impressions  of  resemblance,  the  general  attitude  of  strangers 
toward  one  another  is  one  of  wonder  and  curiosity;  of 
fear,  suspicion,  and  unfriendliness ;  of  indifference ;  or  of 
trust  and  friendliness. 

The  Motives  of  Communication.  —  The  first  impressions 
of  meeting  are  usually  confused.  Impressions  of  difference 
and  impressions  of  resemblance  are  so  mingled  in  the 
mind  that  one  is  left  in  doubt  as  to  the  real  degree  of 
resemblance,  and  the  possible  interest  and  pleasure  of 
a  further  acquaintance.  The  desire  to  impart  and  to 
gain  a  more  definite  knowledge  on  these  points  is  the 
original  motive  of  communication. 

The  desire  to  impart  must  probably  be  placed  first.  In 
all  communication  we  can  discover  a  desire  to  make  an 
impression.  Subordinate  to  this  desire,  in  most  instances, 
appears  to  be  the  desire  to  know  well  the  other  person. 

After  acquaintance  is  established  much  communication 
takes  place  which  seems  to  spring  from  an  interest  in 
the  subject  that  is  talked  about.  We  give  and  ask  infor- 
mation about  third  parties  or  material  things,  as  well  as 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  283 

about  ourselves.  Even  then,  however,  the  other  motives 
that  have  been  mentioned  can  always  be  detected ;  and 
it  is  probable  that  in  all  cases  they  are  really  the  predomi- 
nant ones,  although  we  are  not  always  conscious  of  the 
fact 

Reflective  Sympathy 

When  the  perception  of  resemblance  has  arisen  in  con- 
sciousness, it  reacts  upon  organic  sympathy,  and  converts 
or  develops  it  into  an  Intelligent  or  Reflective  Sympathy. 
Reflective  sympathy  is  awakened  by  the  distinct  knowl- 
edge that  another  person  is  like  one's  self. 

When  we  perceive  that  some  one  who  is  organized  as 
we  are  is  doing  a  certain  thing,  we  feel  the  impulse  to  act 
as  he  acts.  If  he  appears  to  be  in  pain,  we  feel  a  certain 
discomfort  or  even  a  certain  degree  of  the  pain  that  he 
experiences.  If  he  is  evidently  in  a  state  of  great  joy, 
we  also  feel  a  certain  degree  of  gladness. 

Spinoza  on  Reflective  Sympathy 

Although  we  may  not  have  been  moved  toward  a  thing 
by  any  affect,  yet,  if  it  is  like  ourselves,  whenever  we 
imagine  it  to  be  affected  by  any  affect,  we  are  therefore 
affected  by  the  same.  ...  If,  therefore,  the  nature  of 
the  external  body  be  like  that  of  our  body,  then  the  idea 
of  the  external  body  which  we  imagine  will  involve  an 
affection  of  our  body  like  that  of  the  external  body.  There- 
fore, if  we  imagine  any  one  who  is  like  ourselves  to  be 
affected  with  any  affect,  this  imagination  will  express  an 
affection  of  our  body  like  that  affect ;  and,  therefore,  we 
shall  be  affected  with  a  similar  affect  ourselves,  because 
we  imagine  something  like  us  to  be  affected  with  the  same. 

SPINOZA,  Ethic,  Part  III.,  Prop.  XXVII. 


284     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 


Adam  Smith  on  Reflective  Sympathy 

In  order  to  produce  this  concord,  as  nature  teaches  the 
spectators  to  assume  the  circumstances  of  the  person  prin- 
cipally concerned,  so  she  teaches  this  last  in  some  measure 
to  assume  those  of  the  spectators.  As  they  are  continually 
placing  themselves  in  his  situation,  and  thence  conceiving 
emotions  similar  to  what  he  feels  ;  so  he  is  as  constantly 
placing  himself  in  theirs,  and  thence  conceiving  some 
degree  of  that  coolness  about  his  own  fortune,  with  which 
he  is  sensible  that  they  will  view  it.  As  they  are  con- 
stantly considering  what  they  themselves  would  feel,  if 
they  actually  were  the  sufferers,  so  he  is  as  constantly  led 
to  imagine  in  what  manner  he  would  be  affected  if  he  was 
only  one  of  the  spectators  of  his  own  situation.  As  their 
sympathy  makes  them  look  at  it,  in  some  measure,  with 
his  eyes,  so  his  sympathy  makes  him  look  at  it,  in  some 
measure,  with  theirs,  especially  when  in  their  presence  and 
acting  under  their  observation  :  and  as  the  reflected  pas- 
sion, which  he  thus  conceives,  is  much  weaker  than  the 
original  one,  it  necessarily  abates  the  violence  of  what  he 
felt  before  he  came  into  their  presence,  before  he  began 
to  recollect  in  what  manner  they  would  be  affected  by  it, 
and  to  view  his  situation  in  this  candid  and  impartial  light. 

ADAM  SMITH,  The  Theory  of  Moral  Sentiments,  28. 


Affection 

The  perception  of  resemblance  and  conscious  sympathy 
commonly  develop  into  the  stronger  feeling  which  is  vari- 
ously named  Liking,  Friendliness,  and  Affection,  accord- 
ing to  the  degree  of  its  strength.  Those  individuals  who, 
as  we  say,  have  something  in  common,  that  is,  those  who 
are  so  much  alike  that  they  are  sympathetic  and  have 
similar  ideas  and  tastes,  on  the  whole  like  one  another 
better  than  individuals  who  have  little  or  nothing  in 
common. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  285 

We  must  not  make  the  mistake,  however,  of  supposing 
that  in  all  cases  the  strongest  affection  springs  up  between 
persons  who,  at  the  moment  of  their  first  acquaintance,  are 
actually  very  much  alike  in  mental  and  moral  qualities. 
Perhaps  the  more  frequent  case  is  that  of  a  growing  affec- 
tion between  persons  potentially  alike.  Apparently  it  is 
the  capacity  of  two  or  more  persons  to  become  alike  under 
each  other's  influence,  that  gives  rise  to  the  strongest 
friendship  and  the  highest  degree  of  pleasure  in  com- 
panionship. 

Aristotle  on  Friendship 

But  the  subject  of  friendship  or  love  is  one  that  affords 
scope  for  a  good  many  differences  of  opinion.  Some  peo- 
ple define  it  as  a  sort  of  likeness,  and  define  people  who 
are  like  each  other  as  friends.  Hence  the  sayings,  "  Like 
seeks  like,"  "  Birds  of  a  feather,"  and  so  on.  Others  on 
the  contrary  say  that  "  Two  of  a  trade  never  agree."  Upon 
this  subject  some  philosophical  thinkers  indulge  in  more 
profound  physical  speculations ;  Euripides  asserting  that 

"  the  parched  Earth  loves  the  rain, 
And  the  great  Heaven  rain-laden  loves  to  fall 
Earthwards  " ; 

Heraclitus  that  "  the  contending  tends  together,"  and  that 
"  harmony  most  beautiful  is  formed  of  discords,"  and  that 
"  all  things  are  by  strife  engendered  "  ;  others,  among  whom 
is  Empedocles,  taking  the  opposite  view  and  urging  that 
"  like  desires  like." 


The  perfect  friendship  or  love  is  the  friendship  or  love 
of  people  who  are  good  and  alike  in  virtue  ;  for  these  peo- 
ple are  alike  in  wishing  each  other's  good,  in  so  far  as  they 
are  good,  and  they  are  good  in  themselves.  But  it  is  peo- 
ple who  wish  the  good  of  their  friends  for  their  friends'  sake 
that  are  in  the  truest  sense  friends,  as  their  friendship  is  the 
consequence  of  their  own  character,  and  is  not  an  accident. 


286      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Their  friendship  therefore  continues  as  long  as  their  virtue, 
and  virtue  is  a  permanent  quality. 

Again,  each  of  them  is  good  in  an  absolute  sense,  and 
good  in  relation  to  his  friend.  For  good  men  are  not  only 
good  in  an  absolute  sense,  but  serve  each  other's  interest. 
They  are  pleasant  too ;  for  the  good  are  pleasant  in  an 
absolute  sense,  and  pleasant  in  relation  to  one  another,  as 
everybody  finds  pleasure  in  such  actions  as  are  proper  to 
him,  and  the  like,  and  all  good  people  act  alike  or  nearly 
alike. 

Such  a  friendship  is  naturally  permanent,  as  it  unites  in 
itself  all  the  proper  conditions  of  friendship.  For  the 
motive  of  all  friendship  or  affection  is  good  or  pleasure, 
whether  it  be  absolute  or  relative  to  the  person  who  feels 
the  affection,  and  it  depends  upon  a  certain  similarity.  In 
the  friendship  of  good  men  all  these  specified  conditions 
belong  to  the  friends  in  themselves  ;  for  other  friendships 
only  bear  a  resemblance  to  the  perfect  friendship.  That 
which  is  good  in  an  absolute  sense  is  also  in  an  absolute 
sense  pleasant.  These  are  the  principal  objects  of  affec- 
tion, and  it  is  upon  these  that  affectionate  feeling,  and 
affection  in  the  highest  and  best  sense,  depend. 

ARISTOTLE,  The  Nicomachean  Ethics,  translated  by  WELLDON,  247, 
252. 

Dante  on  Friendship 

For  there  is  no  more  lawful  nor  more  courteous  way  of 
doing  honour  to  one's  self  than  by  doing  honour  to  one's 
friend ;  and,  since  friendship  cannot  exist  between  the  un- 
like, wherever  one  sees  friendship,  likeness  is  understood ; 
and  wherever  likeness  is  understood,  thither  runs  public 
praise  or  blame. 

DANTE,  //  Convito,  translated  by  SAYER,  99-100. 


Desire  for  Recognition 

A  remaining  mental  fact  to  be  noted  as  a  subjective  con- 
sequence of  resemblance,  is  the  desire  which  an  individual 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  287 

feels  for  Recognition,  including  a  return  of  sympathy  and 
affection. 

This  state  of  mind  is  the  basis  of  some  of  the  most  im- 
portant passions,  such  as  pride  and  ambition. 

Aristotle  on  Reciprocity  of  Affection 

There  being  three  motives  of  friendship  or  love,  it  must 
be  observed  that  we  do  not  apply  the  term  "friendship" 
or  "  love  "  to  the  affection  felt  for  inanimate  things.  The 
reason  is  ( i )  that  they  are  incapable  of  reciprocating  affec- 
tion, and  (2)  that  we  do  not  wish  their  good ;  for  it  would, 
I  think,  be  ridiculous  to  wish  the  good,  e.g.,  of  wine ;  if  we 
wish  it  at  all,  it  is  only  in  the  sense  of  wishing  the  wine 
to  keep  well,  in  the  hope  of  enjoying  it  ourselves.  But  it 
is  admitted  that  we  ought  to  wish  our  friend's  good  for  his 
sake,  and  not  for  our  own.  If  we  wish  people  good  in 
this  sense,  we  are  called  well-wishers,  unless  our  good 
wishes  are  returned ;  such  reciprocal  well-wishing  is  called 
friendship  or  love. 

ARISTOTLE,  The  Nicomachean  Ethics,  translated  by  WELLDON,  249. 

Spinoza  on  Desire  for  Recognition 

If  we  love  a  thing  which  is  like  ourselves,  we  endeavor 
as  much  as  possible  to  make  it  love  us  in  return. 

SPINOZA,  Ethic,  Part  III.,  Prop.  XXXIII. 

The  Sympathetic  Origin  of  Virtues 

Upon  these  two  different  efforts,  upon  that  of  the  spec- 
tator to  enter  into  the  sentiments  of  the  person  principally 
concerned,  and  upon  that  of  the  person  principally  con- 
cerned to  bring  down  his  emotions  to  what  the  spectator 
can  go  along  with,  are  founded  two  different  sets  of  virtues. 
The  soft,  the  gentle,  the  amiable  virtues,  the  virtues  of 
candid  condescension  and  indulgent  humanity,  are  founded 
upon  the  one :  the  great,  the  awful  and  respectable,  the 


288     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

virtues  of  self-denial,  of  self-government,  of  that  command 
of  the  passions  which  subjects  all  the  movements  of  our 
nature  to  what  our  own  dignity  and  honour  and  the  pro- 
priety of  our  own  conduct  require,  take  their  origin  from 
the  other. 


And  hence  it  is,  that  to  feel  much  for  others  and  little 
for  ourselves,  that  to  restrain  our  selfish,  and  to  indulge 
our  benevolent  affections,  constitutes  the  perfection  of 
human  nature ;  and  can  alone  produce  among  mankind 
that  harmony  of  sentiments  and  passions  in  which  consists 
their  whole  grace  and  propriety.  As  to  love  our  neighbour 
as  we  love  ourselves  is  the  great  law  of  Christianity,  so  it 
is  the  great  precept  of  nature  to  love  ourselves  only  as  we 
love  our  neighbour,  or  what  comes  to  the  same  thing,  as 
our  neighbour  is  capable  of  loving  us. 

ADAM  SMITH,  The  Theory  of  Moral  Sentiments,  30, 32. 

The  Total  Consciousness  of  Kind 

The  five  modes  of  consciousness  which  have  been  de- 
scribed are  not  independent  of  one  another.  They  are  so 
intimately  blended  that  it  is  only  by  a  process  of  scientific 
analysis  that  they  can  be  thought  of  singly.  In  actual 
experience  they  are  united  in  a  state  of  mind  that,  for  the 
moment,  seems  perfectly  simple.  The  perception  of  re- 
semblance, the  sympathy,  the  affection,  and  the  desire  for 
recognition  that  go  with  it,  seem,  for  the  time  being,  to  be 
as  perfectly  one  fact  of  consciousness  as  does  the  image 
of  a  person  or  of  a  landscape  upon  the  retina  of  the  eye. 
This  state  of  consciousness  is  pleasurable,  and  includes  the 
feeling  that  we  wish  to  maintain  and  to  expand  it.  The 
feeling  that  it  carries  with  it  is,  in  fact,  like  that  which 
one  experiences  while  engaged  in  a  pleasurable  game  or 
while  witnessing  an  engrossing  drama.  One  does  not  stop 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  289 

to  ask  whether  it  is  useful  or  worth  while,  any  more  than 
he  does  when  eagerly  looking  forward  to  the  next  success- 
ful move  on  a  chessboard.  He  enjoys  it  while  it  lasts, 
and  feels  that  it  is  worth  while  in  itself,  quite  irrespective 
of  any  consequences  that  may  follow. 

The  consciousness  of  kind,  then,  is  that  pleasurable 
state  of  mind  which  includes  organic  sympathy,  the  per- 
ception of  resemblance,  conscious  or  reflective  sympathy, 
affection,  and  the  desire  for  recognition. 

Scope  and  Mode  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind 

In  consequence  of  its  own  nature  the  consciousness  of 
kind  assumes  a  certain  range  and  mode  for  every  possible 
mode  of  resemblance  among  conscious  beings  —  for  every 
possible  grouping  of  similar  conscious  units.  There  is  a 
consciousness  of  kind  corresponding  to  each  of  the  broader 
age  classes,  corresponding  to  the  difference  of  sex,  corre- 
sponding to  each  of  the  several  degrees  of  kinship,  corre- 
sponding to  local  and  national  groupings  of  those  who 
dwell  together,  corresponding  to  the  various  arrangements 
of  individuals  by  languages,  by  beliefs,  by  occupations,  and 
by  political  preferences  and  rankings,  and  corresponding 
to  each  of  the  gradations  of  economic  well-being,  of  cul- 
ture, of  vitality,  of  mentality,  of  morality,  and  of  sociality. 

Some  of  these  manifestations  of  the  consciousness  of 
kind  play  or  have  played  a  conspicuous  and  important 
part  in  social  affairs,  while  others  are  comparatively  in- 
significant. In  primitive  society  the  consciousness  of  sex 
is  extremely  influential,  often  assuming  forms  of  sex  taboo. 
The  prejudices  of  nationality  and  of  race  have  been  of 
tremendous  consequence  throughout  the  whole  course  of 


290      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

social  evolution.  Local  pride  and  patriotism  are  senti- 
ments always  to  be  reckoned  with  ;  while  sectarian,  par- 
tisan, and  class  feelings  are  social  forces  universally 
recognized. 

Very  slowly,  however,  there  is  forming  in  the  human 
race  a  general  or  universal  consciousness  of  kind.  The 
shifting  elements  of  circumstance  and  the  varying  moods 
of  personality  therefore  must  be  taken  into  account  be- 
fore we  can  tell  how  the  consciousness  of  kind  will  shape 
itself  and  will  direct  action  in  any  concrete  case.  An 
artistic  temperament,  for  example,  may  be  strongly  at- 
tracted by  like  temperaments  in  another  nation,  or  even 
race,  than  its  own.  A  philanthropic  enthusiast  may  be 
more  strongly  drawn  to  kindred  natures  among  the  desti- 
tute than  to  acquaintances  of  his  own  social  rank. 

Sexual  Consciousness  and  Taboo 

The  remarkable  facts  which  follow  show  the  primitive 
theory  and  practice  of  this  separation  of  the  sexes.  Both 
in  origin  and  results  the  phenomena  are  those  of  taboo,  and 
hence  I  have  applied  to  these  facts  the  specific  term  of  sex- 
ual taboo.  At  first  sight  this  early  stage  of  the  relations  of 
men  and  women  may  cause  surprise,  but  when  one  realizes 
the  continuity  of  human  ideas,  and  analyzes  one's  own  con- 
sciousness, one  may  find  there  in  potentiality,  if  not  actual- 
ized by  prejudice,  the  same  conception,  though  perhaps 
emptied  of  its  religious  content. 

******* 

Solidarity  of  sex  is  practically  universal  in  all  stages  of 
culture,  even  the  highest.  Amongst  the  Bedouins  of  Libya 
women  associate  for  the  most  part  with  their  own  sex  only. 
In  Morocco  women  are  by  no  means  reserved  when  by 
themselves,  nor  do  they  seek  to  cover  their  faces.  Amongst 
the  Gauchos  of  Uruguay  women  show  a  marked  tendency 
to  huddle  together.  Sexual  solidarity  is  well  brought  out 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  291 

in  the  following.  Amongst  the  extinct  Tasmanians,  if  a 
wife  was  struck  by  her  husband,  the  whole  female  popula- 
tion would  come  out  and  bring  the  "  rattle  of  their  tongues 
to  bear  upon  the  brute."  When  ill-treated,  the  Kaffir  wife 
can  claim  an  asylum  with  her  father,  till  her  husband  has 
made  atonement.  "  Nor  would  many  European  husbands 
like  to  be  subjected  to  the  usual  discipline  on  such  occa- 
sions. '  The  offending  husband  must  go  in  person  to  ask 
for  his  wife.  He  is  instantly  surrounded  by  the  women  of 
the  place,  who  cover  him  at  once  with  reproaches  and 
blows.  Their  nails  and  fists  may  be  used  with  impunity, 
for  it  is  the  day  of  female  vengeance,  and  the  belaboured 
delinquent  is  not  allowed  to  resist.  He  is  not  permitted  to 
see  his  wife,  but  is  sent  home,  with  an  intimation  of  what 
cattle  are  expected  from  him,  which  he  must  send  before 
he  can  demand  his  wife  again."  Amongst  the  Kunama 
the  wife  has  an  agent  who  protects  her  against  her  hus- 
band, and  fines  him  for  ill-treatment.  She  possesses  con- 
siderable authority  in  the  house,  and  is  on  equal  terms  with 
her  husband.  Amongst  the  Beni-Amer  women  enjoy  con- 
siderable independence.  To  obtain  marital  privileges,  the 
husband  has  to  make  his  wife  a  present  of  value.  He  must 
do  the  same  for  every  harsh  word  he  uses,  and  is  often 
kept  a  whole  night  out  of  doors  in  the  rain,  until  he  pays. 
The  women  have  a  strong  esprit  de  corps  ;  when  a  wife  is 
ill-treated  the  other  women  come  in  to  help  her ;  it  goes 
without  saying  that  the  husband  is  always  in  the  wrong. 
The  women  express  much  contempt  for  the  men,  and  it  is 
considered  disgraceful  in  a  woman  to  show  love  for  her 
husband. 

ERNEST  CRAWLEY,  The  Mystic  Rose,  35,  41-42. 

Race   Consciousness :  The   Eastern   Jews 

We  have  already  described  the  religious  harmony  of  the 
ancient  world,  and  the  facility  with  which  the  most  differ- 
ent and  even  hostile  nations  embraced,  or  at  least  respected, 
each  other's  superstitions.  A  single  people  refused  to  join 
in  the  common  intercourse  of  mankind.  The  Jews,  who, 
under  the  Assyrian  and  Persian  monarchies,  had  languished 
for  many  ages  the  most  despised  portion  of  their  slaves, 


292      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Demerged  from  obscurity  under  the  successors  of  Alex- 
ander; and,  as  they  multiplied  to  a  surprising  degree  in 
the  East,  and  afterwards  in  the  West,  they  soon  excited 
the  curiosity  and  wonder  of  other  nations.  The  sullen 
obstinacy  with  which  they  maintained  their  peculiar  rites 
and  unsocial  manners  seemed  to  mark  them  out  a  distinct 
species  of  men,  who  boldly  professed,  or  who  faintly  dis- 
guised, their  implacable  hatred  to  the  rest  of  human  kind. 
Neither  the  violence  of  Antiochus,  nor  the  arts  of  Herod, 
nor  the  example  of  the  circumjacent  nations,  could  ever 
persuade  the  Jews  to  associate  with  the  institutions  of 
Moses  the  elegant  mythology  of  the  Greeks. 

GIBBON,  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  Vol.  II.  2-3. 

Ethnic   and   Sectarian   Consciousness 

Another  portion  of  this  company  of  emigrants  repaired 
to  Worcester,  and  there  attempted  to  form  a  settlement 
and  enjoy  religious  privileges  under  the  ministry  of  one  of 
the  pastors  who  had  accompanied  them  to  this  country. 
And,  although  they  were  an  industrious,  orderly,  worthy, 
and  pious  congregation,  yet  in  consequence  of  their  being 
foreigners,  especially  from  Ireland,  and  introducing  the 
Presbyterian  mode  of  worship,  which  was  before  unknown 
in  New  England,  the  prejudices  of  the  Congregational 
communities  in  Worcester  were  so  strong  and  bitter  towards 
them  that  they  were  compelled  to  leave  the  place.  They 
in  consequence  separated  and  were  dispersed  through  the 
country.  Some  of  these  families  settled  in  Coleraine, 
some  in  Palmer,  some  in  Pelham,  and  some  in  other  towns 
in  Massachusetts,  and,  being  joined  by  emigrants,  from 
time  to  time,  from  the  old  country,  formed  those  Presby- 
terian societies  which  existed  for  many  years  in  these 
several  towns. 

A  considerable  number  of  this  body  of  emigrants,  on 
arriving  at  Boston,  saw  fit  to  remain  in  that  city,  and,  unit- 
ing with  those  of  their  countrymen  of  their  own  faith 
whom  they  found  there,  formed  the  first  Presbyterian 
church  and  society,  over  which  the  Rev.  John  Morehead 
was  installed  pastor.  It  was  at  first  styled  the  Pres- 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  293 

byterian  church  in  Long  Lane,  —  subsequently  Federal 
Street. 

Sixteen  of  the  families  who  had  purposed  to  form  a  dis- 
tinct settlement,  and  become  the  charge  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
MacGregor,  embarked  in  a  vessel  for  Casco  Bay,  in  order 
to  select  a  township ;  while  the  remaining  families,  with 
Mr.  MacGregor,  retired  from  Boston  into  the  country, 
some  to  Andover,  others  to  Dracut,  until  a  suitable  tract 
of  land  should  be  found  for  a  permanent  settlement. 

The  party  that  left  Boston  for  Casco  Bay  arrived  there 
late  in  the  season ;  and,  it  proving  to  be  a  very  early  and 
cold  winter,  the  vessel  was  frozen  in.  Many  of  the  families, 
not  being  able  to  find  accommodations  on  shore,  were 
obliged  to  pass  the  whole  winter  on  board  the  ship,  suffer- 
ing severely  from  the  want  of  food,  as  well  as  of  conven- 
iences of  situation. 

EDWARD  LUTWYCKE  PARKER,  History  of  Londonderry  (New  Hamp- 
shire), quoted  in  Old  South  Leaflets,  Vol.  IV.  No.  93,  3-4. 


Social-Religious   Consciousness :   The   Friends 

The  first  Welsh  emigrants  arrived  on  the  I3th  of  Aug- 
ust, 1682.  They  were  Quakers  from  Merionethshire 
who  had  felt  the  hand  of  persecution.  They  had  bought 
from  Penn  in  England  five  thousand  acres  of  unsurveyed 
land,  and  had  been  promised  by  him  the  reservation  of  a 
large  tract  exclusively  for  Welsh  settlers,  to  the  end  that 
they  might  preserve  the  customs  of  their  native  land, 
decide  all  debates  "  in  a  Gospel  order,"  and  not  entangle 
themselves  with  "  laws  in  an  unknown  tongue." 

WINSOR,  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,  Vol.  III.  482. 


Ethnic  Solidarity  in   a  New   Environment 

The  neighborhood  of  Hull-House  was  once  the  Prague 
of  the  Bohemian  people  in  Chicago.  The  district  extend- 
ing from  Canal  to  Halsted,  and  from  Ewing  to  Twelfth 
Street,  was,  before  the  great  fire  of  1870,  the  largest  and 
best  settlement  of  Bohemians  in  the  city.  When,  after 


294     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

that  fire,  the  city  began  to  extend  itself  beyond  the  western 
limits,  and  new  tracts  of  land  were  measured  off  into  cheap 
lots,  the  Bohemians,  who  love  nature,  pure  air,  and  gar- 
dens, sold  their  property  in  this  crowded  part  of  the  city, 
and  moved  to  the  new  region,  where  they  might  invest  in 
more  land,  and  so  afford  the  luxury  of  a  garden.  The 
movement  once  started,  it  was  not  long  before  the  whole 
community  changed  its  location,  and  soon  there  grew  up  a 
vast  colony,  "  a  city  within  a  city,"  spreading  from  Halsted 
to  Ashland  Avenue,  and  from  Sixteenth  to  Twentieth 
Street,  and  numbering  not  less  than  forty-five  thousand 
Bohemians. 

The  colony  again  received  a  name ;  and  this  time  it  was 
in  honor  of  the  second  largest  city  of  Bohemia,  Pilzen  or 
Pilsen.  Soon,  however,  it  grew  too  small  for  the  flood  of 
Bohemians,  which  reached  its  highest  tide  in  the  years 
1884-5,  when  the  greatest  percentage  of  the  Bohemian 
emigration  to  the  United  States  poured  into  the  new  and 
prosperous  Chicago.  It  is  now  estimated  that  there  are 
from  sixty  to  seventy  thousand  Bohemians  in  the  city  ;  and 
Chicago  has  the  distinction  of  containing  within  itself  the 
third  largest  city  of  Bohemians  in  the  world.  The  last 
element  of  the  rapidly  growing  settlement  is  now  forming 
west  of  Douglas  Park. 

Hull-House  Maps  and  Papers,  1 1 5-1 16. 

Local  Consciousness  of  Kind:   The  United  States 

It  has  been  inevitable  that  with  such  a  distribution  of 
blood  and  qualities  there  should  have  grown  up  in  each 
region  a  sectional  consciousness.  The  people  of  each 
grand  division  know  their  own  kind  with  almost  as  clear 
a  perception  of  the  differences  between  themselves  and 
the  people  of  other  parts  as  one  finds  in  the  different 
nations  of  continental  Europe,  if  allowance  be  made  for 
the  agreement  in  language  here  and  the  differences  there. 
There  is,  in  short,  in  each  geographical  section  of  the 
United  States,  a  perfectly  distinct  consciousness  of  kind 
among  the  people  dwelling  there,  and  its  expression  in 
sectional  pride  or  "  provincialism  "  has  long  been  one  of 
the  stock  subjects  of  American  newspaper  humor.  Within 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  295 

each  of  the  great  sectional  divisions,  again,  there  are  minor 
groupings,  sometimes  based  upon  ethnic  similarities,  as, 
for  example,  in  the  case  of  the  Pennsylvania  Germans  or 
of  the  northwestern  Scandinavians,  sometimes  based  upon 
peculiarities  of  religious  belief  and  practice,  as  among 
the  New  England  Congregationalists  or  the  Pennsylvania 
Quakers,  and  sometimes  based  upon  an  unusual  predilec- 
tion for  political  activity,  as  among  the  Tammany  forces 
of  New  York  City  or  the  Republicans  of  Ohio.  Each  of 
these  groups  has  its  own  intense  consciousness  of  kind,  a 
consciousness  in  which  sympathy,  agreement  in  taste,  or 
in  interest,  or  in  belief,  and  a  common  sense  of  difference 
from  all  the  rest  of  mankind  are  indistinguishably  combined. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P 

The  Consciousness  of  Nationality 

The  doctrine  of  nationalities  has  been  especially  formu- 
lated and  defended  by  Italian  writers,  who  in  this  field 
occupy  the  foremost  place.  The  aspiration  towards  a 
common  nationality  that  slowly  grew  up  among  the  Italian 
people,  in  spite  of  the  many  and  ancient  political  divisions 
that  separated  them,  may  be  probably  traced  to  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  old  Roman  power.  Dante  and  Machiavelli 
at  once  displayed  and  strengthened  it,  and  it  has  greatly 
coloured  the  Italian  political  philosophy  of  our  century. 

The  first  question  to  be  asked  is,  What  constitutes  a 
nationality  ?  Vico  had  defined  it  as  "  a  natural  society  of 
men  who,  by  unity  of  territory,  of  origin,  of  customs,  and 
of  language,  are  drawn  into  a  community  of  life  and  social 
conscience."  More  modern  Italian  writers,  among  whom 
Mancini,  Mamiani,  and  Pierantoni  are  conspicuous,  have 
employed  themselves  in  amplifying  this  definition.  They 
enumerate  as  the  constituent  elements  of  nationality,  race, 
religion,  language,  geographical  position,  manners,  history, 
and  laws,  and  when  these  or  several  of  them  combine  they 
create  a  nationality.  It  becomes  perfect  when  a  special 
type  has  been  formed ;  when  a  great  homogeneous  body 
of  men  acquires,  for  the  first  time,  a  consciousness  of  its 
separate  nationality,  and  thus  becomes  "  a  moral  unity  with, 
a  common  thought."  This  is  the  cogito  ergo  simi  of  nations, 


296      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  self-consciousness  which  establishes  in  nations  as  in 
individuals  a  true  personality.  And  as  the  individual  man, 
according  to  these  writers,  has  an  inalienable  right  to  per- 
sonal freedom,  so  also  has  the  nationality.  Every  govern- 
ment of  one  nationality  by  another  is  of  the  nature  of 
slavery,  and  is  essentially  illegitimate,  and  the  true  right 
of  nations  is  the  recognition  of  the  full  right  of  each  nation- 
ality to  acquire  and  maintain  a  separate  existence,  to  create 
or  to  change  its  government  acccording  to  its  desires.  Civil 
communities  should  form,  extend,  and  dissolve  themselves 
by  a  spontaneous  process,  and  in  accordance  with  this 
right  and  principle  of  nationality.  Every  sovereign  who 
appeals  to  a  foreign  Power  to  suppress  movements  among 
its  own  people ;  every  foreign  Power  which  intervenes  as 
Russia  did  in  Hungary,  and  as  Austria  did  in  Italy,  for 
the  purpose  of  suppressing  a  national  movement,  is  essen- 
tially criminal.  On  the  other  hand,  any  war  for  the  eman- 
cipation of  struggling  nationalities,  such  as  that  of  France 
with  Austria,  and  Russia  with  Turkey,  derives  its  justifica- 
tion from  this  fact,  quite  irrespective  of  the  immediate 
cause  or  pretexts  that  produced  it. 

Such,  pushed  to  its  full  extent  and  definition,  is  the  phi- 
losophy which,  in  vaguer  and  looser  terms,  pervades  very 
widely  the  political  thought  of  Europe,  and  has  played  a 
great  part  in  the  historic  development  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  It  may  be  observed  that,  though  the  idea  of 
nationality  is  greatly  affected  by  democracy,  it  is  in  itself 
distinct  from  it  and  is,  in  fact,  very  frequently  separated 
from  it.  The  idea  and  passion  of  nationality  blend  quite 
as  easily  with  loyalty  to  a  dynasty  as  with  attachment  to  a 
republican  form  of  government,  and  nations  that  value  very 
little  internal  or  constitutional  freedom  are  often  passion- 
ately devoted  to  their  national  individuality  and  indepen- 
dence. It  may  be  observed  also,  that  the  many  different 
elements  of  nationality  which  have  been  mentioned  rarely 
concur,  and  that  no  one  of  them  is  always  sufficient  to  mark 
out  a  distinct  nationality.  As  a  matter  of  history,  all  great 
nations  have  been  formed,  in  the  first  instance,  by  many 
successive  conquests  and  aggrandisements,  and  have  grad- 
ually become  more  or  less  perfectly  fused  into  a  single 
organism.  Race,  except  when  it  is  marked  by  colour,  is 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  297 

usually  a  most  obscure  and  deceptive  guide,  and  in  most 
European  countries  different  race  elements  are  inextricably 
mixed.  Language  and  religion  have  had  a  much  greater 
and  deeper  power  in  forming  national  unities  ;  but  there  are 
examples  of  different  creeds  and  languages  very  success- 
fully blended  into  one  nationality,  and  there  are  examples 
of  separations  of  feeling  and  character,  due  to  historical, 
political,  and  industrial  causes,  existing  where  race,  creed, 
and  language  are  all  the  same. 


Sometimes,  as  in  Italy,  the  movement  of  nationality  is 
a  movement  of  sympathy  and  agglomeration,  drawing 
together  men  who  had  long  been  politically  separated. 
More  frequently  it  is  a  disintegrating  force,  and  many  of  its 
advocates  desire  to  call  into  intense  life  and  self-conscious- 
ness the  different  race  elements  in  a  great  and  composite 
empire,  with  the  hope  that  they  may  ultimately  assert  for 
themselves  the  right  of  distinct  national  individuality. 

LECKY,  Democracy  and  Liberty,  Vol.  I.  474-479. 


Mutability  and  Degrees  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind 

Because  the  consciousness  of  kind  is  complex,  it  is  nec- 
essarily an  ever  changing  mental  state.  It  varies  as  one 
or  another  of  its  elements  is  predominant.  At  one  time  it 
may  be  chiefly  an  idea ;  at  another  time,  chiefly  sympathy  ; 
at  yet  another  time,  chiefly  the  desire  for  recognition ;  but 
never  is  it  one  of  these  elements  alone.  All  are  present  in 
some  degree. 

And,  for  reasons  to  be  mentioned  shortly,  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind,  protean  in  scope  and  mode,  varies  in  degree 
with  the  degree  of  resemblance  upon  which  it  is  based. 
It  loses  intensity  as  it  expands  to  the  more  remote  resem- 
blances, and  becomes  intense  as  it  contracts  to  the  narrower 
degrees. 


298     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  Law  of  Sympathy.  —  Using  the  word  " sympathy" 
as  a  collective  word  for  all  the  feelings  that  are  included 
in  the  consciousness  of  kind,  the  law  of  sympathy  is :  The 
degree  of  sympathy  decreases  as  the  generality  of  resem- 
blance increases. 

Thus,  for  example,  when  we  compare  those  degrees  of 
mental  and  of  practical  resemblance  that  correspond  to 
degrees  of  kinship,  we  discover  that  there  is  normally  a 
greater  degree  of  sympathy  among  members  of  a  family 
than  among  all  members  of  a  nation,  a  greater  degree  of 
sympathy  among  men  of  a  common  nationality  than  among 
all  men  of  the  same  ethnic  race,  a  greater  degree  of  sym- 
pathy among  men  of  the  same  ethnic  race  than  ameng  all 
men  of  the  same  glottic  race,  and  a  greater  degree  of  sym- 
pathy among  men  of  the  same  glottic  race  than  among  all 
men  of  the  same  colour  race. 

In  like  manner,  when  we  compare  those  degrees  of  men- 
tal and  of  practical  resemblance  that  are  irrespective  of 
the  degrees  of  kinship,  we  discover  that  there  is,  for  ex- 
ample, greater  sympathy  among  Protestants  than  among 
Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics  taken  together,  and  more 
sympathy  among  Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic  Chris- 
tians taken  together  than  among  all  Christians  and  all 
devotees  of  all  other  religions  taken  together. 

Adam  Smith  on  the  Law  of  Sympathy 

We  expect  less  sympathy  from  a  common  acquaintance 
than  from  a  friend  :  we  cannot  open  to  the  former  all  those 
little  circumstances  which  we  can  unfold  to  the  latter :  we 
assume,  therefore,  more  tranquillity  before  him,  and  en- 
deavour to  fix  our  thoughts  upon  those  general  outlines 
of  our  situation  which  he  is  willing  to  consider.  We 
expect  still  less  sympathy  from  an  assembly  of  strangers, 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  299 

and  we  assume,  therefore,  still  more  tranquillity  before 
them,  and  always  endeavour  to  bring  down  our  passion  to 
that  pitch,  which  the  particular  company  we  are  in  may  be 
expected  to  go  along  with.  Nor  is  this  only  an  assumed 
appearance  :  for  if  we  are  at  all  masters  of  ourselves,  the 
presence  of  a  mere  acquaintance  will  really  compose  us, 
still  more  than  that  of  a  friend ;  and  that  of  an  assembly 
of  strangers  still  more  than  that  of  an  acquaintance. 

ADAM  SMITH,  The  Theory  of  Moral  Sentiments,  29. 

Causes  Determining  the  Consciousness  of  Kind 

The  composition,  scope,  mode,  and  degree  of  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind  are  determined  by  certain  causes,  among 
which  are  included  the  extent  and  the  degree  of  common 
stimulation,  and  certain  limitations  of  mental  action  which 
are  fixed  by  the  laws  of  least  effort  and  of  increasing  and 
diminishing  return. 

Common  Stimulation.  —  We  have  seen  that  both  re- 
semblance itself,  and  that  subjective  consequence  of 
resemblance  which  we  have  called  organic  sympathy,  have 
both  remote  and  immediate  antecedents  in  common  stimu- 
lation, including,  of  course,  all  the  modes  of  inter-stimula- 
tion. The  greater  the  amount  of  common  stimulation,  - 
in  whatever  form  occurring,  and  including  frequency  of 
repetition,  —  the  greater,  in  the  long  run,  must  be  both  the 
mental  and  the  practical  resemblance  and  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind. 

The  Limits  of  Sympathy.  —  These  consequences  are 
conditioned,  however,  by  those  laws  of  differential  effect 
that  have  already  been  explained.  Sympathy  and  affection 
result,  as  has  been  shown,  from  habits  of  like-response  to 
the  same  or  to  like  stimuli.  Consequently  there  is  much 
material  for  the  genesis  of  sympathy  between  resembling 


300     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

individuals,  and  comparatively  little  for  its  genesis  between 
greatly  differing  individuals.  Sympathy  and  affection, 
therefore,  go  out  most  to  those  who  most  resemble  our- 
selves, simply  because,  under  these  conditions  of  genesis, 
such  is  the  direction  of  least  difficulty. 

To  satisfy  ourselves  that  this  interpretation  of  sympathy 
in  terms  of  the  law  of  least  effort  is  the  true  one,  we  have 
only  to  ask  ourselves  what  happens  when  we  have  the 
feeling  that  we  ougJit  to  sympathize  with  some  person 
or  class  of  persons,  as  distinguished  from  a  spontaneous 
outgoing  of  sympathy  towards  them.  Any  student  who 
will  carefully  think  over  this  problem,  giving  full  weight  to 
the  sense  of  effort  that  is  correlated  with  the  sense  of 
obligation,  will  have  no  difficulty  in  convincing  himself 
that  spontaneous  sympathy  and  affection  are  simply  cases 
of  mental  activity  in  the  direction  of  least  effort. 

Ejective  Interpretation.  —  The  same  limitation  applies  in 
like  manner  to  the  intellectual  element  in  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind.  We  interpret  one  another  in  terms  of  our- 
selves, and  we  do  so  because  this  way  of  knowing  one 
another  is  the  way  of  least  effort.  Discovering  that  some 
of  our  acquaintances  in  certain  particulars  are  very  like 
ourselves  ;  that  other  individuals  are  much  less  like  our- 
selves ;  that  yet  others  are  but  little  like  ourselves,  save  in 
those  human  qualities  that  mark  the  entire  species  of  man- 
kind, —  we  quickly  form  mental  classes  that  are  based  upon 
these  degrees  of  resemblance. 

This  interpretation  of  others  in  terms  of  one's  self  may 
be  called  Ejective  Interpretation.  The  word  "  eject,"  first 
used  by  William  Kingdon  Clifford,  means  a  mental  image 
of  another  which  is  derived  largely  from  one's  experiences 
of  one's  self.  When  the  child,  observing  an  object  that 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  301 

walks,  talks,  and  smiles  as  he  himself  does,  interprets  that 
object  in  terms  of  himself,  and  assumes  that  it  is  a  human 
being  like  himself,  the  mental  process  which  has  resulted 
in  this  conclusion  is  ejective.  The  child  has  mentally 
thrown  himself  into  the  perceived  object,  and  he  under- 
stands it  because  he  has  done  so.  Thus,  all  interpretation 
of  our  fellow-beings  is  ejective.  It  proceeds  through  a 
comparison  of  themselves  and  ourselves  in  which  the 
various  points  of  resemblance  and  of  difference  are  ob- 
served and  classified.  Ejective  interpretation  is  the 
intellectual  element  in  the  consciousness  of  kind,  and 
a  consequence  of  the  law  that  mental  activity  follows  the 
line  of  least  effort 

Object  and  Eject 

When  I  come  to  the  conclusion  that  you  are  conscious, 
and  that  there  are  objects  in  your  consciousness  similar  to 
those  in  mine,  I  am  not  inferring  any  actual  or  possible 
feelings  of  my  own,  but  your  feelings,  which  are  not,  and 
cannot  by  any  possibility  become,  objects  of  my  conscious- 
ness. .  .  .  But  the  inferred  existence  of  your  feelings,  of 
objective  groupings  among  them  similar  to  those  among 
my  feelings,  and  of  a  subjective  order  in  many  respects 
analogous  to  my  own,  —  these  inferred  existences  are  in 
the  very  act  of  inference  thrown  out  of  my  consciousness, 
recognized  as  outside  of  it,  as  not  being  a  part  of  me.  I 
propose,  accordingly,  to  call  these  inferred  existences  ejects, 
things  thrown  out  of  my  consciousness,  to  distinguish 
them  from  objects,  things  presented  in  my  consciousness, 
phenomena. 

WILLIAM  KINGDON  CLIFFORD,  On  the  Nature  of  Things  in  Them- 
selves, Mind,  Vol.  III.  No.  9,  January,  1878,  also  Lectures  and 
Essays,  275. 

Causes  and  Limits  of  the  Desire  for  Recognition.  — 
Finally,  the  like  interpretation  must  be  made  of  our  desire 
for  recognition. 


302      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Among  the  very  earliest  pleasures  of  life  are  those  that 
we  derive  from  the  ministering  attentions  of  mother,  and 
of  other  relatives  and  friends.  Because  our  first  satisfac- 
tions of  every  kind,  including  the  pleasurable  stimulation 
of  all  our  senses,  are  inseparably  associated  with  such 
attentions,  we  learn  to  take  delight  in  recognition  by  the 
fellow-beings  that  are  nearest  to  us. 

Then,  because  of  diminishing  returns,  and  in  virtue  of 
the  law  that  we  seek  to  increase  satisfaction  by  searching 
for  new  means  or  new  sources  of  pleasure  among  objects 
that  most  closely  resemble  those  with  which  we  already 
are  familiar,  we  begin  to  look  for  recognition,  attention, 
and  sympathy  from  those  fellow-beings  who  most  closely 
resemble  our  immediate  family  friends  and  ourselves. 
Little  by  little  the  circle  is  widened,  until  we  have  formed 
the  habit  of  expecting  recognition  and  sympathy  from  all 
human  beings,  in  a  gradation  that  corresponds  to  their 
degrees  of  resemblance  to  ourselves.  Thus,  in  its  entirety, 
the  consciousness  of  kind  is  seen  to  be  a  consequence  of 
the  persistence  of  mental  activity  in  the  lines  of  least 
difficulty. 

The  Consciousness  of  Kind  as  Dynamic 

Beginning  with  feeling,  and  always  combining  feeling 
with  perception,  the  consciousness  of  kind  is  dynamic.  It 
is  a  power,  as  real  as  that  consciousness  of  disciplined 
strength  which  fights  victorious  battles,  or  as  that  con- 
sciousness of  weakness  and  demoralization  which  hastens 
inglorious  retreat.  Originating  in  society,  it  is  a  true  social 
force,  a  product  of  social  relations.  It  is  also  always  a 
socializing  force,  perfecting  association  and  developing  a 
social  nature. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  303 

The  Expansion  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind 

As  a  social  and  a  socializing  force  the  activity  of  the 
consciousness  of  kind  is  perhaps  best  revealed  in  the 
phenomena  of  its  expansion,  and  in  certain  consequences 
of  its  expansion,  in  connection  with  that  process  which  we 
call  assimilation. 

A  relatively  perfect  consciousness  of  kind  can  exist  only 
in  minds  that  are  in  a  high  degree  alike.  In  every  popu- 
lation, however,  a  large  proportion  of  its  component  indi- 
viduals, not  yet  in  a  high  degree  mentally  alike,  are 
gradually  becoming  alike.  The  consciousness  of  potential 
resemblance,  which  may  be  observed  in  minds  that  are 
thus  developing  into  resemblance,  is  a  phenomenon  of  the 
social  mind  not  less  important  than  the  consciousness  of 
kind  already  relatively  perfect. 

Potential  Resemblance.  —  We  all  know  from  personal 
experience  that  there  are  some  minds  among  our  acquaint- 
ances that  never  become  more  sympathetic  with  our  own. 
The  oftener  we  engage  in  argument  with  them  the  farther 
apart  do  they  and  we  seem  to  drift.  With  other  minds 
the  case  is  wholly  different.  The  ripening  of  acquaintance 
is  the  ripening  of  sympathy  and  agreement.  Our  differ- 
ences disappear  or  become  of  little  consequence.  We 
learn  to  see  things  in  the  same  light,  and  to  regard  them 
with  the  same  feelings.  This  organization  of  two  or  more 
minds  which  makes  their  approach  or  agreement  certain 
is  the  thing  which  is  meant  by  the  term  "  potential  resem- 
blance." 

The  Consciousness  of  Mental  Approach.  —  Accordingly, 
the  consciousness  of  potential  resemblance  is  a  subjective 
phenomenon  somewhat  more  complex  than  the  conscious- 


304     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

ness  of  kind  as  thus  far  described.  It  includes  the  ordi- 
nary perceptions  of  difference  and  of  resemblance ;  but 
combined  with  these  is  the  further  perception  that  the 
differences  are  decreasing  and  the  resemblances  increas- 
ing ;  or,  perhaps,  the  judgment  that  the  differences  prob- 
ably will  decrease  and  the  resemblances  increase.  As 
potential  resemblance  develops  into  actual  and  perfected 
resemblance,  the  consciousness  of  potential  resemblance 
becomes  a  relatively  perfect  consciousness  of  kind. 

Assimilation  or  Socialization 

The  process  of  mental  approach  which  presents  these 
two  aspects,  objective  and  subjective,  —  the  growing  re- 
semblance of  two  or  more  minds  to  one  another,  and  the 
developing  consciousness  of  kind  in  each  one, — is  famil- 
iarly known  as  Assimilation.  It  may  also  be  called  social- 
ization. 

Spontaneous  Assimilation,  and  Concerted.  —  To  a  great 
extent  socialization  is  deliberately  furthered  by  various  acts 
of  concerted  volition,  yet  to  be  described.  In  its  begin- 
nings, however,  socialization  is  very  largely  an  unconscious, 
or  only  semi-conscious  process,  consisting  in  a  modifica- 
tion of  the  emotions  and  thoughts  of  potentially  resem- 
bling individuals  by  one  another,  in  ways  which  they  do 
not  clearly  perceive  at  the  moment;  and  in  the  gradual 
discovery  that,  without  realizing  exactly  how,  they  are 
becoming  alike. 

The  Socialization  of  Motives  and  Methods.  —  The  process 
consists  in  part  in  a  gradual  socialization  of  the  motives 
and  methods  of  appreciation,  of  utilization,  and  of  charac- 
terization. Under  the  influence  of  a  growing  conscious- 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  305 

ness  of  kind  purely  individualistic  motives  and  methods 
are  made  over  or  converted  into  socialized  motives  and 
methods. 

1.  The   Conversion   of   Individualistic    Motives. — The 
pleasures  of  physical  activity,  of  receptive  sensation,  and 
of  simple  ideation  among  the  motives  of  appreciation,  and 
mere  need    among   the  motives    of   utilization,    are    least 
susceptible  of   modification.      The   pleasures   of   emotion 
and  of  thought,  the  sense  of  power,  rational  desire,  and 
the  sense  of  proportion  in  life,  are  modifiable  in  a  high 
degree.     Intermediate   in  modifiability  are   such   motives 
as  appetite  and  desire. 

Few,  if  any,  of  our  appetites  and  desires  are  what  they 
would  have  been  if  each  individual  had  lived  by  himself, 
in  contact  only  with  the  physical  world  and  lower  forms 
of  life.  To  a  great  extent  we  cultivate  certain  appetites 
and  repress  others,  merely  because  our  associates  do  so. 

It  is  as  factors  of  a  growing  consciousness  of  kind  that 
new  desires  arise,  to  become  motives  of  characterization, 
for  example,  the  desires  for  esteem  and  for  praise;  and 
that  new  combinations  of  appetite  and  of  sympathy  develop 
into  that  powerful  moral  motive,  the  very  names  of  which 
—  kindness,  affection,  love  —  are  significant  of  its  origin. 
This  motive  manifests  itself  in  a  new  mode  of  conduct, 
namely,  self-sacrifice.  Affection  and  self-sacrifice  probably 
originate  in  a  discharge  of  surplus  energies  —  or  in  organic 
sympathy  —  but  they  are  greatly  strengthened  by  the 
intellectual  perception  of  resemblance. 

2.  The  Conversion  of  Individualistic  Methods.  —  Of  the 
methods  of  appreciation,  of  utilization,  and  of  characteriza- 
tion, the  least  modifiable  by  the  consciousness  of  kind  are 
instinctive  response  to  stimulus,  and  attack.     Modifiable 


306     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

in  the  highest  degree  are  preferential   attention,   critical 
inspection,  and  self-control. 

Direction  is  greatly  modifiable  because  of  the  effect  of 
the  consciousness  of  kind  upon  impression.  Impression 
itself  produces  two  very  different  effects.  One  effect  is 
fear,  which  may  become  terror  and  terminate  in  paralysis ; 
the  other  effect  is  fascination  and  pleasure.  The  one 
mode  of  impression  is  the  cause  of  submission,  surrender, 
and  an  abject  kind  of  obedience;  the  other  mode  of  im- 
pression is  the  cause  of  loyalty,  fealty,  and  the  voluntary 
attachment  to  a  leader. 

The  effect  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  upon  the  fear- 
inspiring  mode  of  impression  is  reflected  in  the  saying, 
that  familiarity  breeds  contempt.  The  sense  of  difference 
and  its  accompanying  sense  of  mystery  are  a  large  element 
in  fear.  These  disappear  with  the  discovery  of  resem- 
blance. Rulers  and  dignitaries  who  wish  to  inspire  fear 
surround  themselves  with  an  air  of  mystery,  and  foster 
the  public  delusion  that  in  some  inexplicable  way  they  are 
unlike  other  men.  The  effect  of  the  consciousness  of 
kind  upon  the  fascination-producing  mode  of  impression 
is  to  intensify  devotion.  The  more  "  in  touch  "  a  leader  is 
with  his  followers,  —  that  is  to  say,  the  more  like  them  he 
is  in  every  respect  except  his  superior  sagacity  and  power, 
—  the  more  blind  and  unswerving  is  their  allegiance. 

Assimilation  in  Language:  Greece 

What  language  however  the  Pelasgians  used  to  speak 
I  am  not  able  with  certainty  to  say.  But  if  one  must 
pronounce  judging  by  those  that  still  remain  of  the  Pelas- 
gians who  dwelt  in  the  city  of  Creston  above  the  Tyr- 
senians,  and  who  were  once  neighbors  of  the  race  now 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  307 

called  Dorian,  dwelling  then  in  the  land  which  is  now 
called  Thessaliotis,  and  also  by  those  that  remain  of  the 
Pelasgians  who  settled  at  Plakia  and  Skylake  in  the 
region  of  the  Hellespont,  who  before  that  had  been  settlers 
with  the  Athenians,  and  of  the  natives  of  the  various  other 
towns  which  are  really  Pelasgian,  though  they  have  lost 
the  name, — if  one  must  pronounce  judging  by  these, 
the  Pelasgians  used  to  speak  a  Barbarian  language.  If 
therefore  all  the  Pelasgian  race  was  such  as  these,  then 
the  Attic  race,  being  Pelasgian,  at  the  same  time  when  it 
changed  and  became  Hellenic,  unlearnt  also  its  language. 
For  the  people  of  Creston  do  not  speak  the  same  language 
with  any  of  those  who  dwell  about  them,  nor  yet  do  the 
people  of  Plakia,  —  but  they  speak  the  same  language 
one  as  the  other :  and  by  this  it  is  proved  that  they  still 
keep  unchanged  the  form  of  language  which  they  brought 
with  them  when  they  migrated  to  these  places.  As  for 
the  Hellenic  race,  it  has  used  ever  the  same  language,  as  I 
clearly  perceive,  since  it  first  took  its  rise ;  but  since  the 
time  when  it  parted  off  feeble  at  first  from  the  Pelasgian 
race,  setting  forth  from  a  small  beginning  it  has  increased 
to  that  great  number  of  races  which  we  see,  and  chiefly 
because  many  Barbarian  races  have  been  added  to  it 
besides.  Moreover  it  is  true,  as  I  think,  of  the  Pelasgian 
race  also,  that  so  far  as  it  remained  Barbarian  it  never 
made  any  great  increase. 

HERODOTUS,  History,  translated  by  G.  C.  MACAULAY,  Vol.  I.  25-26. 


French-Italian  Cultural  Assimilation 

The  fall  of  Florence  in  1530,  together  with  the  building 
of  the  new  royal  chateau  at  Fontainebleau  and  the  marriage 
of  the  second  son  of  Francis  I.  with  Catharine  de'  Medici, 
had  led  to  a  large  influx  of  Italians,  mostly  Florentines, 
into  France.  On  the  accession  of  Catharine's  husband, 
Henry  II.,  to  the  throne,  they  began  to  make  their  influ- 
ence felt  alike  in  politics,  society,  literature,  and  art.  The 
result  was  that  the  Renaissance  in  France  entered  upon  a 
distinctly  Italian  phase  of  development,  which  lasted  for 


308      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

forty  years,  though  after,  the  first  five-and-twenty  of  these 
a  species  of  reaction  ensued. 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  III.  53. 

Celtic-Teutonic   Assimilation 

Both  the  Gaelic  and  Norse  languages  were  almost  cer- 
tainly spoken  in  Man  during  this  period.  The  masters 
would  speak  Norse  among  themselves  ;  the  law  and  all 
public  transactions  at  the  Tynwald  and  elsewhere  would  be 
in  that  tongue,  while  the  servants  or  slaves,  and  probably 
many  of  the  women,  would  usually  speak  Gaelic.  It  is 
clear,  however,  from  the  vast  preponderance  of  Celtic 
place-names  and  surnames  over  Scandinavian  that  the 
women's  tongue  soon  predominated,  and  that,  when  Scan- 
dinavian rule  came  to  an  end,  the  Norse  language  soon 
disappeared. 

A.  W.  MOORE,  History  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  Vol.  I.  157. 

Difficulties  of  Assimilation:   The  Channel  Islands 

The  unsettled  state  of  language  in  Jersey,  must  be 
admitted  to  be  a  great  obstacle  to  the  refinements  of  civili- 
zation. The  use  of  a  pure  language  as  one  universal  me- 
dium of  communication,  offers  to  the  moral  and  intellectual 
condition  of  a  people,  as  great  a  facility  for  improvement, 
as  railroads,  and  steam,  offer  to  commerce.  But  this 
medium  Jersey  has  not  yet  the  advantage  of.  The  uni- 
versal language  is  still  a  barbarous  dialect.  French,  though 
the  language  of  the  Court  proceedings,  and  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, is  not  in  common  use  even  among  the  upper  ranks ; 
nay,  the  use  of  it,  is  even  looked  upon  as  affectation ;  and 
although  the  English  language  be  sufficiently  comprehended 
for  the  purposes  of  intercourse  ;  and  is  most  usually  spoken 
in  the  best  mixed  society ;  it  is  certainly  not  understood 
by  many,  in  its  purity.  The  constant  use  of  a  dialect  nec- 
essarily induces  a  distaste  for  any  other  purer  tongues. 
Their  beauties  are  not,  and  cannot  be  appreciated ;  and 
thus,  an  effectual  barrier  is  opposed  to  that  refinement, 
which  is  the  sure  result  of  the  knowledge  and  appreciation 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  309 

of  the  productions  which  belong  to  every  perfected  lan- 
guage. This  disadvantage,  however,  is  gradually  disap- 
pearing :  and  with  another  generation  will  probably  be  no 
longer  felt.  Children  are  now  universally  taught  English  ; 
and  amongst  the  young,  there  is  an  evident  preference  of 
English.  The  constant  intercourse  of  the  tradespeople 
too,  with  the  English  residents;  and  the  considerable 
sprinkling  of  English  residents  in  Jersey  society,  have  also 
their  effect ;  and  it  is  probable,  that  in  twenty  years  more, 
English  will  be  the  language  of  the  Legislature,  the  Judi- 
cature, and  the  people. 

H.  D.  INGLIS,  The  Channel  Islands  (1834),  Vol.  I.  111-112. 


Resistance  to  Assimilation:  Dutch  New  York 

Many  of  the  old  Dutch  customs  were  still  kept  up.  New 
England  could  boast  of  no  such  day  as  New  Year's  day. 
Boston  and  Philadelphia  saw  no  such  scenes  as  on  every 
Christmas  and  every  Easter  day  were  enacted  in  New 
York.  For,  despite  the  boast  that  men  speaking  the 
tongue  of  every  civilized  people  were  to  be  found  in  the 
city,  the  Dutch  element  was  still  strong,  and  the  language 
and  religion  of  Holland  were  most  prevalent.  Half  the  signs 
on  William  Street  were  in  Dutch.  At  the  Hudson  market, 
and  along  the  slips  of  the  Hudson  river,  a  knowledge  of 
Dutch  was  absolutely  indispensable.  Until  twenty  years 
before,  no  sermon  in  the  English  language  had  ever  been 
preached  in  either  of  the  three  Dutch  churches,  and,  even 
after  the  revolution,  prayers  were  still  made,  and  sermons 
still  preached,  at  times,  in  the  language  of  the  Stuyvesants 
and  Van  Dams. 

MCMASTER,  The  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  I.  55. 


The  Process  of  Assimilation :   Dutch-English  Albany 

Albany  was  a  Dutch  Colony ;  and,  until  within  a  few 
years,  the  inhabitants  have  been,  almost  without  an  excep- 
tion, descendants  from  the  original  settlers.  From  this 
fact  it  has  derived  its  whole  aspect,  and  character.  The 


310     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

houses  are  almost  all  built  in  the  Dutch  manner  ;  standing 
endwise  upon  the  street ;  with  high,  sharp  roofs,  small  win- 
dows, and  low  ceilings.  The  appearance  of  these  houses 
is  ordinary,  dull,  and  disagreeable.  The  house,  first  erected 
in  this  town,  is  now  standing;  and  was  built  of  bricks, 
brought  from  Holland. 


Since  that  period,  an  essential  change  has  taken  place 
in  Albany.  A  considerable  number  of  the  opulent  inhabit- 
ants, whose  minds  were  enlarged  by  the  influence  of  the 
Revolutionary  War,  and  the  extensive  intercourse  which 
it  produced  among  them  and  their  countrymen,  and  still 
more  by  education,  and  travelling,  have  resolutely  broken 
through  a  set  of  traditionary  customs,  venerable  by  age, 
and  strong  by  universal  attachment.  These  gentlemen 
have  built  many  handsome  houses  in  the  modern  English 
style  ;  and  in  their  furniture,  manners,  and  mode  of  living, 
have  adopted  the  English  customs.  To  this  important 
change  the  strangers,  who  within  a  few  years  have  become 
a  numerous  body  of  the  inhabitants,  have  extensively  con- 
tributed. All  these,  from  whatever  country  derived,  have 
chosen  to  build,  and  live,  in  the  English  manner. 

The  preference,  given  to  the  customs  of  the  English, 
must  descend  with  increasing  influence  to  their  children. 
In  the  English  language  all  accompts,  instruments  of  con- 
veyance, records,  and  papers  employed  in  legal  processes, 
must  be  written.  The  attainment  of  this  language  has, 
therefore,  now  become  indispensable  to  the  safety,  as  well 
as  to  the  prosperity,  of  every  individual.  Urged  by  this 
necessity,  and  influenced  by  the  example  of  their  superiors, 
the  humblest  classes  of  the  Dutch  must,  within  a  short 
period,  adopt  the  English  language,  and  manners.  Within 
two  generations  there  will  probably  be  no  distinction  be- 
tween the  descendants  of  the  different  nations.  Inter- 
marriages are  also  becoming  more  frequent ;  and  will  hasten 
this  event. 

DWIGHT,  Travels  in  New  England  and  New  York,  Vol.  II.  491-493. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  311 

Perfected  Assimilation:  Inhabitants  of  the  Connecticut 

Valley 

The  inhabitants  of  this  valley  may  be  said  in  several 
respects  to  possess  a  common  character.  .  .  .  This  simi- 
larity is  derived  from  their  descent,  their  education,  their 
local  circumstances,  and  their  mutual  intercourse.  In  the 
older  settlements  most  of  the  inhabitants  are  natives  of  the 
valley ;  and  those,  who  are  not,  yield  to  the  influence  of  a 
character,  which  they  continually  see  all  around  them.  In 
the  more  recent  settlements,  where  greater  numbers,  and 
often  a  majority,  were  not  born  in  this  tract,  the  same 
character  has  regularly  gained  ground,  and  in  most  of 
them  is  always  evident  to  an  observing  traveller. 

DWIGHT,  Travels  in  New  England  and  New  York,  Vol.  II.  333. 

General  Assimilation :  United  States 

A  sense  of  the  difference  of  group  from  group,  of  section 
from  section,  even  of  nationality  from  nationality,  has  been 
from  the  first  delicately  balanced,  and  kept  within  bounds 
by  powerful  forces  of  assimilation.  Communication  and 
travel  have  left  few  spots'  within  our  national  domain  in 
practical  isolation.  Ideas,  fashions,  fads,  "  crazes "  of 
every  description,  are  carried  by  imitation  from  east  to 
west  and  from  north  to  south,  through  the  length  and 
breadth  of  the  land,  •  with  unfailing  certainty  and  with 
astonishing  rapidity.  Above  all,  our  educational  methods, 
our  complex  and  intense  industrial  life,  and  our  democratic 
politics,  are  a  solvent  which  foreign  traditions  cannot  long 
withstand,  and  in  which  sectional  prejudices  cannot  often 
become  unduly  acrid.  There  is  in  America  a  universal,  a 
national  sympathy,  a  national  sense  of  kinship,  and  of 
things  mental  and  moral  in  common,  which  binds  the 
American  people  in  one  vast  social  system. 

GIDDINGS,  A.  P. 

Causes  Entering  into  Assimilation 

All  motives  and  methods  of  conduct  that  have  been 
socialized  by  the  consciousness  of  kind,  and  thereby 


312      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

converted  into  socializing  forces,  are  causes  of  further 
assimilation,  as  the  consciousness  of  kind  itself,  acting 
directly,  also  is.  Cooperating  with  these  immediate  causes 
are  others,  also  immediate  and  direct  in  their  action, 
namely,  (i)  the  extent  and  degree  of  the  common  stimu- 
lation, acting  upon  differing  but  assimilable  individuals, 
and  (2)  the  character  and  extent  of  their  inter-mental 
action. 

Extent  and  Degree  of  Common  Stimulation.  —  Obviously 
if  assimilable  individuals,  groups,  or  classes  of  individuals 
are  continuously  subjected  to  a  great  number  and  variety 
of  common  stimuli,  their  differences  are  inevitably  worn 
away,  and  their  habitual  responses,  becoming  more  and 
more  alike,  gradually  mould  their  natures  into  similarity. 
In  the  assimilation  of  the  heterogeneous  elements  of  the 
American  population,  the  extensive  and  continuous  action 
of  such  common  stimuli  as  climate,  new  economic  oppor- 
tunities, and  new  political  opportunities  play  an  important 
part. 

Character  and  Extent  of  Inter-mental  Action.  —  Whether 
communication  and  other  modes  of  inter-mental  action  are 
more  or  less  potent  causes  than  common  stimulation  in 
furthering  assimilation,  it  is  perhaps  impossible  to  deter- 
mine. It  is  certain,  however,  that  assimilation  proceeds 
more  or  less  rapidly  and  is  more  or  less  thoroughgoing, 
according  to  the  extent  of  communicationfand  of  associa- 
tion, and  that  conflict  and  imitation  are  among  the  most 
potent  and  far-reaching  of  assimilating  agencies. 

Montesquieu  on  Causes  of  Assimilation 

The  more  communicative  a  people  are  the  more  easily 
they  change  their  habits,  because  each  is  in  a  greater  degree 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  313 

a  spectacle  to  the  other  and  the  singularities  of  individuals 
are  better  observed.  The  climate  which  influences  one 
nation  to  take  pleasure  in  being  communicative,  makes  it 
also  delight  in  change,  and  that  which  makes  it  delight  in 
change  forms  its  taste. 

The  society  of  the  fair  sex  spoils  the  manners  and  forms 
the  taste  ;  the  desire  of  giving  greater  pleasure  than  others 
establishes  the  embellishments  of  dress ;  and  the  desire  of 
pleasing  others  more  than  ourselves  gives  rise  to  fashions. 
This  fashion  is  a  subject  of  importance  ;  by  encouraging  a 
trifling  turn  of  mind,  it  continually  increases  the  branches 
of  its  commerce. 

MONTESQUIEU,  De  resprit  des  loix,  translated  by  THOMAS  NUGENT, 
Vol.  I.  317-318. 

1.  Social  Imitation.  —  The  assimilating  action  of  imitation 
is  both  simple  and  immediate,  and,  by  reason  of  the  endless 
conflicts  and  combinations  of  imitations,  it  is  also  extremely 
complicated.     The  imitation  of  examples  in  any  way  re- 
markable tends  to  overcome  and  to  combine  lesser  imita- 
tions.    For  this  reason,  in  each  nation  and  in  each  local 
subdivision  of  a  national  population,  certain  habits,  such  as 
customs  in    eating,  in    clothing,  and   in  amusements,  are 
practically  universal  there,  but  are  not  found  in  other  parts 
of  the  world.     In  every  population,  therefore,  there  may 
be  observed  a  general  approach  to  certain  persistent  types 
of  action,  of  expression,  and  of  character.      This  is   the 
socializing  process  in  its  most  subtle  and  efficacious  mode. 
It  is  this  that  ultimately  blends  the  diverse  elements  of 
the  most   heterogeneous    population  into  a  homogeneous 
type. 

2.  The  Persistence  of  Conflict.  —  Conflicts  among  imita- 
tions arise  because,  refracted  by  their  media,  imitations  are 
never  perfect;    and,  continually  undergoing  modification, 
they  tend  to  multiply  and  to  subdivide   and  to  become 


314      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

differentiated.  If  conflicting  imitations  can  be  combined, 
the  outcome  may  be  an  entirely  new  thing  or  mode  of 
activity;  namely,  an  invention.  Otherwise  one  imitation 
must  yield  to  another. 

Most  important  of  the  conflicts  among  imitations  is  that 
between  imitations  of  things  venerable  and  long-standing, 
and  the  imitation  of  novelty.  The  one  kind  of  imitation 
we  call  custom ;  the  other  we  call  fashion.  At  times  cus- 
tom imitation  encroaches  upon  fashion ;  at  other  times 
fashion  seems  to  encroach  upon  custom.  While,  there- 
fore, imitation  on  the  whole  softens  conflict  and  assimi- 
lates the  unlike  elements  of  a  population,  it  at  times 
becomes  itself  a  cause  of  fresh  conflict,  and  an  obstacle 
to  assimilation. 

Besides  these  relatively  mild  conflicts  among  imitations, 
there  remain  in  a  population  persistent  causes  of  conflicts 
more  serious. 

First  are  the  instincts  of  conquest,  proper  to  utilization, 
which  are  kept  alive  by  the  necessity  of  ^destroying  life  to 
maintain  life,  and  the  instincts  of  aggression  that  are  kept 
alive  by  the  opposition  always  met  with  by  individuals  and 
by  populations  that  develop  more  rapidly  than  others. 
Wherever  civilization  finds  itself  face  to  face  with  savagery, 
or  a  young  and  growing  civilization  finds  itself  opposed  to 
one  old  and  decaying,  the  antagonism  usually  is  mortal. 

Secondly,  there  are  original  differences  of  nature  and  of 
habit  that  have  not  yet  been  blended  or  neutralized  by  the 
process  of  assimilation. 

Thirdly,  occasional  causes  that  operate  with  terrible 
effect  are  the  failure  of  ordinary  food  supplies,  as  in  times 
of  famine,  and  any  great  calamity,  like  flood  or  pestilence, 
which  demoralizes  people  with  fear,  and  so  far  destroys 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  315 

sympathy  and  self-sacrifice   as  to  leave  only  the   animal 
instincts  of  self-preservation  in  full  activity. 

3.  Toleration.  —  Happily,  the  normal  tendency  of  con- 
flict is  no   less  constructive  than  destructive.      It  effects 
adaptation.      The  fiercer  kinds  of  strife  necessarily  termi- 
nate  in  a   kind  of  equilibrium  which  we  call  toleration. 
The  very  strong  kill  off  the  very  weak.      Then  the  very 
strong  in  turn  are    overborne    by  the  numerical    superi- 
ority of  the    individuals  of  average  power.     The  major- 
ity then  left  is  composed  of  those   that  are  too  nearly 
equal  in  strength  for  one  to  hope  to  vanquish  another,  and 
they  are  obliged  to  live  on  terms  of  toleration  that  make 
possible  the  reassertion  and  renewed  activity  of  the  socializ- 
ing motives. 

4.  Subjective  Toleration.  —  The  equilibrium  nevertheless 
is  tested  from  time  to  time,  and  so  is  maintained  by  fre- 
quent acts  of  aggression  and  revenge.     So  the  causes  that 
established  toleration  in  the  first  instance  tend  to  reestab- 
lish it  after  every  failure.     These  purely  objective  condi- 
tions have    their  subjective    consequences.      Cooperating 
with  the  tendency  of  conflict  to  bring  about  an  equilibrium 
of  strength,  a  conscious  desire  for  the  amelioration  of  strife 
grows  into  an  idea  of  toleration,  and  into  a  wish  to  main- 
tain it.     There  comes  into  existence  a  subjective  toleration. 


Assimilation  through  Social  Imitation :  Huguenot  Influence 

in  England 

Although  three  hundred  years  have  passed  since  the 
first  religious  persecutions  in  Flanders  and  France  com- 
pelled so  large  a  number  of  Protestants  to  fly  from  those 
countries  and  take  refuge  in  England,  and  although  nearly 
two  hundred  years  have  passed  since  the  second  great 


3i 6      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

emigration  from  France  took  place  in  the  reign  of  Louis 
XIV.,  the  descendants  of  the  "gentle  and  profitable 
strangers "  are  still  recognisable  amongst  us.  In  the 
course  of  the  generations  which  have  come  and  gone  since 
the  dates  of  their  original  settlement,  they  have  laboured 
skilfully  and  diligently,  for  the  advancement  of  British 
trade,  commerce,  and  manufactures ;  while  there  is  scarcely 
a  branch  of  literature,  science,  or  art,  in  which  they  have 
not  honourably  distinguished  themselves. 

Three  hundred  years  form  a  long  period  in  the  life  of  a 
nation.  During  that  time  many  of  the  distinctive  charac- 
teristics of  the  original  refugees  must  necessarily  have 
become  effaced  in  the  persons  of  their  descendants. 
Indeed,  by  far  the  greater  number  of  them  before  long 
became  completely  Anglicised,  and  ceased  to  be  traceable 
except  by  their  names ;  and  even  these  have  for  the  most 
part  become  converted  into  names  of  English  sound. 

So  long  as  the  foreigners  continued  to  cherish  the  hope 
of  returning  to  their  native  country,  on  the  possible  cessa- 
tion of  the  persecutions  there,  they  waited  and  worked  on, 
with  that  end  in  view.  But  as  the  persecutions  only 
waxed  hotter,  they  at  length  gradually  gave  up  all  hope  of 
returning.  They  claimed  and  obtained  letters  of  naturali- 
sation ;  and  though  many  of  them  continued  for  several 
generations  to  worship  in  their  native  language,  they  were 
content  to  live  and  die  as  English  subjects.  Their  children 
grew  up  amidst  English  associations,  and  they  desired  to 
forget  that  their  fathers  had  been  fugitives  and  foreigners 
in  the  land.  They  cared  not  to  remember  the  language  or 
to  retain  the  names  which  marked  them  as  distinct  from 
the  people  amongst  whom  they  lived ;  and  hence  many  of 
the  descendants  of  the  refugees,  in  the  second  or  third 
generation,  abandoned  their  foreign  names,  and  gradually 
ceased  to  frequent  the  distinctive  places  of  worship  which 
their  fathers  had  founded. 

Indeed,  many  of  the  early  Flemings  had  no  sooner 
settled  in  England  and  become  naturalised,  than  they 
threw  off  their  foreign  names  and  assumed  English  ones. 
Thus,  as  we  have  seen,  Hoek,  the  Flemish  brewer  in 
Southwark,  assumed  the  name  of  Leeke  ;  while  Haestricht, 
the  Flemish  manufacturer  at  Bow,  took  that  of  James. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  317 

Mr.  Pryme,  formerly  professor  of  political  economy  in 
the  University  of  Cambridge,  and  representative  of  that 
town  in  Parliament,  whose  ancestors  were  refugees  from 
Ypres  in  Flanders,  has  informed  us  that  his  grandfather 
dropped  the  "  de  la  "  originally  prefixed  to  the  family  name, 
in  consequence  of  the  strong  anti-Gallican  feeling  which 
prevailed  in  this  country  during  the  Seven  Years'  War  of 
1756-63,  though  his  son  has  since  assumed  it;  and  the 
same  circumstance  doubtless  led  many  others  to  change 
their  foreign  names  to  those  of  an  English  sound. 

Nevertheless,  a  large  number  of  purely  Flemish  names 
are  still  to  be  found  in  various  parts  of  England  and 
Ireland,  where  the  foreigners  originally  settled.  They 
have  been  on  the  whole  better  preserved  in  the  rural  dis- 
tricts than  in  London,  where  the  social  friction  was  greater, 
and  rubbed  off  the  foreign  peculiarities  more  quickly.  In 
the  lace  towns  of  the  west  of  England  such  names  as  Ray- 
mond, Spiller,  Brock,  Stocker,  Groat,  Rochett,  and  Kettel, 
are  still  common  ;  and  the  same  trades  have  continued  in 
some  of  their  families  for  generations.  The  Walloon 
Coupes,  who  settled  in  Wiltshire  as  clothmakers  more 
than  three  hundred  years  since,  are  still  known  there 
as  the  Guppys,  and  the  Thunguts  as  Dogoods  and 
Toogoods. 

******* 

Among  other  notable  Flemish  immigrants  may  be 
numbered  the  Houblons,  who  gave  the  Bank  of  England 
its  first  governor,  and  from  one  of  whose  daughters  the  late 
Lord  Palmerston  was  lineally  descended.  The  Van  Sit- 
tarts,  Jansens,  Courteens,  Van  Milderts,  Vanlores,  Corsellis, 
and  Vanneeks  were  widely  and  honourably  known  in  their 
day  as  London  bankers  or  merchants.  Sir  Matthew 
Decker,  besides  being  eminent  as  a  London  merchant, 
was  distinguished  for  the  excellence  of  his  writings  on 
commercial  subjects,  then  little  understood.  He  made  an 
excellent  member  of  Parliament ;  he  was  elected  for 
Bishop's  Castle  in  1719. 

»****#* 

Among  artists,  architects,  and  engineers  of  Flemish 
descent  we  find  Grinling  Gibbons,  the  wood-sculptor ; 


318     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Mark  Gerrard,  the  portrait-painter;  Sir  John  Vanbrugh, 
the  architect  and  play-writer;  Richard  Cosway,  R.A., 
the  miniature-painter ;  and  Vermuyden  and  Wester- 
dyke,  the  engineers  employed  to  reclaim  the  drowned 
lands  in  the  Fens.  The  Tradescants,  the  celebrated  anti- 
quarians, were  also  of  the  same  origin. 

One  of  the  most  distinguished  families  of  the  Nether- 
lands was  that  of  the  De  Grotes  or  Groots,  of  which  Hugo 
Grotius  was  an  illustrious  member.  When  the  Spanish 
persecutions  were  at  their  height  in  the  Low  Countries, 
several  of  the  Protestant  De  Grotes  who  were  eminent 
merchants  at  Antwerp,  fled  from  that  city,  and  took  refuge, 
some  in  England  and  others  in  Germany.  Several  of  the 
Flemish  De  Grotes  had  before  then  settled  in  England. 
Thus,  among  the  letters  of  denization  mentioned  in  Mr. 
Brewer's  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Henry  VIII,  we  find 
the  following  :  — 

"Ambrose  de  Grote,  merchant  of  the  Duchy  of  Bra- 
bant (Letters  of  Denization,  Patent  nth  of  June,  1510, 
2  Henry  VIII). 

"12  Feby.,  1512-13.  —  Protection  for  one  year  for 
Ambrose  and  Peter  de  Grote,  merchants  of  Andwarp,  in 
Brabant,  going  in  the  retinue  of  Sir  Gilbert  Talbot,  Deputy 
of  Calais." 

One  of  the  refugee  Grotes  is  supposed  to  have  settled 
as  a  merchant  at  Bremen,  from  which  city  the  grandfather 
of  the  late  George  Grote,  the  historian  of  Greece,  came 
over  to  London  early  in  the  last  century,  and  established  a 
mercantile  house,  and  afterwards  a  banking  house,  both  of 
which  flourished.  Mr.  Grote  was  also  of  Huguenot  blood 
through  his  mother,  who  was  descended  from  Colonel 
Blosset,  commander  of  "  Blosset's  Foot,"  the  scion  of  an 
ancient  Protestant  family  of  Touraine.  He  was  an  officer 
in  the  army  of  Queen  Anne,  and  the  proprietor  of  a  con- 
siderable estate  in  the  County  of  Dublin. 

SAMUEL  SMILES,  Huguenots  in  England  and  Ireland,  318-320,  321- 
323- 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  319 


The  Conflict  of  Imitations:  Alsace  and  Lorraine 

In  October  of  1890  I  passed  through  the  Reichsland. 
The  impression  that  I  had  formed  of  the  country  and  its 
inhabitants  was,  that  it  was  a  land  originally  peopled  by 
Germans  that  France  had  annexed,  piece  by  piece,  during 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.  I  knew  that  the 
Alsacians  in  the  course  of  several  generations  had  become 
so  attached  to  their  new  fatherland  —  especially  on  account 
of  the  facilities  for  freer  trade,  and  the  greater  freedom  of 
the  individual,  which,  with  the  rest  of  the  French,  they 
obtained  by  the  Revolution  of  1789  —  that  they  protested 
in  1871  against  the  annexation  of  their  country  by  the 
Germans. 


In  other  words,  so  long  as  there  were  German-speaking 
people  under  foreign  rule,  Barbarossa's  beard  had  not  yet 
grown  seven  times  round  the  stone  table  in  the  Knyphauser. 
I  was  also  under  the  impression  that  Alsace  and  Lorraine 
had  been  part  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  and  that  sev- 
eral of  the  cities  besides  Strasbourg  had  been  free  cities 
of  the  Empire.  I  believed  then  that  France's  only  claim 
to  Alsace  and  Lorraine  was  that  she  had  held  them  so 
long  that  the  people  had  become  in  the  course  of  time 
Gallicized  so  completely  that,  though  they  still  spoke  the 
ancient  tongue  of  their  German  ancestors,  along  with  that 
of  their  new  country,  they  had  by  1870  become  completely 
French  at  heart. 

Accordingly,  as  I  journeyed  from  Bale  to  Strasbourg,  I 
was  not  surprised  at  what  I  heard  and  saw.  At  the  stations 
and  in  the  car  I  heard  German;  everywhere  I  saw  German 
names  and  German  signs.  At  Mulhouse  a  number  of 
people  got  in,  and  three  or  four  of  them,  a  soldier  among 
the  number,  exchanged  remarks  about'  the  weather,  the 
state  of  the  crops,  et  cetera.  The  conversation  lapsed.  One 
of  these  men,  who  had  been  talking,  and  sat  immediately 
opposite  to  the  soldier,  pulled  out  a  newspaper,  Le  Petit 
Journal  of  Paris.  Here,  then,  was  a  man  to  all  appearances 
a  German,  who  spoke  to  his  fellow-passengers  in  German, 
reading  a  newspaper  published  on  the  other  side  of  the 


320     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Vosges.  At  the  station  before  reaching  Strasbourg  all 
these  travellers  got  out,  and  a  new  set  took  their  place.  The 
newcomers  were  four  —  a  father,  a  mother,  a  girl  of  about 
sixteen,  and  a  small  child  of  three  or  four.  They  appeared, 
like  all  the  others,  to  be  German.  The  three  older  mem- 
bers spoke  to  one  another  in  German,  but  whenever  they 
addressed  a  word  to  the  little  child,  they  always  spoke  in 
French.  It  seemed  that  as  they  knew  two  languages,  they 
wished,  like  sensible  people,  to  teach  them  both  to  their 
children.  But  when  the  conductor  put  in  his  head  at  the 
window  and  asked  in  German  for  their  tickets,  they  at  once 
spoke  to  him  in  French,  and  made  him  answer  them  in  the 
same  language.  At  the  station  in  Strasbourg  all  the  rail- 
road employes  were  busy  talking  German.  There  was  a 
poor  woman  at  a  news-stand  reading  to  her  child  out  of  a 
book.  A  German  officer  asked  her  in  German  for  the 
Kolnischer  Zeitung.  She  answered  him  in  the  same  lan- 
guage, and  sold  him  the  paper.  She  had  on  her  table  a 
large  pile  of  Le  Petit  Journal,  but  what  was  more  interest- 
ing was  that  as  she  opened  her  book  again  she  read  to  her 
small  boy  in  French.  The  cab  driver,  too,  who  drove  me 
to  the  Pariserhof,  took  pains  to  speak  in  French.  At  the 
hotel  the  employes  were  all  German  by  birth,  and  when  I 
spoke  to  them  in  their  own  language,  much  to  my  astonish- 
ment, they  did  not  once  try  to  speak  to  me  in  English,  to 
show  me,  according  to  the  custom  of  European  waiters, 
how  much  better  they  could  speak  my  own  tongue  than  I 
could  theirs.  On  the  contrary,  they  seemed  anxious  to 
speak  in  German,  as  if  to  emphasize  their  nationality.  The 
next  day,  walking  about  the  town,  on  every  side  I  saw  Ger- 
man names  —  such  as  Schneider  and  Holzmann.  But  in 
many  ways  it  was  easy  to  see  that  at  heart  the  Stras- 
bourgers  were  French.  For  instance,  in  the  window  of 
a  grocery  store  on  the  Broglieplatz  —  all  display  of 
French  flags  is  rigorously  forbidden  in  the  Reichsland  — 
the  storekeeper,  whose  name  on  his  sign  was  thoroughly 
German,  had  put  in  a  conspicuous  place  some  white  candles, 
between  two  packages  of  red  ones,  wrapped  at  the  bottom 
in  blue  paper.  It  was,  indeed,  a  dull  man  who  did  not  see 
at  once  the  tricolor. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  321 

.  .  .  My  guide,  as  he  pointed  out  to  me  the  objects  of  in- 
terest, spoke  in  German,  and,  like  every  one  I  had  seen,  he 
looked  German.  By  and  by,  when  I  could  not  quite  under- 
stand something  he  was  explaining,  he  said,  "  Perhaps  you 
can  understand  French  better?"  "Yes,"  I  answered.  That 
was  the  end  of  German.  He  at  once  rattled  away  in  French. 
I  asked  him  whether  he  was  a  German  or  a  Frenchman. 
"I  am  an  Alsacian,"  he  answered.  But  as  he  was  describ- 
ing the  bombardment  of  Strasbourg  and  pointing  out  where 
the  German  batteries  stood,  and  telling  how  bravely  Gen- 
eral Uhrich  resisted,  just  after  saying  the  Germans  were 
many  tens  of  thousands  strong,  he  unconsciously  disclosed 
his  national  feelings  by  the  expression,  "  But  we,  militia, 
police,  and  all,  were  but  seventeen  thousand."  He  then  told 
me  how  only  German  was  taught  in  the  schools,  and  how 
all  the  well-to-do  French  had  left  for  France. 

The  Germans  have  made  of  Strasbourg  a  great  intrenched 
camp,  with  outlying  forts.  They  are  doing  everything  they 
can  in  the  way  of  adding  to  the  importance  and  prosperity 
of  Strasbourg — as,  for  example,  building  an  imperial  palace, 
constructing  new  bridges,  laying  out  handsome  streets  in 
the  unbuilt  quarter,  rehabilitating  the  ancient  University  — 
to  reconcile  the  inhabitants  to  their  new  nationality.  In 
1890  there  was  no  apparent  sign  to  show  that  the  Alsa- 
cians  were  in  the  least  reconciled  to  their  present  position. 
To  see  a  people  speaking  among  themselves  the  language 
of  their  fathers,  and  yet  bitterly  opposing  by  all  the  means 
in  their  power  the  attempt  to  join  them  once  more  with  that 
nation  of  whom,  geographically  and  ethnologically,  they 
naturally  form  a  part,  seems  very  strange. 

******* 

...  At  the  station  at  Metz  the  employe's  were  German ; 
but  as  soon  as  you  crossed  the  old  fortifications  of  Vauban, 
the  great  military  engineer  of  the  wars  of  Louis  the  Four- 
teenth and  Marlborough,  you  heard  French  on  all  sides, 
saw  French  men  and  women,  and  saw  French  names,  such 
as  Antoine  and  Jacques.  The  houses,  too,  looked  very 
different,  both  in  their  lines  and  their  coloring,  from  those 
of  Strasbourg.  The  names  of  the  streets  were  posted  up 
in  both  languages.  For  instance,  you  read  "  Konigsplatz," 
and  immediately  under  it  you  saw  "  Place  Royale."  So, 


322      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

too,  with  all  official  announcements.  On  the  right  hand 
you  read  the  word,  "  Notiz,"  with  the  text  underneath  in 
the  old  Gothic  characters,  while  alongside  there  was  an 
"Avis,"  with  the  text  below  in  French.  It  was  hardly 
worth  while  to  ask  the  reason  for  this  use  of  French :  it 
was  easy  to  see  that  while  a  German  race  inhabited  Stras- 
bourg, a  French  people  lived  in  Metz.  At  the  hotel,  too 
—  Grand  Hotel  de  Metz  —  you  noticed  a  great  difference 
from  the  Pariserhof  of  Strasbourg.  The  proprietor  was  a 
Latin,  not  a  Teuton,  and,  excepting  the  waiters  in  the 
dining-room,  the  employes  were  French.  There  is  on  the 
Esplanade  a  monument  to  the  most  famous  of  Napoleon's 
marshals  —  Ney.  Near  the  cathedral,  on  the  Place  d'Armes, 
there  stands  an  old  statue  of  Marshal  Fabert,  governor  of 
Metz  in  the  time  of  Louis  XIV. 

THOMAS  WILLING  BALCH,  Some  Facts  about  Alsace  and  Lorraine, 
2-8. 

Social  Equilibration 

Fully  to  understand  assimilation  and  its  whole  signifi- 
cance, it  is  necessary  to  remember,  finally,  that  it  is  a  pro- 
cess of  social  equilibration. 

The  social  equilibrative  struggle  may  be  intense  or 
moderate  in  degree,  and  it  may  assume  any  one  of  three 
possible  modes,  namely,  Subjugation  of  the  weak  by  the 
strong,  Exploitation,  or  Assistance.  The  causes  determin- 
ing its  degree  and  mode  are  (i)  the  extent  of  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind,  and  (2)  the  extent  of  intellectual  as  distin- 
guished from  physical  conflict. 

Character  and  Degree  of  the  Equilibrative  Struggle.  — 
While  all  of  the  assimilating  elements  of  a  heterogeneous 
population  modify  one  another,  the  process  of  assimilation, 
whether  it  consists  chiefly  in  response  to  common  stimula- 
tion, or  chiefly  in  conflict,  is  in  the  last  analysis  a  mode  of 
equilibration,  and  it  is  therefore  on  the  whole  a  transforma- 
tion of  the  weak  by  the  strong. 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  323 

Influenced  by  the  literature  of  Darwinism  we  have  fallen 
into  the  habit  of  thinking  of  all  such  transformation  in 
terms  of  the  struggle  for  existence,  and,  therefore,  as  an 
extermination  or  subjugation  of  the  weak  by  the  strong. 
Conquest,  however,  is  by  no  means  the  only  or  always  the 
most  important  mode  of  equilibration.  We  have  seen  that 
conflict  is  self-limiting  and  tends  toward  ever  milder  modes 
of  strife.  With  the  establishment  of  a  measure  of  tolera- 
tion, conquest  is  usually  replaced  by  relations  between  the 
strong  and  the  weak  which  assume  some  form  of  economic 
exploitation. 

This,  however,  is  by  no  means  the  end  of  the  matter. 
The  surplus  energies  of  the  strong  may  be  expended  upon 
the  weak  without  subjugating  them  or  exploiting  them. 
They  may  be  expended  in  helping  them,  in  endlessly  varied 
forms  of  assistance.  All  missionary  and  educational  enter- 
prises, all  philanthropic  efforts,  are  as  truly  a  transforma- 
tion of  the  weak  by  the  strong  as  are  slavery,  serfdom,  and 
peonage. 

Mode  of  Social  Equilibration.  — Whether  in  any  popula- 
tion the  prevailing  mode  of  social  equilibration  is  subjuga- 
tion or  exploitation,  or  whether  it  is  assistance,  is  a  fact 
determined  by  ( i )  the  extent  of  the  consciousness  of  kind, 
(2)  the  psychological  form  of  prevailing  conflicts  and 
agreements,  and  (3)  the  extent  of  intellectual  conflict. 

I .  Influence  of  the  Consciousness  of  Kind.  —  If  contending 
elements  are  conscious  only  of  their  differences,  their  ulti- 
mate relations  can  be  only  those  of  the  absolute  subordina- 
tion of  conquered  to  conquerors,  or  —  if  there  is  too  close 
an  approximation  to  equality  of  strength  for  one  group  or 
party  to  subjugate  another  —  of  exploiters  to  exploited. 
But  when  sympathy  and  understanding  go  forth  from  the 


324      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

stronger  to  the  weaker  the  character  of  the  equilibrative 
transformation  changes.  The  substitution  of  assistance 
for  subjugation  or  for  exploitation  is  a  direct  consequence 
of  expanding  consciousness  of  kind  and  a  measure  of  it. 

2.  Influence  of  the  Mode   of  the   Social  Mind.  —  The 
expansion  of  the  consciousness  of  kind,  however,  depends 
greatly  upon   the   general   character   of   the  social  mind, 
and  especially  upon  the  prevailing  psychological  mode  of 
conflict    and   of    agreement.      According    to   the   mental 
development  of  differing  or  of  potentially  resembling  in- 
dividuals, their  conflicts  or  their  agreements  take  the  form 
of  activities   predominantly  ideo-motor,  or  predominantly 
ideo-emotional,  or   predominantly    dogmatic-emotional,   or 
predominantly  deliberative.     The  ideo-motor  minds  "  fight 
it  out,"  the  critically-intellectual  minds  quarrel  by  discus- 
sion until  they  arrive  at  a  good  understanding. 

3.  Influence  of  Intellectual  Strife.  —  The  substitution  of 
intellectual  for  physical  strife  is  necessary  to  an  expan- 
sion of  the  consciousness  of  kind  because  only  through 
the  diminution  of  physical  conflict   can    sympathy  grow, 
and  because  also  the  wider  consciousness  of  kind  involves 
a  wider  understanding.     But  this  is  not  all.     Intellectual 
strife   directly  and   positively  diminishes    physical   strife, 
with  all  its  wastefulness  and  misery.    This  it  does  because 
all  intellectual  activity  is  in  its  very  nature   deliberative. 
It  inhibits  impulse,  it  hinders  action,  it   restrains   motor 
discharge. 

It  is  not  then  a  duty  for  men  and  women  to  suppress 
their  intellectual  convictions,  to  yield  tamely  their  inde- 
pendently thought-out  views  of  truth,  and  right,  and 
policy,  in  the  mistaken  notion  that  intellectual  contention 
is  disreputable,  or  unmannerly,  or  unkind,  as  are  the  forms 


The  Consciousness  of  Kind  325 

of  physical  strife.  The  precise  opposite  is  our  true  obli- 
gation. Intellectual  strife  makes  for  rational,  and  ulti- 
mately for  ethical,  like-mindedness ;  it  makes  for  peace, 
prosperity,  and  happiness.  The  highest  duty  of  every 
rational  being  is  to  engage  with  sincere  and  disinter- 
ested earnestness  in  the  fruitful  contests  of  intellectual 
strife. 


CHAPTER   IV 

CONCERTED  VOLITION 
The  Nature  and  Rise  of  Concerted  Volition 

WHEN  individuals  have  become  aware  of  their  resem- 
blances, especially  of  any  similarities  of  purpose  and  of 
action,  they  begin  consciously  to  combine  their  activities 
for  the  better  realization  of  their  common  purposes. 

In  other  words,  the  consciousness  of  kind  converts  a 
spontaneous  like-response  into  a  Concerted  Volition. 

Subjective  Conditions.  —  The  rapidity  of  the  transfor- 
mation, the  extent  to  which  the  conversion  is  effected,  and 
the  forms  that  concerted  volition  assumes  depend  upon 
subjective  conditions,  namely,  the  types  of  mind,  of  dis- 
position, and  of  character,  and  the  degree  of  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind. 

Objective  Conditions.  —  The  subjective  factors  of  con- 
certed volition  can  be  combined  only  under  favoring 
objective  conditions  of  developed  communication  and  of 
association. 

The  Character  of  Concerted  Volition.  —  While  con- 
certed volition  normally  begins  spontaneously,  in  a  like- 
response  to  stimulus  that  may  be  almost  unconscious,  and 
normally  develops  through  imperceptible  stages,  it  is  not 
always  of  such  character.  There  may  be  in  it  a  large 
factor  of  constraint. 

I.  Spontaneous.  —  Concerted  volition  must  be  described 
and  classed  as  spontaneous  if  it  develops  naturally  out  of 

326 


Concerted  Volition  327 

like-response  to  stimulus  other  than  command  or  threat 
backed  by  superior  power.  It  is  voluntary  in  the  fullest 
sense  of  the  word. 

2.  Constrained.  —  All  concerted  volition  in  which  there 
is  an  element  of  reluctant  submission  to  superior  power 
must  be  classed  as  constrained.  History  abounds  in  ex- 
amples of  votes  passed  by  ecclesiastical  councils  and 
legislative  bodies  in  practically  enforced  obedience  to  the 
commands  of  a  dictator. 

The  Argives'  Launching  of  the  Ships 

So  spake  he,  and  stirred  the  spirit  in  the  breasts  of  all 
throughout  the  multitude,  as  many  as  had  not  heard  the 
council.  And  the  assembly  swayed  like  high  sea-waves 
of  the  Icarian  Main  that  east  wind  and  south  wind  raise, 
rushing  upon  them  from  the  clouds  of  father  Zeus ;  and 
even  as  when  the  west  wind  cometh  to  stir  a  deep  corn- 
field with  violent  blast,  and  the  ears  bow  down,  so  was  all 
the  assembly  stirred,  and  they  with  shouting  hasted  toward 
the  ships ;  and  the  dust  from  beneath  their  feet  rose  and 
stood  on  high.  And  they  bade  each  man  his  neighbour  to 
seize  the  ships  and  drag  them  into  the  bright  salt  sea,  and 
cleared  out  the  launching-ways,  and  the  noise  went  up  to 
heaven  of  their  hurrying  homewards ;  and  they  began  to 
take  the  props  from  beneath  the  ships. 

HOMER,  The  Iliad,  translated  by  LANG,  LEAF,  AND  MYERS,  24-26. 

Menelaus'  Feast 

And  they  came  to  Lacedaemon  lying  low  among  the 
caverned  hills,  and  drave  to  the  dwelling  of  renowned 
Menelaus.  Him  they  found  giving  a  feast  in  his  house 
to  many  friends  of  his  kin,  a  feast  for  the  wedding  of  his 
noble  son  and  daughter.  His  daughter  he  was  sending  to 
the  son  of  Achilles,  cleaver  of  the  ranks  of  men,  for  in 
Troy  he  first  had  promised  and  covenanted  to  give  her, 
and  now  the  gods  were  bringing  about  their  marriage.  So 


328     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

now  he  was  speeding  her  on  her  way  with  chariot  and 
horses,  to  the  famous  city  of  the  Myrmidons,  among  whom 
her  lord  bare  rule.  And  for  his  son  he  was  bringing  to 
his  home  the  daughter  of  Alector  out  of  Sparta,  for  his 
well-beloved  son,  strong  Megapenthes,  born  of  a  slave 
woman,  for  the  gods  no  more  showed  promise  of  seed  to 
Helen,  from  the  day  that  she  bare  a  lovely  child,  Her- 
mione,  as  fair  as  golden  Aphrodite.  So  they  were  feasting 
through  the  great  vaulted  hall,  the  neighbours  and  the  kins- 
men of  renowned  Menelaus,  making  merry ;  and  among 
them  a  divine  minstrel  was  singing  to  the  lyre,  and  as  he 
began  the  song  two  tumblers  in  the  company  whirled 
through  the  midst  of  them. 

HOMER,  The  Odyssey,  translated  by  S.  H.  BUTCHER  and  ANDREW 
LANG,  48. 

Wat  Tyler's  Rebellion 

Early  in  the  summer  of  1381,  less  than  three  years 
after  the  passing  of  2  Richard  II.,  the  outbreak  under 
Wat  Tyler  took  place.  The  ostensible  cause  was  the 
people's  dislike  of  the  poll-tax  of  a  groat  a  head,  which 
had  been  imposed  in  1377  upon  every  person  of  fourteen 
and  upwards  ;  but  the  public  mind  was  then  in  a  state 
fitted  for  the  reception  of  any  violent  impulse.  The  train 
was  laid,  and  a  casual  spark  would  ignite  it.  The  explo- 
sion was  in  this  instance  caused  by  the  indecent  conduct 
of  a  collector  of  the  tax  towards  a  young  female,  the 
daughter  of  one  Walter,  a  tyler,  residing  in  the  town  of 
Dartford,  who  immediately  with  his  hammer  beat  out  the 
collector's  brains.  The  bystanders  applauded  the  action, 
and  flew  to  arms,  exclaiming  that  it  was  time  for  the  people 
to  assert  their  liberty,  and  take  vengeance  on  their  op-, 
pressors  ;  and  the  flame  rapidly  spread  throughout  the 
country.  Walter  the  Tyler,  or  "  Wat  Tyler"  as  commonly 
called,  was  appointed  their  captain,  and,  by  the  time  the 
insurgents  reached  Blackheath,  their  number  is  said  to 
have  amounted  to  a  hundred  thousand.  The  demands 
made  by  these  peasant  rebels  were  four,  — 

ist.  The  total  abolition  of  slavery  for  themselves  and 
their  children  for  ever. 


Concerted  Volition  329 

2d.  The  reduction  of  the  rent  of  good  land  to  ^d.  the 
acre. 

3d.  The  full  liberty  of  buying  and  selling,  like  other 
men,  in  all  fairs  and  markets. 

4th.    A  general  pardon  for  all  past  offences. 

These  demands  would  not  now  be  all  considered  un- 
reasonable, except  the  second,  the  tenor  of  which  warrants 
the  supposition  that  the  insurgents  did  not  consist  of  the 
peasantry  alone,  but  that  the  inferior  tenants  and  occupiers 
of  land  took  part  in  the  movement.  The  demands  were 
at  once  acceded  to  by  the  young  king  ;  but  the  insurgents 
became  more  exacting  as  their  numbers  increased,  and  the 
commotion  was  at  length  terminated  by  the  death  of  Wat 
Tyler  in  Smithfield,  and  by  the  king's  putting  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  rioters  when  Tyler  fell,  and  calling  upon 
the  people  to  follow  him  as  their  leader,  which,  after  a 
little  wavering,  they  instinctively  did. 

This  outbreak  was  not  confined  to  the  counties  near 
London,  but  spread  nearly  throughout  the  whole  of  Eng- 
land, and  everywhere  the  leaders  avowed  similar  objects. 
The  power  of  the  insurgents,  however,  fell  with  the  dis- 
persion of  their  main  body  at  Smithfield  ;  and  although 
there  was  at  first  some  talk  of  abolishing  villeinage,  with 
a  view  to  the  prevention  of  similar  outbreaks  in  future,  the 
great  lords  and  the  master  class,  when  the  danger  was  over, 
evinced  little  disposition  to  adopt  a  more  liberal  policy, 
either  by  emancipating  their  serfs,  or  relinquishing  any  of 
their  old  prescriptive  rights.  On  the  assembling  of  Par- 
liament an  act  was  passed  (5  Richard  II.)  granting  pardon 
to  all  who  had  exceeded  the  limit  of  law  in  repressing  the 
late  "  insurrection  of  villeins  and  other  offenders,"  and  or- 
daining that  "  all  manumissions,  obligations,  releases,  and 
other  bonds,  made  by  compulsion,  duress,  and  menace  in 
the  time  of  the  late  rumour  and  riot,  shall  be  wholly  an- 
nulled and  holden  for  void  ;  "  and  any  person  who  should 
in  future  make  or  begin  any  such  riot  and  rumour  is  de- 
clared to  be  a  traitor  to  the  king  and  to  the  realm.  Thus 
ended  this  brief  struggle  for  liberty  on  the  part  of  the 
people.  But  although  apparently  fruitless  at  the  time,  it 
served  to  show  the  power  of  the  masses  when  roused  into 
action  by  any  strong  impulse,  however  sudden  and  unpre- 


330     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

meditated.  It  also  taught  the  superior  orders  that  there 
were  limits  to  their  authority,  and  that  forbearance  and 
conciliation  were  necessary  even  for  their  own  security  — 
an  important  lesson,  fraught  with  great  benefit  to  the  ser- 
vile classes,  and  tending  to  their  gradual  but  certain 
amelioration. 

SIR  GEORGE  NICHOLLS,  History  of  the  English  Poor  Law,  Vol.  I, 
53-54- 

Crying  One's  Wrongs  in  China 

Any  individual  who  is  aggrieved  by  the  action  or  in- 
action of  a  Chinese  official  may  have  immediate  recourse  to 
the  following  method  for  obtaining  justice,  witnessed  by 
me  twice  during  my  residence  in  China,  and  known  as 
"  crying  one's  wrongs." 

Dressed  in  the  grey  sackcloth  garb  of  a  mourner,  the 
injured  party,  accompanied  by  as  many  friends  as  he  or 
she  can  collect  together,  will  proceed  to  the  public  resi- 
dence of  the  offending  mandarin,  and  there  howl  and 
be  otherwise  objectionable,  day  and  night,  until  some  relief 
is  given.  The  populace  is  invariably  on  the  side  of  the 
wronged  person ;  and  if  the  wrong  is  deep,  or  the  delay 
in  righting  it  too  long,  there  is  always  great  risk  of  an  out- 
break, with  the  usual  scene  of  house-wrecking  and  general 
violence.  jj.  A.  GILES,  China  and  the  Chinese,  101-102. 

Causes  Affecting  the  Extent  and  the  Character 
of  Concerted  Volition 

The  possible  extent  of  concerted  volition  upon  any  given 
issue,  and  its  character  as  spontaneous  or  constrained,  are 
determined  by  the  facts  of  mental  and  practical  resem- 
blance, by  the  kind  and  the  strength  of  the  stimuli  of  like- 
response,  and  by  certain  relations  of  stimuli  and  resem- 
blances to  one  another. 

The  Relation  of  Concerted  Volition  to  Mental  and  to 
Practical  Resemblance.  —  Other  things  being  equal,  the 
greater  the  mental  and  practical  homogeneity  of  a  popula- 


Concerted  Volition  331 

tion,  the  greater  is  the  possible  extent  of  concerted  volition, 
and  the  more  spontaneous  is  its  character.  Differences  of 
language,  of  religion,  of  education,  of  economic  standards 
and  opportunities,  and  of  moral  standards  are  always 
serious  and  often  effective  barriers  to  volitional  agreement. 

Relation  of  Concerted  Volition  to  Strength  of  Stimuli,  in 
Connection  with  Degree  of  Resemblance.  — The  more  hetero- 
geneous a  group  or  a  population  is,  the  stronger  must  be 
the  stimuli  to  produce  like-response  and  a  common  will. 
In  a  homogeneous  group,  a  majority  of  all  individuals  may 
alike  respond  to  varied  stimuli,  and  the  stimuli  are  not 
necessarily  powerful.  In  the  heterogeneous  group,  a 
majority  of  all  individuals  can  respond  in  like  ways  to 
comparatively  few  stimuli,  and  these  must  be  powerful. 

Relative  Extent  of  Response  to  the  Four  Classes  of 
Stimuli.  —  Since  in  the  heterogeneous  group  more  individ- 
uals are  alike  in  instincts  and  in  motor  impulses  than  are 
alike  in  sympathies,  and  more  are  alike  in  sympathies 
than  are  alike  in  intelligence,  it  normally  happens  that 
more  individuals  can  alike  respond  to  stimuli  that  appeal 
to  motor  impulse  or  to  feeling,  than  can  alike  respond  to 
stimuli  that  appeal  to  intelligence.  The  stimuli  that  most 
powerfully  appeal  to  motor  impulse  are  danger  and  menace. 
Among  those  that  appeal  to  instinct  and  feeling  both  are 
bribe,  gift,  patronage,  and  payment ;  while  the  stimulus 
that  most  strongly  appeals  to  feeling  only,  or  to  states  of 
mind  in  which  feeling  is  predominant,  is  the  impressive 
power  of  a  strong  personality. 

When,  then,  the  different  kinds  of  stimuli  are  sub- 
stantially equal  in  strength,  by  which  we  must  understand 
the  degree  of  pain  threatened,  or  of  pleasure  offered,  the 
ideo-motor  and  the  ideo-emotional  stimuli  are  creative  of  a 


332     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

wider  concert  of  will  than  are  the  dogmatic-emotional  and 
the  critically-intellectual  stimuli.  In  the  more  intelligent 
civilized  populations,  however,  there  has  been  an  evolution 
of  higher  stimuli  more  powerful  at  times,  and  in  some 
instances  continuously,  than  the  lower  stimuli,  such  as 
danger  or  bribe  usually  are.  Chief  among  these  higher 
stimuli  are  dogmas  and  ideals,  and  not  infrequently  the 
reponse  to  them  develops  into  a  concerted  volition  far 
more  extensive  and  far  more  energetic  than  any  volitional 
agreement  created  by  stimuli  of  the  lower  kinds.  An 
entire  nation  may  pursue  an  ideal  with  a  strength  and  a 
persistency  of  common  purpose  surpassing  popular  devo- 
tion to  lower  aims. 

Like-mindedness 

When  the  simultaneous  like-responses  of  a  plural  num- 
ber of  individuals  have  developed  through  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind  into  concerted  volition,  the  total  phenomenon 
of  resemblance  thus  established  may  be  called  Like-mind- 
edness. According  as  instinctive,  sympathetic,  dogmatic, 
or  critical  elements  predominate  in  the  type  of  mind,  will 
the  mode  of  the  concerted  volition  vary  from  an  almost 
instinctive  action  up  through  impulsive  and  contagious  ac- 
tion into  formal,  or  perhaps  more  or  less  fanatical,  action, 
or  ultimately  into  deliberative  action.  And,  according  to 
these  variations,  may  the  like-mindedness,  as  a  whole,  be 
described  as  Instinctive,  Sympathetic,  Dogmatic,  or  De- 
liberative Like-mindedness. 

Instinctive  Like-mindedness. — The  simplest  combina- 
tion of  the  feelings,  ideas,  and  volitions  of  a  number  of 
individuals  is  that  which  occurs  instinctively  with  little  or 
no  conscious  realization  of  what  is  happening. 


Concerted  Volition  333 

Subjectively  the  basis  of  instinctive  like-mindedness 
is  that  prompt  mechanical  response  to  stimulus  which 
is  the  basis  also  of  the  ideo-motor  mental  type. 

The  objective  conditions  of  instinctive  like-mindedness 
are  negative  rather  than  positive.  In  groups  of  purely  in- 
stinctive individuals  there  can  be  no  other  means  of  com- 
munication than  those  which  nature  provides.  There 
must  be  actual  meeting  and  an  expression  of  mental  states 
by  voice  or  gesture. 

Sympathetic  Like-mindedness.  —  A  higher  and  more 
complex  like-mindedness  is  that  which  is  predominantly 
sympathetic  and  imitative.  No  social  phenomenon  has 
occupied  a  larger  place  in  the  totality  of  human  affairs 
than  this. 

The  basis  of  all  sympathetic  like-mindedness  is  found  in 
a  predominance  of  the  ideo-emotional  type  of  mind,  with  its 
prompt  response  to  stimulus,  its  emotionalism,  imaginative- 
ness, suggestibility,  and  habit  of  reasoning  from  analogy. 
Other  factors  are,  a  reciprocal  consciousness  of  kind  which 
is  rapidly  formed,  a  great  susceptibility  to  emblem  and 
shibboleth,  great  imitativeness,  and  contagious  emotion. 

The  effectiveness  and  rapidity  of  suggestion,  and  both 
the  intensity  and  the  extent  of  contagious  emotion,  depend 
largely  upon  the  means  and  the  extent  of  communication, 
and  upon  the  character  of  association.  They  depend  also 
upon  certain  strictly  physical  conditions  of  geography  and 
climate,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  may  predispose  social 
populations  to  emotional  and  impulsive  action,  or  to  calm 
and  deliberative  action.  And  they  depend,  further,  upon 
an  intellectual  condition,  namely,  the  relative  proportions 
of  ignorance  and  knowledge. 

The  character  of  association  may  annul  the  effect  of 


334      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

knowledge,  and  give  full  play  to  ignorance  and  emotional 
excitement. 

Neither  external  physical  conditions,  nor  states  of  the 
individual  mind,  could  produce  the  full  effects  so  often 
witnessed  in  impulsive  social  action,  if  there  were  not 
added  to  the  combination  a  strictly  social  condition  also, 
namely,  the  massing  of  men  in  crowds. 

Characteristics  of  the  Crowd 

It  is  the  crowd  that  reveals  possibilities  of  unreason, 
fear,  fury,  and  insatiable  cruelty,  from  which  even  igno- 
rant and  superstitious  individuals  in  their  calmer  moments 
would  shrink  back  appalled.  The  crowd  curiously  re- 
sembles the  undeveloped  mind  of  the  child  and  of  the 
savage.  Naturally,  men  in  crowds  are  subject  to  a  swift 
contagion  of  feeling  that  would  be  impossible  were  they 
dispersed,  and  able  to  communicate  only  slowly  and  with 
difficulty.  For  the  same  reason  they  are  extremely  sensi- 
tive to  suggestion  and  to  unnoticed  influences.  In  crowds, 
men  are  even  more  likely  to  think  in  terms  of  symbolic 
images,  catch  words  and  shibboleths,  than  when  by  them- 
selves. This,  of  course,  is  because  others  are  continually 
calling  their  attention  to  symbols,  and,  with  emotional 
fervour,  repeating  the  fetichistic  phrases.  With  the  critical 
faculty  in  abeyance,  men  in  crowds  are  in  a  state  of  mind 
to  be  easily  deceived,  to  believe  any  wild  rumour  that  is 
started,  and  even  to  become  subject  to  hallucination.  The 
crowd  is  devoid  of  the  sense  of  responsibility,  because, 
when  lost  in  the  mass,  the  individual  loses  his  own  feeling 
of  responsibility,  and  acquires  a  sense  of  invincible  power, 
and  so  gives  way  to  impulses,  which,  if  he  were  alone,  he 
would  control.  Like  the  savage  and  the  child,  the  crowd 
is  intolerant  of  anything  interposed  between  its  desires 
and  their  realization,  and  it  always  manifests  a  tendency 
to  carry  suggested  ideas  immediately  into  action.  Crowds, 
therefore,  are  mobile,  and  with  changing  excitants  they 
are  generous,  heroic,  or  pusillanimous. 

GIDDINGS,  Inductive  Sociology,  141,  142. 


Concerted  Volition  335 

The  Assembly  of  the  Argives 

So  spake  he,  and  led  the  way  forth  from  the  council, 
and  all  the  other  sceptred  chiefs  rose  with  him  and  obeyed 
the  shepherd  of  the  host;  and  the  people  hastened  to 
them.  Even  as  when  the  tribes  of  thronging  bees  issue 
from  some  hollow  rock,  ever  in  fresh  procession,  and  fly 
clustering  among  the  flowers  of  spring,  and  some  on  this 
hand  and  some  on  that  fly  thick ;  even  so  from  ships  and 
huts  before  the  low  beach  marched  forth  their  many  tribes 
by  companies  to  the  place  of  assembly.  And  in  their  midst 
blazed  forth  Rumour,  messenger  of  Zeus,  urging  them  to 
go ;  and  so  they  gathered.  And  the  place  of  assemblage 
was  in  an  uproar,  and  the  earth  echoed  again  as  the  hosts 
sate  them  down,  and  there  was  turmoil.  Nine  heralds 
restrained  them  with  shouting,  if  perchance  they  might 
refrain  from  clamour,  and  hearken  to  their  kings,  the 
fosterlings  of  Zeus.  And  hardly  at  the  last  would  the 
people  sit,  and  keep  them  to  their  benches  and  cease  from 
noise. 

HOMER,  The  Iliad,  translated  by  LANG,  LEAF,  and  MYERS,  24. 

The  French  Revolution 

As  for  the  people,  to  get  bread  fit  for  dogs,  they 
must  stand  in  a  line  for  hours.  And  here  they  fight  for  it ; 
"they  snatch  food  from  one  another."  There  is  no  more 
work  to  be  had;  "the  work-rooms  are  deserted;"  often, 
after  waiting  a  whole  day,  the  workman  returns  home 
empty-handed,  and  when  he  does  bring  back  a  four-pound 
loaf  it  costs  him  3  francs  12  sous  ;  that  is,  12  sous  for  the 
bread,  and  3  francs  for  the  lost  day.  In  this  long  line  of 
unemployed,  excited  men,  swaying  to  and  fro  before  the 
shop  door,  dark  thoughts  are  fermenting :  "  if  the  bakers 
find  no  flour  to-night  to  bake  with,  we  shall  have  nothing 
to  eat  to-morrow."  An  appalling  idea;  —  in  presence  of 
which  the  whole  power  of  the  Government  is  not  too 
strong ;  for  to  keep  order  in  the  midst  of  famine  nothing 
avails  but  the  sight  of  an  armed  force,  palpable  and 
threatening. 


336     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

One  idea  alone  emerges  —  the  hope  of  immediate  relief, 
the  persuasion  that  right  is  on  their  side,  the  resolution  to 
aid  it  with  every  possible  means ;  and,  consequently,  an 
anxious  waiting,  a  ready  impulse,  a  tension  of  the  will 
which  simply  stays  for  the  opportunity  to  relax  and  launch 
forth  like  a  resistless  arrow  towards  the  unknown  end 
which  will  reveal  itself  all  of  a  sudden.  It  is  hunger  that 
so  suddenly  marks  out  for  them  this  aim  :  the  market  must 
be  supplied  with  grain ;  the  farmers  and  owners  must 
bring  it ;  wholesale  buyers,  whether  the  Government  or 
individuals,  must  not  transport  it  elsewhere ;  it  must  be 
sold  at  a  low  price  ;  the  price  must  be  cut  down  and  fixed, 
so  that  the  baker  can  sell  bread  at  two  sous  the  pound ; 
grain,  flour,  wine,  salt,  and  provisions  must  pay  no  more 
duties  ;  seigniorial  dues  and  claims,  ecclesiastical  tithes,  and 
royal  or  municipal  taxes  must  no  longer  exist.  On  the 
strength  of  this  idea  disturbances  broke  out  on  all  sides  in 
March,  April,  and  May ;  contemporaries  "  do  not  know 
what  to  think  of  such  a  scourge ;  they  cannot  comprehend 
how  such  a  vast  number  of  criminals,  without  visible 
leaders,  agree  amongst  themselves  everywhere  to  commit 
the  same  excesses  just  at  the  time  when  the  States-General 
are  going  to  begin  their  sittings." 


In  this  state  of  disorder,  woe  to  those  who  are  under 
suspicion  of  having  contributed,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
the  evils  which  the  people  endure !  At  Toulon  a  demand 
is  made  for  the  head  of  the  mayor,  who  signs  the  tax-list, 
and  of  the  keeper  of  the  records ;  they  are  trodden  under 
foot,  and  their  houses  are  ransacked.  At  Manosque,  the 
Bishop  of  Sisteron,  who  is  visiting  the  seminary,  is  accused 
of  favouring  a  monopolist ;  on  his  way  to  his  carriage,  on 
foot,  he  is  hooted  and  menaced :  he  is  first  pelted  with 
mud,  and  then  with  stones.  The  consuls  in  attendance, 
and  the  subdelegate  who  come  to  his  assistance,  are 
mauled  and  repulsed.  Meanwhile,  some  of  the  most  furi- 
ous begin,  before  his  eyes,  "to  dig  a  ditch  to  bury  him  in." 
Protected  by  five  or  six  brave  fellows,  he  succeeds  in 
reaching  his  carriage,  amidst  a  volley  of  stones,  wounded 
on  the  head  and  on  many  parts  of  his  body,  and  is  finally 


Concerted  Volition  337 

saved  only  because  the  horses,  which  are  likewise  stoned, 
run  away.  Foreigners,  Italians,  bandits,  are  mingled  with 
the  peasants  and  artisans,  and  expressions  are  heard  and 
acts  are  seen  which  indicate  a  jacquerie.  "The  most  ex- 
cited said  to  the  bishop,  '  We  are  poor  and  you  are  rich, 
and  we  mean  to  have  all  your  property.'  "  Elsewhere,  "  the 
seditious  mob  exacts  contributions  from  all  people  in  good 
circumstances."  At  Brignolles,  thirteen  houses  are  pil- 
laged from  top  to  bottom,  and  thirty  others  half-pillaged.  — 
At  Aupt,  M.  de  Montferrat,  in  defending  himself,  is  killed 
and  "hacked  to  pieces." — At  La  Seyne,  the  populace,  led 
by  a  peasant,  assemble  by  beat  of  drum ;  some  women 
fetch  a  bier,  and  set  it  down  before  the  house  of  a  leading 
bourgeois,  telling  him  to  prepare  for  death,  and  that  "  they 
will  have  the  honour  of  burying  him."  He  escapes ;  his 
house  is  pillaged,  as  well  as  the  bureau  of  the  meal-tax ; 
and,  the  following  day,  the  chief  of  the  band  "  obliges  the 
principal  inhabitants  to  give  him  a  sum  of  money  to  in- 
demnify, as  he  states  it,  the  peasants  who  have  abandoned 
their  work,"  and  devoted  the  day  to  serving  the  public. — 
At  Peinier,  the  President  de  Peinier,  an  octogenarian,  is 
"  besieged  in  his  chateau  by  a  band  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
artisans  and  peasants,"  who  bring  with  them  a  consul  and 
a  notary.  Aided  by  these  two  functionaries,  they  force 
the  president  "  to  pass  an  act  by  which  he  renounces  his 
seigniorial  rights  of  every  description."  At  Sollier  they 
destroy  the  mills  belonging  to  M.  de  Forbin-Janson,  sack 
the  house  of  his  business  agent,  pillage  the  chateau,  de- 
molish the  roof,  chapel,  altar,  railings,  and  escutcheons, 
enter  the  cellars,  stave  in  the  casks,  and  carry  away  every- 
thing that  can  be  carried,  "  the  transportation  taking  two 
days";  all  of  which  is  a  damage  of  a  hundred  thousand 
crowns  for  the  Marquis.  —  At  Riez  they  surround  the  epis- 
copal palace  with  fagots,  threatening  to  burn  it,  "  and 
compromise  with  the  bishop  on  a  promise  of  fifty  thou- 
sand livres,"  and  want  him  to  burn  his  archives.  —  In  short, 
the  sedition  is  social,  for  it  singles  out  for  attack  all  who 
profit  by,  or  stand  at  the  head  of,  the  established  order 
of  things. 

TAINE,  The  French  Revolution,  Vol.  I.  4-5,  8-9,  18-19. 


338      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  Great  Religious  Revival  in  Wales 

The  addition  of  thirty-five  thousand  members  to  the 
various  churches  has  roused  them  to  the  greatest  activity 
along  all  lines.  But  the  movement  reaches  further : 
Liquor  drinking  has  been  greatly  reduced  in  many  places, 
and  a  number  of  taverns  are  closing  for  want  of  patronage. 
Arrests  for  drunkenness  have  been  reduced  fully  seventy- 
five  per  cent  in  some  towns.  The  theatres  have  been 
closed  in  the  middle  of  the  season,  and  many  theatrical 
troups  have  abandoned  the  Principality.  Clubs  and  danc- 
ing halls  have  been  deserted.  Quarrelling  and  profanity 
are  heard  in  the  streets  no  longer,  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanors are  rarer,  the  drivers  in  the  pits  and  the  carters 
are  more  humane.  A  reformation  that  benefits  dumb  ani- 
mals is  complete.  In  the  Rhondda  Valley,  where  so  many 
forms  of  vice  prevailed,  a  great  change  has  come.  But 
the  reformation  has  gone  still  further  :  Pugilists  have  dis- 
continued their  meetings,  a  football  club  at  Abertawe  has 
disbanded  because  six  of  its  members  have  been  converted, 
and  even  more  innocent  pleasures  and  sports  have  been 
forced  to  give  way  before  the  Puritan  wave.  A  mass  of 
unbelievers  do  not  yet  attend  the  meetings,  but  even  they 
seem  overawed,  and  there  is  a  hush  over  little  Wales. 

D.  WILLIAMS,  The  Independent,  February  2,  1905. 

Dogmatic  or  Formal  Like-mindedness. —  More  complex 
than  sympathetic  like-mindedness  is  the  like-mindedness 
that  is  dogmatically  radical,  or  dogmatic  and  formal,  — 
traditional,  customary,  and  conservative.  The  minds  of 
many  individuals  are  simultaneously  occupied  with  new 
and  absorbing  dogmas,  which  may  be  of  the  most  radical 
description ;  or  with  beliefs,  precepts,  maxims,  and  facts 
of  knowledge  that  have  been  handed  down  by  preceding 
generations  to  the  present,  and  which  offer  obstinate 
resistance  to  innovation  in  thought  or  conduct.  In  con- 
nection with  a  mere  occupation  of  the  mind  with  these 


Concerted   Volition  339 

things  is  a  simultaneous  like-responsiveness  to  them,  tak- 
ing the  form  of  attempts  to  put  a  radical  programme  into 
operation,  or  the  form  of  a  daily  obedience  to  inherited 
precepts  or  rules. 

The  like-mindedness  which  is  here  described  is  either 
radical  or  conservative,  while  yet  dogmatic  in  type,  be- 
cause its  essential  element  is  belief,  and  belief  may  be 
either  new  and  innovating,  or  traditional  and  obstructive. 
In  either  case  it  is  assertive,  impatient  of  criticism,  and 
little  disposed  to  be  conciliatory.  To  some  extent,  how- 
ever, knowledge  is  combined  with  belief  in  dogmatic 
like-mindedness.  A  further  subjective  factor  of  dog- 
matic like-mindedness  is  the  habit  of  deductive  reasoning, 
without  criticism  of  premises. 

All  this,  however,  depends  upon  the  extent  of  com- 
munication. It  depends,  also,  much  more  than  might  be 
supposed,  upon  the  mode  of  communication.  Emphatic 
and  impressive  assertion  by  word  of  mouth  is  more  ef- 
fective than  a  colourless  written  or  printed  statement  in  the 
propagation  of  belief.  The  modern  newspaper,  however, 
with  its  sensational  headlines  and  authoritative  tone,  affects 
ignorant  minds  much  as  does  the  spoken  word  of  a  strong 
personality,  and  is  an  efficient  agent  for  the  propagation 
of  baseless  or  questionable  beliefs. 

Impressively  communicated  from  mind  to  mind,  in- 
numerable beliefs  of  individuals  become  common  beliefs, 
undoubtingly  accepted  by  entire  populations.  Yet  further 
is  the  tendency  to  believe  strengthened  by  the  knowledge 
that  not  only  one's  contemporaries  believe,  but  that  pre- 
ceding generations  for  ages  past  also  have  believed. 

Common  belief  so  handed  down  from  age  to  age,  and 
combined  with  many  shreds  and  scraps  of  actual  knowl- 


34-O      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

edge  becomes  the  great  body  of  tradition.  Questioned  only 
by  the  few,  and  in  fact  to  a  great  extent  a  true  record 
of  human  experience,  tradition  acquires  all  the  tremendous 
force  of  authority. 

Forms  of  association,  as  of  communication,  are  important 
objective  factors  in  the  development  of  dogmatic  like- 
mindedness.  As  the  crowd  is  the  form  of  association 
peculiarly  fitted  to  develop  sympathetic  like-mindedness, 
so  is  the  formal  and  deferential  association  of  the  young 
with  the  old,  especially  in  the  relation  of  pupil  to  pre- 
ceptor, peculiarly  fitted  to  the  development  of  dogmatic 
like-mindedness,  which  is,  in  truth,  very  largely  a  product 
of  direct  teaching  and  discipline. 

The  Tradition-loving  Transylvanians 

Whoever  has  lived  among  these  Transylvania  Saxons, 
and  has  taken  the  trouble  to  study  them,  must  have  re- 
marked that  not  only  seven  centuries'  residence  in  a 
strange  land  and  in  the  midst  of  antagonistic  races  has 
made  them  lose  none  of  their  identity,  but  that  they  are, 
so  to  say,  plus  Catholiques  que  le  pape  —  that  is,  more 
thoroughly  Teutonic  than  the  Germans  living  to-day  in 
the  original  father-land.  And  it  is  just  because  of  the 
adverse  circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed,  and  of 
the  opposition  and  attacks  which  met  them  on  all  sides, 
that  they  have  kept  themselves  so  conservatively  un- 
changed. Feeling  that  every  step  in  another  direction 
was  a  step  towards  the  enemy,  finding  that  every  conces- 
sion they  made  threatened  to  become  the  link  of  a  cap- 
tive's chain,  no  wonder  they  clung  stubbornly,  tenaciously, 
blindly  to  each  peculiarity  of  language,  dress,  and  custom, 
in  a  manner  which  has  probably  not  got  its  parallel  in 
history.  Left  on  their  native  soil,  and  surrounded  by 
friends  and  countrymen,  they  would  undoubtedly  have 
changed  as  other  nations  have  changed.  Their  isolated 
position  and  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  their  surround- 


Concerted  Volition  341 

ings  have  kept  them  what  they  were.  Like  a  faithful 
portrait  taken  in  the  prime  of  life,  the  picture  still  goes  on 
showing  the  bloom  of  the  cheek  and  the  light  of  the  eye, 
long  after  Time's  destroying  hand,  withering  the  original, 
has  caused  it  to  lose  all  resemblance  to  its  former  self ; 
and  it  is  with  something  of  the  feeling  of  gazing  at  such 
an  old  portrait  that  we  contemplate  these  German  people 
who  dress  like  old  bass-reliefs  of  the  thirteenth  and  four- 
teenth centuries,  and  continue  to  hoard  up  provisions 
within  the  church  walls,  as  in  the  days  when  besieged  by 
Turk  or  Tartar.  Such  as  these  Saxons  wandered  forth 
from  the  far  west  to  seek  a  home  in  a  strange  land,  such 
we  find  them  again  to-day,  seven  centuries  later,  like  a 
corpse  frozen  in  a  glacier,  which  comes  to  light  unchanged 

after  a  long  lapse  of  years. 

******* 

This  defensive  attitude  towards  strangers  which  per- 
vades the  Saxons'  every  word  and  action  makes  it,  however, 
difficult  to  feel  prepossessed  in  their  favor.  Taken  in  the 
sense  of  antiquities,  they  are  no  doubt  an  extremely  inter- 
esting people,  but  viewed  as  living  men  and  women,  not  at 
first  sight  attractive  to  a  stranger;  and  while  compelling 
our  admiration  by  the  solid  virtues  and  independent  spirit 
which  have  kept  him  what  he  is,  the  Saxon  peasant  often 
shows  to  disadvantage  beside  his  less  civilized,  less  edu- 
cated, and  also  less  honest  neighbor,  the  Roumanian. 
******* 

Although  the  Saxons  talk  of  Germany  as  their  father- 
land, yet  their  patriotic  feeling  is  by  no  means  what  we  are 
accustomed  to  understand  by  that  word.  Their  attachment 
to  the  old  country  would  seem  rather  to  be  of  prosaic  than 
romantic  sort.  "  We  attach  ourselves  to  the  German  na- 
tion and  language,"  they  say,  endeavoring  to  explain  the 
complicated  nature  of  their  patriotism,  "  because  it  offers 
us  the  greatest  advantages  of  civilization  and  culture  ;  we 
should  equally  have  attached  ourselves  to  any  other  nation 
which  offered  us  equal  advantages,  whether  that  nation  had 
happened  to  be  Hungarian,  French,  or  Chinese.  If  the 
Hungarians  had  happened  to  be  more  civilized  than  our- 
selves, we  should  have  been  amalgamated  with  them  long 
ago." 


342      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

There  is  one  village  in  Transylvania  which,  isolated  in 
the  midst  of  a  Hungarian  population,  offers  an  instance  of 
a  more  complex  species  of  nationality  than  any  I  have  yet 
heard  of.  This  is  the  village  of  Szass  Lorea,  near  Klausen- 
burg,  which  used  to  be  Saxon,  but  where  the  people  have 
gradually  forgotten  their  own  mother-tongue  and  can  only 
speak  Hungarian.  There  is,  however,  no  drop  of  Hunga 
rian  blood  in  their  veins,  as  they  marry  exclusively  among 
themselves ;  and  they  have  retained  alike  the  German  type 
of  feature  and  the  national  Saxon  dress  intact  in  all 
its  characteristics.  Also  the  family  names  throughout 
the  village  are  German  ones  —  as  Hindrik,  Tod,  Jager, 
Hubert,  etc. 

Though  none  of  these  people  can  speak  a  word  of  Ger- 
man, and  no  one  can  remember  the  time  when  German 
was  spoken  in  the  village,  yet  during  the  revolution  of  1848 
these  Hungarian-speaking  Germans  rose  to  a  man  to  fight 
against  the  Magyars. 

The  Saxon  dialect  —  totally  distinct  from  modern  Ger- 
man —  has,  I  am  told,  most  resemblance  to  the  fafois 
spoken  by  the  peasants  near  Luxemburg.  It  is  harsh  and 
unpleasant  to  the  ear,  but  has  in  some  far-off  and  indefin- 
able way  a  certain  caricatured  likeness  to  English.  Often 
have  I  been  surprised  into  turning  round  sharply  in  the 
street  to  see  who  could  be  speaking  English  behind  me, 
only  to  discover  two  Saxon  peasants  comparing  notes  as  to 
the  result  of  their  marketing. 

The  language,  however,  differs  considerably  in  different 
neighborhoods  ;  and  a  story  is  told  of  natives  of  two  differ- 
ent Saxon  villages,  who,  being  unable  to  understand  one 
another,  were  reduced  to  conversing  in  Roumanian. 

E.  GERARD,  The  Land  beyond  the  Forest,  31-32, 33,  34. 

Shaker  Doctrine  and  Discipline 

In  the  year  1798,  he  [Thomas  Brown]  first  became 
acquainted  with  the  Shakers ;  and  continued  with  them 
about  seven  years.  During  this  period  he  appears  to  have 
examined  everything,  which  he  heard,  or  saw,  relative  to 
the  Shakers,  their  doctrines,  their  practice,  their  origin,  and 
their  progress,  with  great  care  and  candour ;  and  the  result 


Concerted  Volition  343 

of  his  investigations  he  has  given  to  the  world  in  this 
book. 

To  enable  you  to  form  a  more  just  and  comprehensive 
view  of  this  extraordinary  society,  I  will  give  you  an  ac- 
count of  some  of  their  opinions,  and  practices,  as  they  are 
exhibited  by  Mr.  Brown. 

Two  of  their  prime  doctrines  are,  that  all  the  members  of 
the  church  must  be  implicitly  obedient  to  the  direction  of  the 
elders,  and  the  subordinate  elders  to  the  principal ;  and 

That  repeated  confessions  of  sin  to  the  elders,  confessions, 
in  which  every  sin  that  was  remembered  must  be  specified, 
are  from  time  to  time  to  be  made  by  every  believer,  whenever 
the  superior  elders  require  them.  A  strict  conformity  to 
these  doctrines  they  consider  as  indispensable  to  salvation. 

The  chief  is  possessed  of  an  authority,  which  seems  ab- 
solutely despotic. 

The  elders,  particularly  the  chief,  assert  that  they  receive, 
and  by  the  brethren  are  believed  to  receive,  continually, 
immediate  revelations  from  God,  for  the  direction  of  both 
themselves  and  the  church. 

They  pronounce  themselves,  and  the  believers  pronounce 
them,  infallible. 

The  elders  expect,  that  the  time  will  arrive,  when  creatures 
will  not  dare  to  contradict  the  gift  of  God ;  i.e.  when  men 
will  not  dare  to  contradict  them,  their  opinions,  or  their 
orders. 

The  elders  require  implicit  faith,  and  passive  obedience, 
of  the  brethren,  on  penalty  of  perdition ;  and  deny  abso- 
lutely the  right  of  private  judgment. 

They  hold,  that  it  is  lawful  to  do  that  which  is  immoral, 
or  which  in  their  own  views  would  otherwise  be  immoral, 
for  the  sake  of  promoting  their  cause ;  and  that  what  is 
done  for  this  purpose  ceases  to  be  immoral.  Thus  they 
esteem  it  lawful  to  lie,  to  defraud,  and  to  quote  scripture 
falsely,  for  the  good  of  the  church ;  and  for  the  same  end 
to  get  drunk,  to  quarrel,  and  to  use  profane  language. 
Whether  this  is  considered  as  being  equally  lawful  for 
both  the  elders  and  the  brethren,  seems  in  some  degree 
uncertain.  The  instances,  in  which  it  was  directly  taught, 
were  those,  in  which  the  doctrine  was  advanced  for  the 
purpose  of  justifying  crimes,  which  had  been  already  com- 


344     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

mitted  by  the  elders.     They  also  teach,  that  ignorance  is 
the  mother  of  devotion. 

******* 

They  declare  that  they  have  visions  of  the  invisible 
world ;  that  spirits  converse  with  them ;  that  they  hear 
angels,  and  departed  spirits  sing;  and  that  angels  and 
departed  spirits  confess  their  sins  to  the  chief  elders. 

TIMOTHY  DWIGHT,   Travels  in  New    England   and   New   York, 
Vol.   III.   163. 


Deliberative  Like-mindedness. — The  highest  and  most 
complex  mode  of  concerted  volition  is  deliberative  like- 
mindedness,  which  is  characterized  by  critical  thinking, 
and  moderate,  well-coordinated  action. 

The  essential  subjective  factors  in  deliberative  like-mind- 
edness  are  criticism,  argument,  discussion,  and  constructive 
reasoning,  based  upon  inductive  research,  all  combined 
in  public  opinion. 

Belief  is  essentially  emotional ;  judgment  is  a  product 
of  critical  thinking,  and  is  essentially  intellectual.  Delib- 
eration begins  when  belief  is  assailed  by  doubt.  Only  then, 
and  after  passing  through  an  experience  of  questioning 
and  uncertainty,  does  the  individual  arrive  at  judgments 
for  which  he  can  give  reasons,  rather  than  at  convictions 
which  he  merely  feels. 

The  process  by  which  doubt  is  created,  criticism  is  in- 
stituted, and  judgments  are  arrived  at  in  society,  is  called 
discussion.  In  discussion,  conflicting  beliefs  are  compared, 
analyzed,  and  subjected  to  argument.  So  long  as  men 
accept  as  true  everything  that  they  hear  repeated,  or  that 
they  themselves  are  prone  to  believe,  their  talk  is  not  to 
be  described  as  discussion.  It  becomes  discussion  only 
when  some  one  disputes  or  denies,  and  thereby  compels 


Concerted  Volition  345 

those  who  assert  to  give  reasons  or  to  advance  arguments 
in  support  of  what  they  affirm. 

The  substantial  basis  of  all  constructive  reasoning,  in 
turn,  is  the  well-verified  knowledge  that  is  accumulated  by 
inductive  research.  The  dogmatic  and  speculative  mind 
may  be  critical  of  logical  processes,  while  accepting  the 
premises  of  its  reasoning  on  faith  or  from  authority. 
The  truly  deliberative  mind  examines  premises  no  less  than 
logical  processes.  It  is  ever  observing,  analyzing,  and 
classifying  facts,  generalizing  from  facts,  and  reconstruct- 
ing theories  in  the  light  of  objective  truth. 

Finally,  inductively  established  knowledge  and  the  judg- 
ments arrived  at  through  discussion  are  combined  in  pub- 
lic opinion.  No  error  is  more  common  than  one  which 
confounds  popular  beliefs  with  the  social  judgments  that 
constitute  true  public  opinion.  Only  when  two  or  more 
individuals,  each  of  whom  is  capable  of  subjecting  his 
ideas  and  inherited  beliefs  to  a  critical  examination,  come 
to  the  same  conclusion,  so  that  their  critically  tested  judg- 
ments are  identical,  is  the  result  a  rational  like-minded- 
ness,  and  properly  to  be  spoken  of  as  public  opinion. 

Another  way  of  stating  the  same  truth  is  to  say  that 
public  opinion  comes  into  existence  only  when  a  sympa- 
thetic like-mindedness,  or  an  agreement  in  belief,  is  sub- 
jected to  criticism,  started  by  some  sceptical  individual 
who  doubts  the  truth  of  the  belief,  or  the  wisdom  of  the 
agreement ;  and  an  opinion  is  then  thought  out,  to  which 
many  communicating  minds  can  yield  their  intellectual 
assent.  In  any  community  public  opinion  develops  exactly 
to  the  extent  that  free  discussion  develops,  exactly  to  the 
extent  that  men  are  in  the  habit  of  asking  searching  ques- 
tions and  compelling  one  another  to  prove  their  assertions. 


346     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

That  the  subjective  factors  of  criticism  and  discussion 
may  combine  with  constructive  reasoning  in  true  public 
opinion,  there  must  prevail,  not  only  a  highly  developed 
system  of  communication,  but  also  perfect  freedom  of 
speech  and  of  public  meeting. 

Wherever  men  are  forbidden  by  governmental  or  other 
authority  to  speak  or  to  write  freely,  or  wherever  they 
stand  in  fear  of  losing  social  position,  or  employment,  or 
property,  if  they  freely  speak  their  minds,  there  is  no  true 
public  opinion ;  there  is  only  a  mass  of  traditional  beliefs, 
or  an  outburst  of  popular  feeling. 

Equally  necessary  is  freedom  of  meeting  upon  the 
initiative  of  private  individuals. 

If  men  are  forbidden  by  governmental  authority  to  as- 
semble in  an  orderly  manner,  or  if  —  as  was  true  in  Eng- 
land down  nearly  to  the  nineteenth  century  —  they  can 
assemble  only  upon  the  call  of  some  public  functionary, 
there  can  be  no  public  discussion,  and  therefore  no  true 
public  opinion. 

No  less  essential,  however,  to  deliberate  social  decision, 
is  the  alternation  of  meeting  and  discussion  with  separa- 
tion. The  crowd  must  occasionally  disperse.  Its  indi- 
vidual members  must  be  brought  under  new  influences. 

This  truth  is  simply  a  more  complicated  case  of  that 
psychological  fact,  already  noted,  that  rational  thinking 
consists  in  the  interposition  of  new  ideas  between  stimula- 
tion and  the  consequent  muscular  action.  The  tendency 
of  the  crowd,  as  we  have  seen,  is  to  react  instantly  as  a 
unit  upon  any  suggestion,  just  as  the  tendency  of  non- 
rational  man  is  to  expend  his  nervous  energy  in  reflex 
action.  In  the  individual,  this  process  is  interrupted  by 
any  new  idea  or  suggestion.  In  the  crowd,  it  is  interrupted 


Concerted  Volition  347 

when  dispersion  and  separation  bring  the  individual  mem- 
bers under  new  influences. 

Mazzini's  Republican  Movement 

It  was  under  such  auspices  that  the  Society  of  Young 
Italy  was  founded.  The  general  drift  of  the  principles  of 
that  Society  has  already  been  sufficiently  indicated  in  the 
account  of  Mazzini's  meditations  in  the  fortress  of  Savona. 
It  was  to  make  Italy  free,  united,  Republican,  recognizing 
duty  to  God  and  man  as  the  basis  of  national  life,  rather 
than  the  mere  assertion  of  rights.  But  the  great  point 
which  distinguished  it  from  all  the  other  societies  which 
had  preceded  it  was  that,  instead  of  trusting  to  the  myste- 
rious effect  of  symbols,  and  the  power  of  a  few  leaders  to 
induce  the  main  body  of  Italians  blindly  to  accept  their 
orders,  it  openly  proclaimed  its  creed  before  the  world, 
and  even  in  the  articles  of  association  set  forth  the  full 
arguments  on  which  it  grounded  the  defense  of  the  special 
objects  which  it  advocated.  And  the  principles  were 
further  to  be  preached  in  a  journal  which  was  to  be  called, 
like  the  Society,  "  Giovine  Italia." 

But  while  he  put  forward  a  definitely  Republican  pro- 
gramme, Mazzini  never  fell  into  the  French  mistake  of 
thinking  that  a  knot  of  men,  monopolizing  power  to  them- 
selves, can,  by  merely  calling  themselves  Republicans, 
make  the  government  of  a  nation  a  Republic.  While 
he  fully  hoped,  by  education,  to  induce  the  Italians  to 
accept  a  Republican  Government,  he  was  quite  prepared 
to  admit  the  possibility  of  failure  in  that  attempt,  and  to 
accept  the  consequences  as  a  consistent  democrat.  This 
is  distinctly  stated  in  the  first  plan  of  Young  Italy. 

C.  E.  MAURICE,  Revolutions  of  1848-9  in  Italy,  Austria-Hungary, 
and  Germany,  67-68. 

The  Referendum  in  Switzerland 

The  rights  of  the  people  with  regard  to  the  Federal 
Constitution  are  set  forth  in  Articles  118-123  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  29th  May  1874,  as  recast  by  the  Federal 
decree  of  the  8th  April  1891. 


348      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  articles  relating  to  the  revision  of  the  constitution 
are  as  follows  :  — 

Art.  1 1 8. — The  Federal  Constitution  may  at  anytime 
be  wholly  or  partially  amended. 

Art.  119. — A  total  revision  is  effected  through  the 
forms  required  for  passing  federal  laws. 

Art.  1 20. —  When  either  house  of  the  Federal  Assembly 
passes  a  resolution  for  the  total  revision  of  the  constitution 
and  the  other  council  does  not  agree,  or  when  50,000 
Swiss  voters  demand  a  total  revision,  the  question  whether 
the  constitution  ought  to  be  amended  is  in  either  case  sub- 
mitted to  the  Swiss  people,  who  vote  Yes  or  No. 

If  in  either  case  the  majority  of  the  Swiss  citizens  who 
vote  pronounce  in  the  affirmative,  there  shall  be  a  new 
election  of  both  councils  for  the  purpose  of  undertaking 
the  revision. 

Art.  121.  —  A  partial  revision  may  take  place  by  means 
of  the  popular  initiative,  or  through  the  forms  prescribed 
for  ordinary  federal  legislation.  The  popular  initiative 
consists  in  a  demand  by  50,000  Swiss  voters  for  the  addi- 
tion of  a  new  article  to  the  constitution,  or  the  repeal  or 
modification  of  certain  constitutional  articles  already  in  force. 

When  the  popular  initiative  is  used  for  the  purpose  of 
amending  or  inserting  various  articles  in  the  Federal 
Constitution  each  modification  or  addition  must  form  the 
subject  of  a  separate  initiative  demand. 

The  demand  by  initiative  may  be  presented  in  the  form 
of  a  proposal  in  general  terms,  or  as  a  bill  complete  in  all 
its  details. 

When  a  demand  is  couched  in  general  terms,  and  the 
Federal  Assembly  approves  it  in  substance,  it  is  the  duty 
of  that  body  to  draw  up  a  partial  revision  in  the  sense  of 
the  petitioners,  and  to  refer  it  to  the  cantons  for  acceptance 
or  rejection. 

If  the  Federal  Assembly  does  not  approve  the  proposal, 
then  the  question  whether  there  shall  be  a  partial  revision 
or  not  must  be  submitted  to  the  vote  of  the  people ;  and 
if  the  majority  of  Swiss  citizens  taking  part  in  the  vote  ex- 
press themselves  in  the  affirmative,  the  revision  shall  be 
undertaken  by  the  Federal  Assembly,  in  conformity  with 
the  popular  decision. 


Concerted   Volition  349 

When  a  demand  is  presented  in  the  form  of  a  bill 
complete  in  all  its  details,  and  the  Federal  Assembly 
approve  it,  the  bill  shall  be  referred  to  the  people  and 
the  cantons  for  acceptance  or  rejection. 

In  case  the  Federal  Assembly  does  not  agree,  that  body 
may  draft  a  bill  of  its  own,  or  move  that  the  people  reject 
the  demand  ;  and  it  may  submit  its  own  bill  or  proposal 
for  rejection  to  the  vote  of  the  people  at  the  same  time  as 
the  bill  emanating  from  the  popular  initiative. 

Art.  122.  —  A  federal  law  shall  determine  more  precisely 
the  manner  of  procedure  in  the  case  of  demands  by  popular 
initiative  and  in  the  votings  on  amendments  to  the  Federal 
Constitution. 

Art.  123. — The  revised  Federal  Constitution,  or  the 
revised  part  thereof,  shall  take  effect  when  it  has  been 
adopted  by  the  majority  of  Swiss  citizens  who  take  part  in 
the  vote  thereon  and  by  a  majority  of  the  states. 

In  making  up  the  majority  of  the  cantons  the  vote  of  a 
half  canton  is  counted  as  half  a  vote. 

The  result  of  the  popular  vote  in  each  canton  is  con- 
sidered to  be  the  vote  of  the  canton. 

S.  DEPLOIGE,  The  Referendum  in  Switzerland,  124-126. 

Relative  Extent  of  Each  Mode  of  Like-mindedness.  — 
In  animal  bands,  in  the  endogamous  hordes  of  the 
lowest  savagery,  in  certain  small  and  very  ignorant  rural 
neighbourhoods  in  modern  populations,  the  predominant 
like-mindedness  is  instinctive,  but  slightly  modified  by 
sympathetic  tendencies.  The  higher  savagery  and  slum 
populations  in  general  are  predominantly  sympathetic. 
Barbarian  populations  are  predominantly  sympathetic, 
with  a  strong  tendency  toward  the  development  of  dog- 
matic like-mindedness.  Modern  civilized  populations  also 
are  sympathetic  and  dogmatic,  with  an  increasing  develop- 
ment of  deliberative  like-mindedness. 

Causes  of  the  Relative  Extent  of  Each  of  the  Four  Modes 
of  Like-mindedness. —  Explanation  of  the  relative  extent  of 


350     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

each  of  the  four  modes  of  like-mindedness  is  found  in  the 
laws  of  least  effort  and  of  diminishing  return. 

Elementary  and  primitive  like-mindedness  are  instinc- 
tive, and  the  like-mindedness  in  which  a  majority  of  in- 
dividuals in  even  the  more  advanced  populations  are 
competent  to  participate,  is  sympathetic  and  impulsive 
for  the  obvious  reason  that  sympathy  and  impulse  are 
less  difficult  than  deliberation  and  rational  control.  In 
like  manner,  conformity  to  a  course  of  conduct  once 
entered  upon,  uncritical  obedience  of  authority,  uncritical 
acceptance  of  belief,  are  far  easier  than  independent 
judgment.  Consequently,  formal  like-mindedness  and  con- 
formity to  an  established  order  are  more  general  than  true 
public  opinion  and  rational  social  choice. 

Under  these  conditions  rational  social  choice  occurs 
at  all  only  because  we  are  compelled  from  time  to  time 
to  vary  our  means  of  satisfaction.  Sympathetic  and  for- 
mal like-mindedness  yield  diminishing  returns.  Impulsive 
social  action  frequently  proves  to  be  enormously  costly 
and  destructive.  Formal  like-mindedness,  conformity  to 
traditional  belief  and  authority,  carry  us  a  long  way 
toward  the  attainment  of  social  and  material  satisfac- 
tions. But  beyond  a  certain  point  they  bar  further  prog- 
ress. They  stand  in  the  way  of  the  further  exploitation 
of  new  means  of  satisfaction.  When  this  point  is  reached, 
further  activity  in  the  line  of  least  effort  is  necessarily 
rational.  It  is  the  attempt  to  secure  satisfactions  after 
direct  means  have  failed.  And  this  process  itself,  in  fur- 
ther accordance  with  the  law  of  least  effort,  before  it 
becomes  general  begins  in  those  relatively  gifted  minds 
to  which  it  is  least  irksome.  For  this  reason,  rational 
social  choice,  the  formation  of  true  public  opinion,  and 


Concerted  Volition  351 

the  rational  leadership  of   social  activity  are,   and   must 
always  continue  to  be,  the  function  of  the  few. 

Laws  of  Concerted  Volition 

Doubtless  most  of  the  laws  of  concerted  volition,  for- 
mulating its  more  complicated  phenomena,  remain  to  be 
discovered  by  precise  inductive  study.  From  such  crude 
inductive  studies  as  have  already  been  made  by  statis- 
ticians, historians,  and  psychologists,  certain  rather  general 
laws  may  provisionally  be  formulated. 

Impulsive  social  action  tends  to  extend  and  to  intensify 
in  a  geometrical  progression. 

Impulsive  social  action  varies  inversely  with  the  habit 
of  attaining  ends  by  indirect  and  complex  means. 

Tradition  is  authoritative  and  coercive  in  proportion  to 
its  antiquity. 

Tradition  is  authoritative  and  coercive  in  proportion  as 
its  subject-matter  consists  of  belief  rather  than  of  critically 
established  knowledge. 

In  all  social  choice,  the  most  influential  ideals  are  those 
of  the  forceful  man,  the  powerful  community,  of  virtue  in 
the  primitive  sense  of  the  word ;  second  in  influence  are 
ideals  of  the  convivial  man,  the  prosperous  and  pleasure- 
loving  community,  the  utilitarian  or  hedonistic  virtues  ;  third 
in  influence  are  ideals  of  the  austere  man,  the  righteous 
or  just  community,  the  Stoic  or  Puritan  virtues  of  self- 
restraint  ;  fourth  in  influence  are  the  ideals  of  the  ration- 
ally conscientious  man,  of  the  liberal  and  enlightened 
community,  of  the  virtues  of  reasonableness,  broad-minded- 
ness, and  charity  ;  but  if  mental  evolution  continues,  the 
higher  ideals  become  increasingly  influential. 

A  population  that  has  only  a  few  interests,  which,  how- 


352      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

ever,  are  harmoniously  combined,  is  conservative  in  its 
choices.  A  population  that  has  varied  interests,  which  are 
as  yet  inharmoniously  combined,  is  radical  in  its  choices. 
Only  the  population  that  has  many,  varied,  and  harmoni- 
ously combined  interests  is  consistently  progressive  in  its 
choices.1 

Cooperation 

Concerted  volition  itself,  as  distinguished  from  its  subjec- 
tive and  objective  conditions,  is  always  a  form  of  cooperation. 

The  Nature  of  Cooperation.  —  Not  all  like-response,  how- 
ever, can  be  described  as  cooperation.  Like-response  may 
result  in  nothing  useful  or  even  tangible.  It  may  end  in 
an  aimless  activity,  or  in  mere  uproar  and  confusion.  It 
is  cooperation  only  if  the  like  activities  of  the  similarly 
responding  individuals  are  by  some  means  correlated  and 
brought  to  bear  upon  some  particular  work  or  task  which 
is  necessary  or  useful,  or  which,  at  any  rate,  is  supposed 
to  be  useful. 

The  necessary  correlation  may  be  brought  about  by 
other  means  than  a  conscious  planning  by  the  cooperating 
individuals.  Certain  correlations  result  from  the  mere 
mechanical  laws  of  motion.  Some  of  these  may  prove  to 
be  useful,  although  no  use  was  consciously  anticipated. 
Useful  correlations  may  be  preserved  by  natural  selection, 
and  become  instinctive.  Such  cooperation  may  be  de- 
scribed as  unconscious  cooperation. 

In  conscious  cooperation  like-activities  are  correlated  and 
directed  upon  some  useful  achievement  through  conscious 
planning.  This  kind  of  cooperation  is  a  mode  of  con- 

1  For  a  full  statement  of  considerations  in  support  of  these  generalizations, 
consult  Giddings,  Inductive  Sociology,  179-180. 


Concerted  Volition  353 

certed  volition,  and,  practically,  all  concerted  volition  is 
conscious  cooperation. 

The  Causes  of  Cooperation.  —  Not  only  must  mental  and 
practical  resemblance  precede  all  cooperation,  and  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind  precede  conscious  cooperation,  but  also, 
if  they  exist,  the  cooperation  necessarily  follows. 

Like-responsiveness  to  stimulus  shades  so  gradually  into 
cooperation  that  it  is  often  difficult  to  discover  at  what 
point  the  cooperation  begins.  Where,  for  instance,  does 
it  begin  in  the  pursuit  of  a  thief  on  the  street?  The 
question  is  obviously  one  of  degrees  or  stages  of  respon- 
siveness, as,  by  degrees,  like-activities  are  correlated  and 
directed  upon  a  particular  end  or  achievement. 

The  Order  of  Motives.  —  Among  individuals  mentally 
and  practically  alike,  cooperation,  beginning  in  sponta- 
neous like-response  to  common  stimulation,  is  further  devel- 
oped, because  it  yields  to  the  cooperating  individuals  the 
same  kind  of  pleasure. 

1.  Precedence    of   Immediate    Pleasure.  —  The     initial 
pleasure  of  cooperation  is  not  that  which  is  afforded  by  the 
remoter  utilities,  such  as  an  abundance  of  food,  or  security 
against  danger,  in  which  the  cooperation  presently  results  ; 
it  is  the   immediate  pleasure  of  combined   activity ;    the 
pleasurable   reaction    of    concerted   physical  and    mental 
excitement. 

2.  Genesis  of  the  Utilitarian  Motive. — Thus  begun  and 
partially  developed,  cooperation  is  yet  further  developed 
and  perfected  because  the  remoter  utilities  which  it  creates 
are  by  its  resembling  participants  regarded  in  like  ways. 
If  a  particular  mode  of  cooperation  produces  an  unwonted 
abundance  of  food  supplies,   or  establishes    a   degree   of 
security  hitherto  unknown,  the  individuals  who  have  en- 


354      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

gaged  in  cooperative  activity  because  of  their  mental  and 
practical  resemblance  and  their  consciousness  of  kind, 
necessarily  see  and  interpret  the  results  in  substantially 
the  same  way ;  they  reason  in  substantially  the  same  way 
about  the  desirability  of  perpetuating  and  increasing  such 
results  by  a  further  extension  of  their  cooperation. 

3.  Causes  Determining  the  Order  of  Motives.  —  It  is 
unnecessary  to  argue  that  immediate  pleasure  appeals  to 
the  mind  more  directly  than  considerations  of  remoter 
utility.  There  is  a  vast  amount  of  cooperation,  for  exam- 
ple, in  play,  games,  sports,  and  festivals,  in  which  imme- 
diate pleasure  rather  than  remoter  utility  is  the  motive. 
The  mind  here  simply  follows  the  law  of  activity  in  the 
direction  of  least  effort.  When  immediate  pleasure  begins 
to  be  a  diminishing  return,  the  mind  reaches  out  with  new 
effort  to  discover  and  to  obtain  the  possible  remoter 
utilities. 

The  Forms  of  Cooperation.  —  Cooperation  develops  into 
various  forms  and  through  successive  stages  of  complica- 
tion step  by  step  with  the  development  of  successive 
modes  of  mental  and  practical  resemblance,  and  of  the 
consciousness  of  kind. 

It  may  be  simple  and  direct,  as  where  neighbours  help 
each  other  in  planting  or  harvesting ;  simple  and  indirect, 
as  in  barter,  or  more  highly  developed  exchange ;  complex, 
where  the  direct  and  the  indirect  forms  are  combined,  as  in 
manufacturing  operations  ;  and  highly  complicated,  as  in 
the  modern  business  world,  where  complex  forms  enter 
into  further  combinations,  and  where  these,  in  turn,  enter 
into  that  greater  cooperation  of  industrial  with  political, 
educational,  religious,  and  pleasurable  enterprises,  which 
together  make  up  the  entire  activity  of  modern  communities. 


Concerted  Volition  355 

Causes  of  the  Diversification  of  the  Forms  of  Cooperation, 
—  The  extension  of  cooperation  from  its  simple  beginnings 
to  these  complicated  higher  forms  obviously  depends  upon 
an  extension  of  genuine,  mental  and  practical  resemblance 
throughout  the  population,  and  a  corresponding  expansion 
of  the  consciousness  of  kind.  The  particular  points  of  re- 
semblance that  are  most  essential  to  the  higher  forms  of 
cooperation  are  those  which  enter  into  what  we  call  good 
faith ;  and  a  common  belief  throughout  the  community  in 
the  general  good  faith  of  the  individuals  composing  society 
is  the. particular  form  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  that  also 
is  essential. 

The  diversification  of  cooperation  is  a  consequence  of 
diminishing  returns.  New  experiments  are  made  and 
new  forms  arise  as  the  older  ones  fail  to  yield  proportionate 
reward  to  increasing  effort. 

Extent  of  Cooperation.  —  The  number  of  persons  simi- 
larly responding  to  any  given  stimulus,  and,  therefore,  the 
group  of  possible  cooperators  in  a  given  work,  may  not 
exceed  a  small  fraction  of  an  entire  natural  society ;  it  may 
be  a  large  fraction,  or  it  may  include  all  members  of  the 
entire  social  population. 

Public  and  Private  Cooperation.  —  The  cooperation  of  all 
individual  members  of  an  entire  natural  society  constitutes 
what  we  are  in  the  habit  of  calling  public  activity,  or 
public  cooperation.  And  an  entire  natural  society,  viewed 
as  cooperating,  is  a  state. 

When  only  a  part  of  the  social  population  responds  to 
the  same  stimulus,  and  engages  in  cooperation  without  the 
participation  or  command  of  the  public,  although  not  with- 
out the  tacit  or  implied  consent  of  the  state,  we  speak  of 
the  cooperation  as  private  or  voluntary. 


356      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Burning  the  Prairie  Dead  Grass 

Every  year,  in  the  course  of  the  months  of  March  or 
April,  the  inhabitants  set  fire  to  the  grass,  which  at  that 
time  is  dried  up,  and  through  its  extreme  length,  would 
conceal  from  the  cattle  a  fortnight  or  three  weeks  longer 
the  new  grass,  which  then  begins  to  spring  up.  This 
custom  is  nevertheless  generally  censured ;  as,  being  set  on 
fire  too  early,  the  new  grass  is  stripped  of  the  covering  that 
ought  to  shelter  it  from  the  spring  and  frosts,  and  in  con- 
sequence of  which  its  vegetation  is  retarded.  The  custom 
of  burning  the  meadows  was  formerly  practised  by  the 
natives,  who  came  in  this  part  of  the  country  to  hunt;  in 
fact,  they  do  it  now  in  the  other  parts  of  North  America, 
where  there  are  savannas  of  an  immense  extent.  Their 
aim  in  setting  fire  to  it  is  to  allure  the  stags,  bisons,  etc.,  in- 
to the  parts  which  are  burnt,  where  they  can  discern  them 
at  a  greater  distance.  Unless  a  person  has  seen  these 
dreadful  conflagrations,  it  is  impossible  to  form  the  least 
idea  of  them.  The  flames,  that  occupy  generally  an  extent 
of  several  miles,  are  sometimes  driven  by  the  wind  with 
such  rapidity,  that  the  inhabitants,  even  on  horseback,  have 
become  a  prey  to  them.  The  American  sportsmen  and 
the  savages  preserve  themselves  from  this  danger  by  a 
very  ingenious  method ;  they  immediately  set  fire  to  the 
part  of  the  meadow  where  they  are,  and  then  retire  into  the 
space  that  is  burnt,  where  the  flame  that  threatened  them 
stops  for  the  want  of  nourishment. 

The  Journal  of  Andrb   Micheaux,   1793,  edited   by  THWAITES, 
Early   Western   Travels,  Vol.   III.   221-222. 

Public  Cooperation 

It  is  not  necessary  to  the  conception  of  the  state  to  sup- 
pose the  active  participation  of  each  individual  in  every 
common  task,  or  to  suppose  that  the  common  response  to 
stimulus  is  immediate  and  direct.  In  many  instances  the 
cooperation  may  be  passive  rather  than  active;  in  many 
instances  response  may  be  indirect.  It  is  sufficient  if  the 


Concerted  Volition  357 

like-response  to  a  common  stimulus  is  adequate  to  assure 
the  passive  assent,  or  to  prevent  the  resistance  of  those  in- 
dividuals whose  cooperation  does  not  assume  the  active 
mode.  And  it  is  sufficient  if,  in  many  instances,  the  like- 
response  is  immediate  and  direct  among  a  few  individuals 
only,  if  these  have  the  power  to  compel  the  obedience  or 
otherwise  to  secure  the  cooperation  of  all  others. 

Sovereignty.  —  We  arrive  here  at  the  phenomenon  of 
Sovereignty.  In  other  words,  that  cooperation  of  an  entire 
social  population  which  constitutes  it  a  state  is  largely 
effected  through  complicated  relations  of  cooperation  be- 
tween sovereign  and  subjects. 

According  to  the  accepted  conception  of  sovereignty, 
any  individual,  group  or  class  of  cooperating  individuals, 
or  entire  cooperating  people,  having  the  disposition  and 
the  power  to  exact,  and,  in  fact,  exacting  obedience  from 
all  individuals  in  the  social  population,  is  a  sovereign ;  and 
all  individuals  who  obey  a  sovereign  —  be  that  sovereign 
a  person,  a  class,  or  a  people  —  are  subjects  ;  while  sover- 
eign and  subjects  together  in  their  normal  relation  of 
authority  and  obedience  are  a  state. 

This  conception  of  sovereignty  is  demonstrably  inade- 
quate and  even  inaccurate.  There  has  never  yet  existed 
in  any  human  society  any  power  that  could,  or  continuously 
and  under  all  circumstances  did,  compel  the  obedience  of 
all  individual  members  of  that  society,  or  even  successfully 
punish  all  for  disobedience.  The  accepted  conception  is 
an  approximately  true  picture  of  sovereignty  under  one 
particular  grouping  of  social  conditions.  Social  psychology 
and  the  facts  of  history  yield  other  conceptions,  each  ap- 
proximately true  for  some  given  stage  of  social  evolution. 

What,  for  instance,  is  the  true  nature  of  sovereignty  in 


358      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

a  community  where  nearly  all  individuals  mo'st  of  the  time 
actually  yield  loyal  obedience  to  a  supreme  political  per- 
son, a  monarch,  or  a  dictator?  This  supreme  political  per- 
son has  no  power  to  compel  the  obedience  of  his  subjects 
if  they  choose  to  defy  his  commands.  Yet  he  has  a  power 
that  is  real,  and  it  is  a  development  of  one  of  the  funda- 
mental and  universal  phenomena  of  social  psychology. 
He  has  the  power  to  command  obedience.  This  is  from 
every  point  of  view,  psychological  and  practical,  a  wholly 
different  thing  from  the  power  to  compel.  It  is  the  power 
of  impression  rather  than  of  physical  force,  but  it  achieves 
the  same  end :  it  secures  the  obedience.  In  most  of  the 
nations  of  the  world,  throughout  the  greater  part  of  their 
history,  sovereignty  has  been  in  fact  a  personal  power  to 
command  obedience. 

There  is  a  form  of  political  society  in  which  the  real 
sovereign  is  a  superior  class,  an  aristocracy.  This  class 
is  descended  from  a  group  of  conquerors  that  for  a  time 
retained  and  exercised  an  actual  power  to  compel  the  obe- 
dience of  the  conquered.  But  it  tends  to  become  a  re- 
latively small  minority  until,  presently,  it  could  readily 
be  overthrown  if  the  people  rose  against  it.  Instead  of 
rebelling,  however,  they  continue  to  yield  obedience.  They 
yield  to  a  power  which  dominates  them  through  their 
deference  to  wealth,  through  their  homage  to  superior 
mind,  and  through  the  assent  of  their  minds  to  beliefs  and 
dogmas,  above  all,  to  tradition.  Fortified  by  religion  and 
all  the  authority  of  tradition,  the  superior  class  exacts  the 
obedience  which  it  would  be  powerless,  were  resort  made 
to  physical  force,  to  compel. 

There  have  been  occasions,  recurring  throughout  history, 
when  the  masses  of  the  people,  aroused  to  opposition  and 


Concerted  Volition  359 

compacted  by  revolutionary  madness  into  infuriated  mobs, 
have  become,  for  the  time  being,  a  resistless  physical 
power.  These  have  be,en  occasions  and  circumstances 
under  which,  as  after  conquest,  sovereignty  has  been  in 
fact  a  power  to  compel  obedience.  No  individual,  class, 
or  group  has  been  able  to  resist  or  withstand  it. 

Finally,  there  have  been  in  the  past,  and  are  now, 
political  communities  in  which  practically  all  men  have 
contributed  or  contribute,  through  discussion  and  volun- 
tary conduct,  to  the  creation  of  a  general  purpose  or 
policy  ;  and  in  which  practically  all  men  yield  or  have 
yielded  assent  to  a  general  will.  This  general  will  might 
command,  exact,  or  compel  a  vast  deal  of  individual 
obedience,  but,  actually,  it  does  something  different  and 
higher.  \\.  evokes  obedience.  Appealing  to  reason  and  to 
conscience,  it  calls  forth  an  obedience  that  is  rendered 
freely  and  with  full  understanding  that  it  is  a  reasonable 
and  unforced  service. 

Instead,  then,  of  one  universal  mode  of  sovereignty  in 
political  society,  sociology,  surveying  past  and  existing 
societies  comparatively,  and  guided  by  the  facts  of  social 
psychology,  discovers  four  distinct  modes  of  sovereignty, 
presented  by  different  stages  of  social  evolution  ;  namely, 
first,  Personal  Sovereignty,  or  the  power  of  the  strong 
personality  to  command  obedience ;  second,  Class  Sover- 
eignty, or  the  power  of  the  mentally  and  morally  superior, 
with  the  aid  of  religion  and  tradition,  to  inspire  obedience 
or  through  control  of  wealth  to  exact  obedience;  third, 
Mass  Sovereignty,  or  the  power  of  an  emotionally  and 
fanatically  solidified  majority  to  compel  obedience ;  and, 
fourth,  General  Sovereignty,  or  the  power  of  an  enlight- 
ened, deliberative  community  to  evoke  obedience  through 
a  rational  appeal  to  intelligence  and  conscience. 


360     The  Elements  and  Stmcture  of  Society 


The  Sovereignty  of  Arthur 

In  the  yereof  Christ,  517,  king  Arthur  in  the  second  yeere 
of  his  reigne,  having  subdued  all  parts  of  Ireland,  sailed 
with  his  fleet  into  Island,  and  brought  it  and  the  people 
thereof  under  his  subjection.  The  rumour  afterwards 
being  spread  thorowout  all  the  other  Islands,  that  no 
countrey  was  able  to  withstand  him,  Doldavius  the  king  of 
Gotland,  and  Gunfacius  the  king  of  Orkney,  came  volun- 
tarily unto  him,  and  yeelded  him  their  obedience,  promis- 
ing to  pay  him  tribute.  The  Winter  being  spent,  be 
returned  into  Britaine,  and  establishing  his  kingdom e  in 
perfect  peace,  he  continued  there  for  the  space  of  twelve 
yeres. 

GALFRIDUS   MONUMETENSIS.  Historie  of  the  Kings  of  Britaine, 
Hakluyfs  Voyages,  Edition  of  1903,  Vol.  I.  3-4. 


The  Rise  of  Class  Sovereignty 

The  ancient  city,  like  all  human  society,  had  ranks, 
distinctions,  and  inequalities.  We  know  the  distinction 
originally  made  at  Athens  between  the  Eupatrids  and  the 
Thetes ;  at  Sparta  we  find  the  class  of  Equals  and  that  of 
the  Inferiors ;  and  in  Euboea,  that  of  the  Knights  and  that 
of  the  People.  The  history  of  Rome  abounds  in  struggles 
between  the  Patricians  and  Plebeians,  as  does  that  of  all 
the  Sabine,  Latin,  and  Etruscan  cities.  It  can  even  be 
said  that  the  farther  back  we  go  in  the  history  of  Greece 
and  Italy,  the  more  profound  and  the  more  strongly 
marked  the  distinction  appears  —  a  positive  proof  that  the 
inequality  did  not  grow  up  with  time,  but  that  it  existed 
from  the  beginning,  and  that  it  was  contemporary  with 
the  birth  of  cities. 

It  is  worth  while  to  inquire  upon  what  principles  this 
division  of  classes  rested.  We  can  thus  the  more  easily 
see  by  virtue  of  what  ideas  or  what  needs  the  struggles 
commenced,  what  the  inferior  classes  demanded,  and  on 
what  principles  the  superior  classes  defended  their  empire. 

We  have  seen  that  the  city  grew  out  of  the  confedera- 
tion of  families  and  of  tribes.  Before  the  day  on  which 


Concerted  Volition  361 

the  city  was  founded,  the  family  already  contained  within 
itself  this  distinction  of  classes.  Practically,  the  family 
was  never  dismembered ;  it  was  indivisible,  like  the  primi- 
tive religion  of  the  hearth.  The  oldest  son  alone,  suc- 
ceeding the  father,  took  possession  of  the  priesthood, 
the  property,  and  the  authority,  and  his  brothers  were  to 
him  what  they  had  been  to  their  father.  From  generation 
to  generation,  from  first-born  to  first-born,  there  was  never 
but  one  family  chief.  He  presided  at  the  sacrifice,  repeated 
the  prayer,  pronounced  judgment,  and  governed.  To  him 
alone  originally  belonged  the  title  of  pater ;  for  this  word, 
which  signified  power,  and  not  paternity,  could  be  applied 
only  to  the  chief  of  the  family.  His  sons,  his  brothers,  his 
servants,  all  called  him  by  this  title. 

Here,  then,  in  the  constitution  of  the  family  itself  is  the 
first  principle  of  inequality.  The  oldest  is  the  privileged 
one  for  the  worship,  for  the  succession,  and  for  the  com- 
mand. After  several  centuries,  there  were  naturally  formed, 
in  each  of  these  great  families,  younger  branches,  that 
were,  according  to  religion  and  by  custom,  inferior  to  the 
older  branch,  and  who,  living  under  its  protection,  sub- 
mitted to  its  authority. 

This  family,  then,  had  servants,  who  did  not  leave  it, 
who  were  hereditarily  attached  to  it,  and  over  whom  the 
pater,  or  patron,  exercised  the  triple  authority  of  master, 
magistrate,  and  priest.  They  were  called  by  names  that 
varied  with  the  locality  :  the  more  common  names  were 
Clients  and  Thetes. 


We  must  now  point  out  another  element  of  the  popula- 
tion, which  was  below  the  clients  themselves,  and  which, 
originally  low,  insensibly  acquired  strength  enough  to 
break  the  ancient  social  organization.  This  class,  which 
became  more  numerous  at  Rome  than  in  any  other  city, 
was  there  called  the  plebs.  We  must  know  the  origin 
and  character  of  this  class  to  understand  the  part  it  played 
in  the  history  of  the  city,  and  of  the  family,  among  the 
ancients.  The  plebeians  were  not  the  clients ;  the  historians 
of  antiquity  do  not  confound  these  two  classes. 


362      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

What  constituted  the  peculiar  character  of  the  plebs 
was,  that  they  were  foreign  to  the  religious  organization 
of  the  city,  and  even  to  that  of  the  family.  By  this  we 
recognize  the  plebeian,  and  distinguish  him  from  the  client. 
The  client  shared  at  least  in  the  worship  of  his  patron,  and 
made  a  part  of  the  family  and  of  the  gens.  The  plebeian, 
at  first,  had  no  worship,  and  knew  nothing  of  the  sacred 
family. 

FUSTEL  DE  COULANGES,  La  CM  Antique,  289-291,  295,  296. 

Mass  Sovereignty  in  China 

I  will  conclude  with  a  case  which  came  under  my  own 
personal  observation,  and  which  first  set  me  definitely  on 
the  track  of  democratic  government  in  China. 

In  1882  I  was  vice-consul  at  Pagoda  Anchorage,  a  port 
near  the  famous  Foochow  Arsenal,  which  was  bombarded 
by  Admiral  Courbet  in  1884.  My  house  and  garden  were 
on  an  eminence  overlooking  the  arsenal,  which  was  about 
half  a  mile  distant.  One  morning,  after  breakfast,  the 
head  official  servant  came  to  tell  me  there  was  trouble  at 
the  arsenal.  A  military  mandarin,  employed  there  as  super- 
intendent of  some  department,  had  that  morning  early 
kicked  his  cook,  a  boy  of  seventeen,  in  the  stomach,  and 
the  boy,  a  weakly  lad,  had  died  within  an  hour.  The  boy's 
widowed  mother  was  sitting  by  the  body  in  the  mandarin's 
house,  and  a  large  crowd  of  workmen  had  formed  a  com- 
plete ring  outside,  quietly  awaiting  the  arrival  and  decision 
of  the  authorities. 

By  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  a  deputy  had  arrived 
from  the  magistracy  at  Foochow,  twelves  miles  distant, 
empowered  to  hold  the  usual  inquest  on  behalf  of  the 
magistrate.  The  inquest  was  duly  held,  and  the  verdict 
was  "accidental  homicide." 

In  shorter  time  than  it  takes  me  to  tell  the  story,  the 
deputy's  sedan-chair  and  paraphernalia  of  office  were 
smashed  to  atoms.  He  himself  was  seized,  his  official  hat 
and  robe  were  torn  to  shreds,  and  he  was  bundled  un- 
ceremoniously, not  altogether  unbruised,  through  the  back 
door  and  through  the  ring  of  onlookers,  into  the  paddy- 
fields  beyond.  Then  the  ring  closed  up  again,  and  a  low, 


Concerted   Volition  363 

threatening  murmur  broke  out  which  I  could  plainly  hear 
from  my  garden.  There  was  no  violence,  no  attempt  to 
lynch  the  man  ;  the  crowd  merely  waited  for  justice.  That 
crowd  remained  there  all  night,  encircling  the  murderer, 
the  victim,  and  the  mother.  Bulletins  were  brought  to 
me  every  hour,  and  no  one  went  to  bed. 

Meanwhile  the  news  had  reached  the  viceroy,  and  by 
half-past  nine  next  morning  the  smoke  of  a  steam  launch 
was  seen  away  up  the  bends  of  the  river.  This  time  it 
bore  the  district  magistrate  himself,  with  instructions  from 
the  viceroy  to  hold  a  new  inquest. 

At  about  ten  o'clock  he  landed,  and  was  received  with 
respectful  silence.  By  eleven  o'clock  the  murderer's  head 
was  off  and  the  crowd  had  dispersed. 

H.  A.  GILES,  China  and  the  Chinese,  104-106. 

Causes  and  Conditions  Determining  the  Prevailing  Mode 
of  Sovereignty. — The  foregoing  analysis  of  sovereignty 
has  revealed  the  essentially  psychological  nature  of  the 
phenomenon.  A  mode  of  sovereignty  is  a  mode  of  the 
social  mind,  and  as  such  is  determined  by  the  general 
mental  development  of  the  population. 

More  specifically,  the  mode  of  sovereignty  found  in  a 
given  community  at  any  given  time  is  determined  by  the 
type  of  mind  and  the  mode  of  like-mindedness  then  and 
there  prevailing. 

The  submission  of  one  will  to  another  will,  and  con- 
sequently the  obedience  yielded  by  the  mentally  inferior  to 
the  mentally  superior,  is  on  the  whole  an  instinctive  act. 
Reason  plays  little  part  in  it.  It  is  found  through- 
out the  animal  kingdom,  as  among  men.  It  occurs 
almost  unconsciously,  as  does  instinctive  action  of 
every  kind.  The  individual  who  participates  in  it 
does  not  know  why  he  surrenders  his  own  mind  to  an- 
other more  powerful.  He  does  it  as  a  dog  crouches  and 
fawns.  In  brief,  the  power  to  command  obedience  is  a 


364     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

characteristic  product  of  ideo-motor  mentality.  And  per- 
sonal sovereignty  is  found  in  an  ideo-motor  population. 

Class  sovereignty,  or  the  power  to  exact  obedience,  is 
correlated  with  a  slightly  higher  grade  of  mentality,  namely, 
the  ideo-emotional.  It  is  a  product  of  sympathetic  like- 
mindedness.  The  superior  class,  making  its  appeal  to 
reverence,  to  sentiment,  or  to  the  love  of  splendour,  ad- 
dresses the  feelings  rather  than  the  underlying  instincts 
or  the  overlying  intelligence. 

Mass  sovereignty  depends  not  only  upon  emotion,  but 
also  upon  dogma.  It  is  an  expression  of  dogmatic  like- 
mindedness.  To  create  it,  emotion  must  be  raised  to  a 
high  pitch,  and  focussed  by  dogmas  made  efficient  through 
symbols,  partisan  cries,  and  fetichistic  emblems.  A  people 
dogmatically  like-minded  for  a  longer  or  a  shorter  time 
becomes  more  or  less  fanatical,  and  its  fanaticism,  fixed 
upon  definite  objects,  is  a  chief  bond,  holding  great  num- 
bers of  individuals  in  a  state  that  may  approach  a  frenzied 
intolerance  of  disobedience. 

Finally,  that  most  complex  phenomenon,  a  general 
sovereignty,  can  appear  only  in  a  community  of  the  gen- 
erally intelligent,  who  discuss  all  public  questions  in  a 
rational  way,  and  bring  about  a  concert  of  wills  through  an 
exploitation  of  ideas,  rather  than  through  an  explosion  of 
feeling  or  an  uncontrolled  activity  of  a  merely  instinctive 
sort.  General  sovereignty  is  a  product  of  deliberation, 
that  is  to  say,  of  rational  like-mindedness. 

Government.  —  The  supreme  will  of  a  state,  in  whatever 
mode  of  sovereignty  manifested,  expresses  itself  and 
achieves  its  ends  in  various  ways,  but  chiefly  through 
Government,  which  may  be  defined  as  the  requisition, 
direction,  and  organization  of  obedience. 


Concerted  Volition  365 

The  sovereign  may  govern  directly,  or  may  delegate 
the  function  of  governing  to  authorized  ministers  or 
agents. 

Direct  government  by  a  personal  sovereign,  or  by  a 
sovereign  class,  is  rule  by  a  minority  of  the  population. 
Direct  government  by  a  sovereign  mass  is  rule  by  a  ma- 
jority, or  by  a  large  and  powerful  plurality  of  the  popula- 
tion. Direct  self-government  by  a  deliberating  sovereign 
people  is  rule  by  a  plurality  or  by  a  majority  of  the 
population. 

Delegated  authority  to  govern  may  be  vested  in  either 
a  minority  or  a  majority. 

Direct  government  by  the  sovereign  is  necessarily  an 
absolute  rule,  since  the  will  of  the  sovereign  is  the  supreme 
will.  A  personal,  or  class,  sovereign,  governing  directly, 
rules  absolutely,  and  such  government  by  such  a  sovereign 
may  be  described  as  absolute  minority  rule.  A  mass 
sovereign,  governing  directly,  governs  absolutely,  and 
such  government  by  such  a  sovereign  may  be  described 
as  absolute  majority  rule. 

Indirect  or  delegated  government  may  be  an  absolute 
or  a  limited  rule,  according  to  the  extent  of  the  authority 
delegated  by  the  sovereign. 

A  personal,  class,  mass,  or  general  sovereign  may 
delegate  to  a  minister,  or  to  a  ministerial  body,  authority 
to  govern  unconditionally.  That  is  to  say,  either  may  in- 
stitute absolute  minority  rule.  A  sovereign  mass,  or  a 
sovereign  people,  may  delegate  to  a  majority  authority  to 
govern  unconditionally.  That  is  to  say,  either  mass  or 
people  may  institute  absolute  majority  rule. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  personal,  class,  mass,  or  general 
sovereign  may  delegate  to  a  minister,  or  to  a  ministerial 


366      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

body,  authority  to  govern  conditionally  and  within  pre- 
scribed limits.  That  is  to  say,  it  may  institute  a  limited 
minority  rule.  A  sovereign  mass,  or  a  sovereign  people, 
may  delegate  to  a  majority  authority  to  govern  condition- 
ally and  within  limits.  That  is  to  say,  either  mass  or 
people  may  institute  a  limited  majority  rule. 

There  are,  then,  four  fundamental  types  of  government 
disclosed  in  the  foregoing  possibilities,  and  actually  seen 
among  men.  They  are,  namely,  Absolute  Minority  Rule, 
Limited  Minority  Rule,  Absolute  Majority  Rule,  and 
Limited  Majority  Rule. 

Limited  Minority  Rule :  Silesia 

BERLIN,  24th  February  1801. 

The  object  of  this  letter  will  be  to  give  you  an  idea  of 
the  political  constitution  of  the  province  of  Silesia.  By 
the  word  constitution,  I  do  not  here  understand  what  com- 
monly goes  by  that  name  in  our  country.  The  supreme 
power  in  this,  as  in  the  other  Prussian  provinces,  is  in  the 
hands  of  a  single  person :  it  is  a  simple  monarchy  ;  but  it 
is  governed  by  permanent  laws,  with  regular  forms ;  and 
the  various  classes  of  inhabitants  have  privileges  which 
every  king,  upon  receiving  their  homage,  promises  to 
protect  and  maintain. 

The  inhabitants  of  Silesia  are  discriminated  in  three 
classes,  by  the  names  of  nobles,  citizens  (or  rather  towns- 
men), and  peasants.  The  nobility  consist  of  the  proprietors 
of  the  mediate  principalities.  You  will  remember  to  have 
seen  in  my  former  letters  that  the  province  was  parcelled 
out,  when  under  the  Polish  government,  into  nearly 
twenty  distinct  principalities,  held  by  various  descendants 
of  the  Piast  family ;  and  that  under  the  Bohemian  dominion 
these  principalities  escheated  to  the  crown,  whenever  the 
branch  of  the  family  which  respectively  held  them  became 
extinct.  In  process  of  time  this  happened  to  them  all ; 
but  some  of  the  principalities  have  ever  since  been  held  as 
appendages  to  the  Bohemian,  and  now  to  the  Prussian, 


Concerted   Volition  367 

sceptre;  while  others,  after  the  extinction  of  the  Piasts, 
were  granted  to  other  families.  Hence  the  distinction 
prevailing  at  this  day  between  the  mediate  principalities 
possessed  by  subordinate  proprietors,  and  the  immediate 
principalities  belonging  to  the  crown.  The  privileges  of 
these  holders  of  the  mediate  principalities  are  those  of  not 
being  bound  to  do  homage  to  the  king,  otherwise  than  in 
person ;  and  of  having  a  sort  of  government  and  judicial 
courts  of  their  own  appointment,  subject  only  to  appeal  to 
the  highest  tribunal  of  the  monarchy,  to  which  alone  they 
are  themselves  personally  amenable.  Next  to  these  are 
the  owners  of  certain  free  lordships,  not  bearing  the  title 
of  principalities,  but,  like  them,  conferring  the  privilege  of 
doing  homage  in  person,  and  of  having  their  own  inferior 
courts.  Others,  which  bear  the  name  of  lesser  lordships, 
have  likewise  peculiar,  but  less  extensive  privileges.  Last 
of  all  come  the  counts,  barons,  and  nobles,  old  and  new, 
between  whose  rights  there  is  little  difference,  consisting 
principally  in  the  capacity  to  hold  a  noble  landed  estate, 
and  in  belonging  to  the  class  among  whom  all  the  high 
offices  of  state,  ecclesiastical,  civil,  and  military;  are  exclu- 
sively distributed.  The  landholders  only  have  the  right  of 
a  seat  in  the  states  of  the  provinces,  and  they  have  but  a 
limited  power  to  purchase  lands  not  previously  noble  ;  they 
are  not  allowed  to  practise  any  trade  or  mechanic  profes- 
sion, but  may  engage  in  wholesale  commerce.  The  num- 
ber of  noble  families  amounts  to  about  five  thousand. 

The  townsmen  are  the  inhabitants  of  the  cities ;  or 
rather  this  denomination  comprehends  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  province,  other  than  those  belonging  to  the  'two 
other  orders.  The  greatest  distinction  between  the  privi- 
leges of  the  nobility  and  those  of  the  townspeople  is,  that 
the  former  are  all  personal,  and  the  latter  all  corporate. 
The  townsman,  individually,  has  no  privileges ;  but,  as  a 
citizen,  partakes  of  those  which  belong  to  the  town. 
These  are  not  uniform,  and  in  former  letters  I  have 
noticed  some  which  are  peculiar  to  Breslau  and  the 
mountain-towns.  In  general  the  privileges  of  the  towns 
are — ist,  To  be  governed  by  their  own  laws  of  internal 
police,  and  by-laws;  subject,  however,  to  the  approbation 
of  the  government,  by  the  designated  provincial  tribunal. 


368     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

2d,  To  select  their  own  magistrates ;  but  this  is  exercised 
only  by  the  magistrates  themselves  ;  generally  their  places 
are  for  life,  and  the  vacancies  are  filled  up  by  the  choice 
of  the  remaining  members.  3d,  The  exclusive  right  of 
working  or  practising  in  any  of  the  corporate  trades  within 
the  city.  4th,  A  privilege,  by  the  name  of  mile-right,  by 
force  of  which  no  trade  or  mechanic  art  whatsoever, 
whether  corporate  or  not,  can  be  exercised  within  a  Ger- 
man mile  of  the  city,  but  by  the  burghers  themselves. 
And,  5th,  The  right  of  holding  annual  fairs  under  ancient 
grants  from  the  government.  All  these  things  bear  the 
name  of  privileges;  but  what  most  of  them  really  are, 
the  fairs  sufficiently  indicate.  The  principle  upon  which  the 
fairs  are  founded  is  a  momentary  suspension  of  the  exclu- 
sive rights  of  the  corporations  —  a  single  week,  during 
which  a  stranger  may  sell  a  coat,  or  a  pair  of  shoes,  or  a 
glass  of  beer  or  brandy,  within  the  town  :  this  last  privilege, 
therefore,  is  only  a  short  relief  from  the  burden  of  the  rest. 
The  burghers  form  about  one  fourth  of  the  population. 

Under  the  name  of  peasants,  are  comprised  all  the  in- 
habitants of  the  country  without  the  cities,  who  are 
employed  in  the  tillage  of  the  land,  with  the  exception  of 
those  who,  by  birth,  office,  or  some  special  privilege, 
belong  to  one  of  the  other  classes.  They  constitute  nearly 
three  quarters  of  the  population.  Of  this  great  mass  of 
the  people,  a  very  small  part  are  entirely  free.  By  the 
new  Prussian  code  of  laws,  personal  servitude  is,  indeed, 
nominally  abolished ;  but  the  services  and  duties  of  which 
it  consisted  are  not  only  retained,  but  formally  regulated  by 
law.  According  to  the  difference  of  these  services,  the 
peasants  are  distinguished  by  three  different  denominations : 
ist,  Peasants,  properly  speaking.  These  are  men  who 
possess  a  hut  and  a  small  piece  of  land,  and  are  bound 
to  do  farming  work  for  the  lord,  without  pay,  a  certain 
number  of  days  in  the  week ;  the  number  of  these  days  is 
different  upon  different  estates.  2d,  Gardeners,  or  persons 
who  hold  a  piece  of  ground,  or  a  garden,  belonging  to  the 
lordship,  upon  the  same  conditions  of  farming  work  for  the 
lord,  for  which  they  receive  a  small  and  very  inadequate 
portion  of  the  produce  of  their  labour  in  kind,  or  a  pittance 
in  money ;  for  instance,  about  five  cents  American  money 


Concerted  Volition  369 

(not  quite  twopence  "three  farthings  sterling)  by  the  day. 
3d,  Householders,  or  persons  who  hold  a  hut  without  land, 
who  subsist  by  working  as  day-labourers,  and  pay  the  lord 
a  small  tax  in  money.  All  these  people  are,  in  a  manner, 
appendages  to  the  glebe,  for  they  cannot  quit  the  ground 
to  which  they  belong  without  the  consent  of  their  lords,  or 
paying  a  sort  of  redemption  fine ;  which,  though  very  tri- 
fling, as  it  should  seem,  being  only  a  ducat,  is  yet  more  than 
most  of  them  can,  in  the  course  of  their  lives,  command.  On 
their  part,  however,  the  lords  cannot  turn  these  tenants 
away  from  the  spot  of  land  or  the  cottage  they  hold ;  nor 
can  they  sell  the  estate,  without  conveying  at  the  same 
time  the  tenant,  to  hold  with  the  same  rights  and  obliga- 
tions under  the  new  lord.  All  these  securities  in  favour  of 
the  peasants  were  introduced  and  established  by  Frederick 
II.;  for,  before  his  time,  the  tenant  was  liable  to  be  turned 
out  of  his  possession  at  the  lord's  pleasure,  and  employed 
in  domestic  service,  or  left  to  obtain  a  subsistence  as  he 
could.  Several  thousands  of  the  peasant  farms  and 
cottages  were,  in  consequence  of  such  practices,  untenanted 
and  falling  to  ruin  at  the  period  of  the  Prussian  conquest. 
Frederick  obliged  the  lords  to  rebuild  the  cottages,  provide 
them  with  the  grounds,  cattle,  farming  utensils,  etc.,  which 
had  belonged  to  them  when  previously  occupied,  and  place 
in  them  good  able-bodied  tenants,  whom  they  were  no 
longer  allowed  afterwards  to  remove.  This  system,  thus 
established,  and  rigorously  carried  into  execution,  certainly 
contributed  most  essentially  to  better  the  condition  of  the 
peasants ;  but  it  was  oppressive  upon  the  landlords,  and  a 
manifest  violation  of  their  rights  of  property.  Such  is  the 
character  of  arbitrary  power;  its  only  medicines  are  ex- 
tracts from  the  deadliest  poisons;  its  most  bounteous  chari- 
ties are  but  the  fruits  of  robbery. 

It  was  one  of  the  most  laudable  principles  of  Frederick's 
life  to  improve,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  the  condition  of  his 
subjects ;  and  an  absolute  monarch,  sincerely  and  deeply 
impressed  with  this  wish,  and  at  the  same  time  endowed 
with  the  most  extraordinary  mental  powers,  must,  in  the 
nature  of  things,  succeed  in  a  very  considerable  degree. 
Frederick  unquestionably  did  succeed ;  and,  nearly  as  the 
veneration  of  his  nation  for  his  memory  approaches  to 

2B 


370     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

idolatry,  they  know  not  half  their  obligations  to  him.  Such 
is,  however,  the  imperfection  of  every  thing  related  to 
human  nature,  that  even  the  best  intentions,  guided  by  the 
most  consummate  abilities,  and  executed  by  the  most  un- 
limited power,  are,  in  detail,  often  defeated,  and  often  but 
partially  successful.  Frederick's  measures  were  not  al- 
ways those  best  calculated  to  answer  his  designs.  Thus, 
when  by  particular  ordinances  he  made  regulations  to 
relieve  the  peasants  from  being  overburdened  by  excessive 
services,  and  prescribed  the  manner  in  which  they  might 
obtain  redress  against  the  ill  treatment  of  their  landlords, 
his  measures  were  adapted  to  their  ends,  and  in  a  great 
degree  answered  them  ;  but  when  he  not  only  forbade 
every  peasant  from  possessing  more  than  one  small  farm, 
and  even  compelled  those  who  already  possessed  more,  to 
sell  out  or  tenant  with  full-grown  sons  the  superfluous  num- 
ber, it  is  most  probable  that  his  ordinance  rather  counter- 
acted than  promoted  the  object  he  had  in  view.  It  might 
tend  to  preserve  things  in  the  state  in  which  they  were, 
and  to  prevent  the  diminution  of  the  number  of  individuals 
and  of  families  employed  in  agriculture  ;  but  it  took  off  the 
greatest  spur  of  industry,  the  hope  of  bettering  one's  own 
condition.  Where  the  farmer  is  thus  prevented  from  ever 
acquiring  possessions  beyond  those  of  absolute  necessity 
for  the  subsistence  of  his  family,  it  is  the  more  incumbent 
upon  his  government  to  devise  means  of  repairing  the 
calamities  of  accident,  of  unpropitious  seasons,  or  of  raging 
elements.  The  whole  rural  part  of  Silesia  is  therefore  dis- 
tricted out,  under  the  regulations  of  the  government,  into 
societies  of  mutual  insurance,  from  which  every  farmer 
who  has  suffered  extraordinary  damage  by  fire,  inundations, 
storms,  mortality  of  cattle,  or  other  casualty,  receives 
assistance  in  money,  labour,  and  the  articles  or  animals  he 
has  lost.  The  government  likewise  remits,  for  a  number 
of  years  proportioned  to  the  extent  of  the  misfortune,  all 
the  taxes  payable  by  the  sufferers  from  such  events ;  and 
the  farmer,  who  without  such  relief  would  be  irretrievably 
ruined,  is  thus  preserved  to  the  state,  and  restored  to 
agriculture. 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  Letters  from  Silesia,  338-350. 


Concerted  Volition  371 


The  Ideal  of  Limited  Majority  Government 

All  men  have  a  right  to  remain  in  a  state  of  nature  as 
long  as  they  please  ;  and  in  case  of  intolerable  oppression, 
civil  -or  religious,  to  leave  the  society  they  belong  to,  and 
enter  into  another. 

When  men  enter  into  society,  it  is  by  voluntary  consent ; 
and  they  have  a  right  to  demand  and  insist  upon  the  per- 
formance of  such  conditions  and  previous  limitations  as 
form  an  equitable  original  compact. 

Every  natural  right  not  expressly  given  up,  or,  from  the 
nature  of  a  social  compact,  necessarily  ceded,  remains. 

All  positive  and  civil  laws  should  conform,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, to  the  law  of  natural  reason  and  equity. 

SAMUEL  ADAMS,  The  Natural  Rights  of  the  Colonists  as  Men ;  in 
WELLS,  The  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Samuel  Adams,  Vol.  I. 
502. 

There  never  did,  there  never  will,  and  there  never  can 
exist  a  parliament  of  any  description  of  men,  or  any  gen- 
eration of  men,  in  any  country,  possessed  of  the  right  or 
the  power  of  binding  and  controlling  posterity  to  the 
"  end  of  time"  or  of  commanding  forever  how  the  world 
shall  be  governed,  or  who  shall  govern  it :  And  therefore 
all  such  clauses,  acts  or  declarations,  by  which  the  makers 
of  them  attempt  to  do  what  they  have  neither  the  right 
nor  the  power  to  do,  nor  the  power  to  execute,  are  in  them- 
selves null  and  void.  Every  age  and  generation  must  be 
as  free  to  act  for  itself,  in  all  cases,  as  the  ages  and  gen- 
erations which  preceded  it.  The  vanity  and  presumption 
of  governing  beyond  the  grave,  is  the  most  ridiculous  and 
insolent  of  all  tyrannies.  Man  has  no  property  in  man ; 
neither  has  any  generation  a  property  in  the  generations 
which  are  to  follow.  The  parliament  or  the  people  of 
1688,  or  of  any  other  period,  had  no  more  right  to  dispose 
of  the  people  of  the  present  day,  or  to  bind  or  to  control 
them  in  any  shape  whatever,  than  the  parliament  or  the 
people  of  the  present  day  have  to  dispose  of,  bind  or  con- 
trol those  who  are  to  live  a  hundred  or  a  thousand  years 
hence.  Every  generation  is  and  must  be  competent  to  all 


372      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  purposes  which  its  occasions  require.  It  is  the  living, 
and  not  the  dead,  that  are  to  be  accommodated.  When 
man  ceases  to  be,  his  power  and  his  wants  cease  with  him ; 
and  having  no  longer  any  participation  in  the  concerns  of 
this  world,  he  has  no  longer  any  authority  in  directing  who 
shall  be  its  governors,  or  how  its  government  shall  be  or- 
ganized, or  how  administered. 

THOMAS   PAINE,   The  Rights  of  Man.     The  Writings  of  Thomas 
Paine,  edited  by  CONWAY,  Vol.  II.  277,  278. 

Causes  and  Conditions  Determining  the  Form  of  Govern- 
ment. —  Like  the  modes  of  sovereignty,  the  forms  of  gov- 
ernment are  products  of  prevailing  conditions  of  the  social 
mind.  When  there  is  so  little  of  common  feeling,  including 
sympathy,  and  so  much  of  hostility  breaking  forth  in  con- 
flict, that  the  relations  of  men  one  to  another  are  those  which 
Hobbes  in  his  political  theories  described  as  a  war  of  every 
man  against  every  man, — when,  in  a  word,  instead  of  society 
there  is  chaos  and  insecurity,  men  eagerly  submit  to  any 
forceful  personality  who  can  establish  order.  The  abso- 
lutism of  the  tyrant  or  the  dictator  has  always  originated  in 
the  inability  of  men — through  excess  of  difference  and  the 
consequent  impossibility  of  like-mindedness  —  to  develop 
any  higher  form  of  concerted  volition  than  that  which  con- 
sists in  a  common  submission  to  a  supreme  and  despotic 
personality. 

Limited  minority  rule,  taking  the  form  usually  of  the 
so-called  limited  monarchy,  is  a  product  of  conditions  that 
are,  on  the  whole,  tolerable.  It  appears  in  communities 
that  have  no  need  of  the  strong  hand,  because  they 
are  capable  of  much  spontaneous  cooperation ;  in  which 
like-mindedness,  including  a  consciousness  of  kind,  is 
on  the  whole  dominant  over  differences  and  antago- 
nisms ;  in  which  men  are  glad  to  accept  leadership,  but 


Concerted   Volition  373 

will  not  submit  to  an  unconditional  exercise  of  arbitrary 
power. 

As  absolute  minority  rule  is  a  product  of  what  the  po- 
litical philosophers  have  called  a  state  of  nature,  i.e.  an 
absence  of  social  feelings  and  of  spontaneous  cooperation,  so 
absolute  majority  rule  arises  as  a  product  of  revolt  against 
oppression.  When  the  masses,  becoming  solidified  by  a 
common  experience  of  wrong  and  suffering,  and  in  common 
responding  to  the  stimuli  of  indignation  and  hope,  make 
common  cause  against  the  despot  or  the  privileged  class, 
they  waive  all  questions  of  minority,  or  individual,  rights  in 
the  conviction  that  the  cause  for  which  they  struggle  de- 
mands the  unconditional  surrender  of  individual  wills  to  a 
collective  will.  They  refuse  to  tolerate  differences  of  opin- 
ion and  of  conduct,  on  the  plea  that  he  who  will  not  throw 
in  his  fortunes  with  the  majority,  prefers  to  remain  under 
oppression,  and  therefore  must  not  complain  if  the  major- 
ity, seeking  its  own  supreme  interest,  oppresses  him. 
Absolute  majority  rule  is  closely  correlated  with  revolution- 
ary conditions,  political  or  industrial.  It  is  characteristic 
at  the  present  time  of  the  organized  labour  movement  in  its 
resistance  to  consolidated  capitalistic  interests. 

Limited  majority  rule  can  appear  only  when  the  com- 
munity is  on  the  whole  homogeneous,  and  composed  of 
individuals  approximately  equal  in  ability  and  in  condition. 
Such  a  community  will  not  confer  absolute  authority  even 
upon  a  majority.  It  will  reserve  individual  and  minority 
rights  that  governments  may  not  override.  This  is  the  prin- 
ciple and  the  policy  of  constitutional  limitations,  which, 
though  they  may  be  embodied  in  written  constitutions,  are 
actually  observed  only  in  those  states  whose  populations 
are  so  far  homogeneous  and  like-minded  that  even  their 


374     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

governmental  activities  are  in  reality  more  like  forms  of 
spontaneous  cooperation  than  like  an  overruling  direction.1 

The  Work  of  Cooperation  :  Complex  Activities 

It  was  shown  that  cooperation  consists  of  like  activities, 
by  similarly  responding  individuals,  which  are  correlated  and 
brought  to  bear  upon  some  particular  task  that  is  useful,  or 
at  least  is  supposed  to  be  useful.  We  have  now  to  observe 
and  to  analyze  the  work  that  cooperation  achieves. 

Appreciation,  utilization,  characterization,  and  socializa- 
tion are  the  simple  modes  of  all  the  practical  activities 
known  to  a  social  population.  These  simple  modes,  how- 
ever, are  variously  combined  in  four  great  groups  of  com- 
plex activities,  the  essential  character  of  each  of  which  is 
determined  by  the  predominance  of  some  one  of  the 
primitive  modes  of  practical  activity.  The  work  of  cooper- 
ation always  consists  in  carrying  on  and  developing  the 
complex  activities. 

This  work  may  be  achieved  by  private  or  by  public 
cooperation.  Usually  it  is  undertaken  and  achieved  by 
private  and  public  cooperation  in  combination. 

Since  each  group  of  complex  activities  includes  both  the 
purely  mental  processes  of  appreciation,  and  the  motor 
processes  of  utilization,  it  is  necessary  to  regard  each  group 
of  complex  activities  from  both  the  intellectual  and  the 
practical  standpoint  —  as  a  development  of  ideas  through 
communication,  association  and  other  modes  of  concerted 
volition,  and  as  an  outward  manifestation  in  conduct,  also 
developed  by  concerted  volition. 

1  For  a  more  adequate  discussion  of  the  foregoing  conceptions,  see  Giddings, 
Sovereignty  and  Government,  Political  Science  Quarterly,  Vol.  XXI.  No.  I, 
March,  1906,  1-27. 


Concerted  Volition  375 

Outward  action,  in  turn,  or  concerted  conduct,  presents 
two  aspects.  One  is  that  of  action  as  such,  irrespective  of 
the  forms  that  it  assumes,  or  the  modes  of  organization  de- 
veloped by  those  who  participate.  The  second  aspect  is 
that  of  the  forms  which  concerted  action  assumes.  If 
relatively  enduring,  these  forms  constitute  social  organiza- 
tion. The  study  of  forms  is  a  large  subject  by  itself,  and 
will  be  taken  up  in  Part  III.  In  the  present  chapter  we  have 
to  do  only  with  concerted  thought  and  action  as  such. 

Cultural  Thought  and  Activity. —  The  cooperative  de- 
velopment of  appreciation  is  called  Culture.  Cultural 
activity  is  appreciation  complicated  by  utilization,  charac- 
terization, and  socialization. 

The  elementary  cultural  ideas  are  those  pertaining  to 
language  and  its  development. 

Any  name  actually  in  use  is  the  offspring  of  many  minds. 
An  object  may  have  suggested  its  own  vocal  or  written 
sign,  but  the  sign  actually  in  use  is  a  product  of  countless 
imitations.  Through  imitation  it  has  become  conventional- 
ized. In  like  manner,  the  ideas  conveyed  by  language  are 
a  product  of  countless  suggestions,  cooperatively  developed. 
Conceptual  thinking  is  cooperative  thinking. 

Next  in  simplicity  to  linguistic  ideas  are  ideas  known 
to  ethnologists  by  the  name  "  animistic,"  suggested  by 
Professor  E.  B.  Tylor.  Children  and  savages,  and  many 
ignorant  persons  in  civilized  communities,  conceive  of  in- 
animate objects  as  personal.  Beliefs  about  their  supposed 
habits  and  powers  constitute  a  large  part  of  the  culture  of 
savage  communities.  Animals,  in  like  manner,  are  con- 
ceived as  being  like  men,  not  only  in  their  power  of  volun- 
tary motion,  but  also  in  powers  of  thought,  imagination, 
and  purpose. 


376      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Animistic  thought  survives  in  important  cultural  phe- 
nomena of  highly  developed  communities.  The  habit  of 
personification  is  one  which  the  human  mind  does  not  out- 
grow. 

Crude  or  developed  animistic  thought  is  differentiated 
into  two  great  groups  of  ideas.  One  consists  of  animistic 
interpretations  of  the  finite ;  the  other  consists  of  animistic 
interpretations  of  the  infinite.  The  first  group  includes  all 
personifications  of  familiar  objects  and  acts,  that  is,  all 
conceptions  of  them  as  personal,  or  as  proceeding  from 
personality.  These  are  aesthetic  or  artistic  ideas,  and  they 
are  further  differentiated  into  the  plastic  and  the  poetic. 
The  other  group  of  animistic  ideas  includes  ideas  of  a  first 
cause,  of  creation,  of  the  beginning  of  life,  of  death,  and  of 
the  possibility  of  existence  after  death.  These  collectively 
are  religious  ideas,  and  religion  in  general  may  be  defined 
as  the  animistic  interpretation  of  the  infinite. 

Poetic  ideas  of  finite  things  shade  imperceptibly  into 
religious  ideas  of  infinity.  Thus  the  worship  of  animals 
has  prevailed  in  every  part  of  the  world,  and  it  yet  survives 
among  savage  peoples.  But  animals,  when  worshipped, 
are  conceived  as  having  extraordinary  powers,  as  having  ex- 
isted from  a  dim  past  and  played  a  role  in  the  work  of 
creation,  and  as  having  a  possibility  of  continued  existence 
after  apparent  death.  In  other  words,  in  primitive  animistic 
thought,  notions  of  the  finite  and  of  the  infinite,  poetic 
ideas  and  religious  ideas,  are  not  yet  discriminated. 

Nearly  as  primitive,  possibly  quite  as  primitive,  as 
animistic  ideas  are  those  curious  notions  which  collectively 
make  up  the  body  of  conceptions  known  as  magic.  The 
fundamental  idea  in  magic  is  that  of  some  mysterious  con- 
nection or  association  between  one  thing  and  another,  or 


Concerted  Volition  377 

between  a  part  and  the  whole,  such  that  the  one  always 
controls  or  influences  the  other.  In  savage  thought  this 
idea  is  expanded  until  it  becomes  a  belief  that,  for  ex- 
ample, by  burning  a  lock  of  hair  the  individual  to  whom 
the  hair  originally  belonged  can  be  tortured  or  destroyed, 
and  even  that  by  inflicting  indignities  upon  a  mere  image, 
the  original  of  the  image  may  be  made  to  suffer.  Control 
by  means  of  imitation  is  known  as  imitative  magic,  and 
control  by  means  of  a  former  contact  or  participation  is 
called  sympathetic  magic. 

Imitative  magic  has  played  a  large  part  in  the  economic 
life  of  primitive  mankind.  For  example,  the  tribesmen  of 
Central  Australia,  depending  largely  upon  the  witchity 
grub  as  a  food  supply,  make  bowers  in  imitation  of  the 
cocoon,  and  perform  elaborate  dances  in  imitation  of  the 
emergence  of  the  grub,  believing  that  thereby  they  cause 
the  grubs  to  multiply.  Endless  folk  customs  and  super- 
stitions still  surviving  are  the  offspring  of  ancient  magic. 
As  animism  is  the  root  idea  of  religion,  so  magic  is  the 
root  idea  of  metaphysics,  with  its  assumption  of  essences, 
mysterious  relationships,  action  at  a  distance,  and  so  on. 

Later  in  development  than  the  linguistic,  the  animistic, 
and  the  magical  ideas,  and  grasped  by  fewer  minds,  are 
cultural  ideas  of  a  fourth  class,  namely,  the  scientific.  The 
simplest  scientific  notions  are  those  of  counting,  measuring, 
weighing,  and  classifying.  From  these  ultimately  are 
developed  generalizations  and  conceptions  of  law  and  cause. 

Cultural  activities  are  directly  related  to  these  four 
classes  of  cultural  ideas. 

Directly  related  to  linguistic  ideas  are  those  partly  imi- 
tative, partly  conscious  acts,  maintained  and  developed  by 
concerted  volition,  which  collectively  we  call  manners.  Re- 


378     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

lated  to  linguistic,  to  archaic  animistic,  and  to  magical  ideas 
are  concerted  activities  in  the  ceremonial  development  of 
manners. 

Directly  related  to  archaic  animistic  ideas  and  to  magic 
are  concerted  activities  in  the  ceremonial  use  and  develop- 
ment of  costume. 

Corresponding  to  archaic  animistic  ideas,  both  poetic 
and  religious,  and  to  ideas  of  magic,  are  the  concerted 
activities  of  festivity  and  social  amusement. 

Largely  developed  by  the  social  amusements,  and,  like 
them,  corresponding  to  animistic  and  magical  ideas,  both 
poetic  and  religious,  are  the  aesthetic  arts  and  all  concerted 
activity  in  developing  them. 

Corresponding  to  religious  ideas  are  those  forms  of  con- 
certed action  constituting  worship,  revivals,  pilgrimages, 
and  the  more  elaborate  religious  ceremonies.  Religious 
cooperation,  like  cooperation  in  social  pleasure,  has  always 
reacted  powerfully  upon  socialization  and  the  further  de- 
velopment of  concerted  volition. 

Corresponding  to  scientific  ideas  are  cooperative  under- 
takings in  exploration  and  research,  and  in  the  recording 
and  transmission  of  knowledge. 

Cultural  ideas  arise  in  individual  minds,  and,  for  the 
most  part,  are  developed,  at  least  in  the  earlier  stages  of 
their  history,  by  private  cooperation  ;  but  sooner  or  later 
they  always  receive  the  stamp  of  public  cooperation. 

The  sovereign  undertakes  to  mould  them,  not  without 
success,  by  authoritative  definition,  by  suggestion,  by 
recommendation  and  promulgation,  or  by  the  opposite 
course  of  repression.  The  active  agents  of  the  sovereign 
in  this  effort  have  been  state  priesthoods,  public  censors, 
and  ministers  of  instruction. 


Concerted  Volition  379 

Cultural  activities  are  carried  on  chiefly  by  private  or 
voluntary  cooperation,  but  in  every  natural  society  they  are 
carried  on  also  by  public  cooperation.  The  state  gives 
banquets,  and  provides  public  entertainments.  It  en- 
courages literature  and  art,  and  provides  for  many  scientific 
researches,  for  which  private  resources  would  be  inad- 
equate. 

Primitive  Magic 

Side  by  side  with  the  view  of  the  world  as  pervaded  by 
spiritual  forces,  primitive  man  has  another  conception  in 
which  we  may  detect  a  germ  of  the  modern  notion  of 
natural  law  or  the  view  of  nature  as  a  series  of  events 
occurring  in  an  invariable  order  without  the  intervention  of 
personal  agency.  The  germ  of  which  I  speak  is  involved 
in  that  sympathetic  magic,  as  it  may  be  called,  which  plays 
a  large  part  in  most  systems  of  superstition. 

Manifold  as  are  the  applications  of  this  crude  philosophy 
—  for  a  philosophy  it  is  as  well  as  an  art  —  the  fundamental 
principles  on  which  it  is  based  would  seem  to  be  reducible 
to  two :  first,  that  like  produces  like,  or  that  an  effect  re- 
sembles its  cause  ;  and  second,  that  things  which  have  once 
been  in  contact,  but  have  ceased  to  be  so,  continue  to  act 
on  each  other  as  if  the  contact  still  persisted.  From  the 
first  of  these  principles  the  savage  infers  that  he  can  pro- 
duce any  desired  effect  merely  by  imitating  it ;  from  the 
second  he  concludes  that  he  can  influence  at  pleasure  and 
at  any  distance  any  person  of  whom,  or  anything  of  which, 
he  possesses  a  particle.  Magic  of  the  latter  sort,  resting  as 
it  does  on  the  belief  in  a  certain  secret  sympathy  which 
unites  indissolubly  things  that  have  once  been  connected 
with  each  other,  may  appropriately  be  termed  sympathetic 
in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term.  Magic  of  the  former  kind,  in 
which  the  supposed  cause  resembles  or  simulates  the  sup- 
posed effect,  may  conveniently  be  described  as  imitative 
or  mimetic.  But  inasmuch  as  the  efficacy  even  of  imitative 
magic  must  be  supposed  to  depend  on  a  certain  physical  in- 
fluence or  sympathy  linking  the  imaginary  cause  or  sub- 
ject to  the  imaginary  effect  or  object,  it  seems  desirable  to 


380     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

retain  the  name  "  sympathetic  magic  "  as  a  general  designa- 
tion to  include  both  branches  of  the  art.  In  practice  the  two 
are  often  conjoined ;  or,  to  speak  more  exactly,  while  imitative 
magic  may  be  practised  by  itself,  sympathetic  magic  in  the 
strict  sense  will  generally  be  found  to  involve  an  applica- 
tion of  the  mimetic  principle.  This  will  be  more  readily  un- 
derstood from  the  examples  with  which  I  will  now  illustrate 
both  branches  of  the  subject,  beginning  with  the  imitative. 

Perhaps  the  most  familiar  application  of  the  principle 
that  like  produces  like  is  the  attempt  which  has  been  made 
by  many  peoples  in  many  ages  to  injure  or  destroy  an 
enemy  by  injuring  or  destroying  an  image  of  him,  in  the 
belief  that,  just  as  the  image  surfers  so  does  the  man,  and 
that  when  it  perishes  he  must  die.  A  few  instances  out  of 
many  may  be  given  to  prove  at  once  the  wide  diffusion  of 
the  practice  over  the  world  and  its  remarkable  persistence 
through  the  ages.  For  thousands  of  years  ago  it  was 
known  to  the  sorcerers  of  ancient  India,  Babylon,  and 
Egypt  as  well  as  of  Greece  and  Rome,  and  at  this  day  it 
is  still  resorted  to  by  cunning  and  malignant  savages  in 
Australia,  Africa,  and  Scotland.  Thus,  for  example,  when 
an  Ojebway  Indian  desires  to  work  evil  on  any  one,  he 
makes  a  little  wooden  image  of  his  enemy  and  runs  a 
needle  into  its  head  or  heart,  or  he  shoots  an  arrow  into 
it,  believing  that  wherever  the  needle  pierces  or  the  arrow 
strikes  the  image,  his  foe  will  the  same  instant  be  seized 
with  a  sharp  pain  in  the  corresponding  part  of  his  body  ;  but 
if  he  intends  to  kill  the  person  outright,  he  burns  or  buries 
the  puppet,  uttering  certain  magic  words  as  he  does  so. 

A  Malay  charm  of  the  same  sort  is  as  follows.  Take 
parings  of  nails,  hair,  eyebrows,  spittle,  and  so  forth,  of 
your  intended  victim,  enough  to  represent  every  part  of 
his  person,  and  then  make  them  up  into  his  likeness  with 
wax  from  a  deserted  bees'  comb.  Scorch  the  figure  slowly 
by  holding  it  over  a  lamp  every  night  for  seven  nights, 
and  say  :  — 

"  It  is  not  wax  that  I  am  scorching, 
It  is  the  liver,  heart,  and  spleen  of  So-and-so  that  I  scorch." 

After  the  seventh  time  burn  the  figure,  and  your  victim 
will  die.  Another  form  of  the  Malay  charm,  which  re- 


Concerted  Volition  38 1 

sembles  the  Ojebway  practice  still  more  closely,  is  to  make 
a  corpse  of  wax  from  an  empty  bees'  comb  and  of  the 
length  of  a  footstep :  then  pierce  the  eye  of  the  image, 
and  your  enemy  is  blind ;  pierce  the  stomach,  and  he  is 
sick ;  pierce  the  head,  and  his  head  aches ;  pierce  the 
breast,  and  his  breast  will  suffer.  If  you  would  kill  him 
outright,  transfix  the  image  from  the  head  downwards  ; 
enshroud  it  as  you  would  a  corpse  ;  pray  over  it  as  if  you 
were  praying  over  the  dead  ;  then  bury  it  in  the  middle  of 
a  path  where  your  victim  will  be  sure  to  step  over  it.  In 
order  that  his  blood  may  not  be  on  your  head,  you  should 
say  :  — 

"  It  is  not  I  who  am  burying  him, 
It  is  Gabriel  who  is  burying  him." 

Thus  the  guilt  of  the  murder  will  be  laid  on  the  shoulders 
of  the  archangel  Gabriel,  who  is  a  great  deal  better  able  to 
bear  it  than  you  are.  In  eastern  Java  an  enemy  may  be 
killed  by  means  of  a  likeness  of  him  drawn  on  a  piece 
of  paper,  which  is  then  incensed  or  buried  in  the  ground. 

FRAZER,  The  Golden  Bough,  Vol.  1.9-11. 

Survivals  of  Ancient  Religion  in  Thuringia 

In  the  still  primitive  region  of  Thuringia,  however,  the 
great  periods  of  rejoicing  among  the  people  are  principally 
in  celebration  of  the  advent  of  the  more  pleasant  seasons. 
Christmas,  in  Saxony,  is  regarded  as  a  feast  comparatively 
secondary  to  that  of  the  New  Year ;  for  though  there  are 
three  days'  holidays  connected  with  the  Nativity,  still  the 
feast  of  Weiknachten,  which  signifies  literally  the  holy  or 
consecrated  nights,  from  weihen,  to  dedicate  to  sacred  pur- 
poses (Latin  ven-eror)  is  by  no  means  of  the  same  joyous 
character  as  with  us.  Whereas  New  Year's  Day  in  Ger- 
many, as  in  France,  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  chief  holi- 
days of  the  twelvemonth.  There  is  no  doubt,  however, 
that  our  merry-makings  at  Christmas  are  merely  the 
remains  of  the  festivities  in  which  our  Saxon  fore- 
fathers were  wont  to  indulge  at  the  change  of  the  year ; 
even  as  the  "  wassail  songs  "  and  bowls  customary  with  us 
on  such  occasions,  and  concerning  the  meaning  of  which 


382     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

so  much  philological  nonsense  has  been  written,  were 
merely  verses  and  drinks  dedicated  to  the  principal  change 
in  the  length  of  the  days  at  that  period  —  the  German 
word  wechsel,  as  we  have  said,  having  come  in  the  course 
of  time  to  be  thus  corrupted. 

True,  Christmas-trees  are  general  in  all  Lutheran  fam- 
ilies throughout  Germany ;  but  such  trees,  we  know,  are 
comparatively  modern  innovations,  and  the  gifts  which  with 
us  are  usual  on  "boxing-day,"  are  in  Germany  invariably 
reserved  for  the  first  day  of  the  New  Year.  So,  again,  instead 
of  any  feast  being  held  on  Christmas  Eve,  the  orgy  is  re- 
served among  the  Germans  for  the  last  night  of  the  old 
year,  when  everybody  thinks  himself  called  upon  to  eat 
lentils  and  herrings,  and  to  sit  up  drinking  wassail-bowls 
till  midnight,  so  that  the  New  Year  may  be  duly  welcomed 
in ;  while  on  the  morrow,  all  who  can  in  any  way  afford 
the  expense,  think  themselves  bound  to  make  a  " Partie" 
as  it  is  called,  or,  in  other  words,  to  join  in  some  excursion 
into  the  country. 

So  again,  at  Easter  and  Whitsuntide,  the  national  rejoic- 
ings are  more  connected  with  welcoming  the  return  of  the 
spring  than  those  religious  rites  with  which  they  have  been 
associated  by  the  Fathers  of  the  Church  ;  for  on  "  Green- 
Thursday,"  or  the  day  before  Good  Friday,  it  is  customary 
to  collect  the  greenest  moss  to  be  found  in  the  woods,  and 
to  shape  this  into  birds'  nests,  or  hares'  nests  as  they  are 
sometimes  called,  which,  after  they  have  been  secretly 
filled  with  the  sugar  eggs  that  every  confectioner's  shop  is 
crammed  with  at  this  period  of  the  year,  are  hidden  in  all 
kinds  of  by-places  and  corners  about  the  house  for  the 
young  children  to  find.  Of  the  mystic  meaning  of  this  old 
pagan  custom  —  and  indeed  of  the  Catholic  Easter  Eggs 
themselves — we  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  hereafter. 
At  the  same  season  it  is  usual  for  all  manners  of  cakes  to 
be  baked,  as  well  as  dough  images  of  little  hares  to  be 
placed  in  the  nests,  together  with  bright-coloured  or  sugar 
eggs,  for  the  little  ones. 

At  the  same  period,  too,  long  excursions  are  made  into 
the  country,  and  the  highest  mountain-tops  visited,  so  that 
the  sun  may  be  seen  to  come  up  from  behind  the  great 
chain  of  hills  at  daybreak. 


Concerted  Volition  383 

Moreover,  on  Easter  Eve  the  curious  custom  prevails 
among  the  girls  of  Thuringia  to  fetch  water  from  the 
nearest  brook  (for  unless  the  stream  be  a  running  one,  the 
fluid,  it  is  said,  is  of  no  avail)  wherewith  to  wash  their  faces ; 
for  the  belief  runs  that  if  the  water  be  collected  as  the 
clock  strikes  twelve,  on  the  night  before  Easter  Sunday, 
without  a  word  being  spoken  either  at  the  brook-side  or  on 
the  way  home,  it  has  the  wonderful  charm  of  beautifying 
all  those  maidens  who  may  bathe  their  cheeks  in  it.  Fur- 
ther :  at  Whitsuntide  the  holidays  have  more  to  do  with 
the  approach  of  summer  than  any  movable  feast  of  the 
Christian  Church ;  for  then  large  branches  of  newly-bud- 
ding birch-trees  are  sold  in  the  market-places,  and  these 
are  stuck  in  pots  in  each  corner  of  the  room  as  a  sign  that 
the  earth  is  once  more  bursting  into  leaf  and  blossom.  At 
this  season,  too,  almost  all  the  families  go  out  with  their 
children  long  before  daylight  into  the  woods,  so  as  to  eat 
their  breakfast  there  at  sunrise,  within  some  newly- made 
natural  bower.  Then  the  students  flock  to  the  Thuringian 
capital,  and  the  hotel  or  inn  at  which  they  put  up  is  made 
a  mass  of  green,  for  the  occasion ;  while  the  University 
scholars  set  out  in  a  long  procession  with  banners  flying 
and  music  playing  to  the  top  of  the  Wartburg  Hill,  there 
to  make  the  woods  resound  either  with  their  student  hymn 
of  "  Gaudeamus  igitur"  or  else  to  make  the  air  reverberate 
with  some  other  fine  student-choral.  Indeed,  from  almost 
every  hill-top,  for  miles  round  about  the  city,  the  sounds  of 
song  and  rejoicing  are  heard  at  this  season  of  the  year. 
******* 

The  above  account  includes  all  the  principal  feasts  and 
ceremonies  observed  on  the  high-days  and  holidays  at  the 
different  seasons  of  the  year  throughout  Thuringia.  True, 
many  of  them,  at  the  present  day,  occur  at  the  periods  with 
which  some  Christian  rite  has  come  to  be  connected ;  but 
history  teaches  us  that  such  public  rejoicings  existed  long 
before  the  introduction  of  Christianity,  and  that  they  were 
essentially  connected  with  that  kind  of  paganism  or  my- 
thology which  consisted  in  the  worship  of  the  different 
brute  forms  and  powers  of  Nature,  rather  than  the  omni- 
scient God  of  Creation  Himself.  And  we  know,  moreover, 
that  it  was  the  custom  of  the  early  Fathers  of  the  Catholic 


384     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Church  to  give  to  those  feasts  and  holidays,  to  which  they 
found  the  heathen  people  of  every  country  too  strongly 
attached  to  be  induced  to  forego  them,  some  Christian 
rendering,  or  some  religious  connection  or  other ;  so  that, 
while  the  old  forms  of  rejoicing  were  maintained,  a  new 
meaning  was  attached  to  them.  And  thus  the  old  Saxon 
Yule-festival  at  the  change  of  the  year,  came  to  be  trans- 
lated into  the  feast  of  the  Nativity ;  the  worship  of  the 
Saxon  maiden-goddess,  Eostra,  at  the  beginning  of  the 
springtime  to  be  changed  into  rites  in  commemoration  of 
the  Crucifixion  and  Resurrection  of  the  Saviour;  even  as 
the  old  heathen  holidays  or  rejoicings  at  Whitsuntide,  in 
celebration  of  the  approach  of  summer,  came,  in  the  course 
of  time,  to  be  connected  with  the  feast  of  the  Pentecost. 

HENRY  MAYHEW,    German  Life  and  Manners  as  Seen  in  Saxony, 
Vol.  II.  339-342,  345-346. 

Economic  Thought  and  Activity. — The  cooperative  de- 
velopment of  utilization  is  the  chief  process  in  economic 
activity ;  yet  economic  activity  is  more  than  utilization.  It 
is  the  complex  product  of  utilization  in  combination  with 
appreciation,  characterization,  and  socialization.  Utiliza- 
tion is  possible  only  to  the  extent  that  through  apprecia- 
tion we  have  mentally  grasped  the  environment  which  we 
would  adapt  to  our  own  purposes.  Moreover,  to  carry  on 
economic  activity  men  must  not  only  have  the  instinct 
to  utilize  and  the  habit  of  trying  experiments,  in  adapting 
the  external  world  to  themselves,  but  they  must  have 
acquired  that  discipline  of  character  which  enables  them 
to  work  persistently  and  with  intelligent  purpose  ;  and  they 
must  further  have  formed  the  habit  of  helping  one  another 
in  their  work  in  all  possible  ways.  Economic  activity, 
then,  is  a  moralized  and  socialized  process  of  utilization. 

Economic  ideas  include  many  animistic  and  magical 
beliefs  in  combination  with  scientific  conceptions  of  man's 
relation  to  his  environment 


Concerted  Volition  385 

Accordingly  the  economic  ideas  of  a  people  must  be 
described  as,  on  the  whole,  animistic,  if  superstition  and 
an  unlimited  belief  in  luck,  reliance  on  omens,  signs,  and 
magic,  govern  their  hunting,  fishing,  agriculture,  and  in- 
dustrial arts  ;  as,  on  the  whole,  scientific,  if  scientific  notions 
of  utility,  of  productive  labour,  of  capital,  and  of  organi- 
zation control. 

The  larger  part  of  the  economic  thinking  of  each 
individual  is  borrowed  from  his  predecessors  of  former 
generations,  and  most  of  the  remainder  from  his  contem- 
poraries. The  final  form  which  his  economic  ideas  assume, 
however,  is,  in  nearly  all  cases,  determined  by  his  actual 
economic  cooperation  with  his  business  associates  or  fel- 
low-workmen. 

Economic  activities,  maintained  by  concerted  volition, 
are  developed  out  of  and  coordinated  with  the  purely 
organic  activities  of  physical  life,  and  the  instinctive  utili- 
zation practised  by  the  lower  animals. 

The  system  of  activities  and  relations,  including  natural 
selection  and  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  which  determines 
the  well-being  of  physical  organisms  devoid  of  mentality, 
may  be  called  an  Organic  Economy. 

The  activities  and  relationships  into  which  instinct  enters 
as  a  controlling  factor,  and  which  determine  the  well-being 
of  animal  life,  may  be  called  an  Instinctive  Economy. 

Supplementing  the  organic  and  the  instinctive  economy 
in  savage,  barbarian,  and  the  more  ignorant  civil  communi- 
ties, are  numberless  ceremonial  activities  based  upon  ani- 
mistic and  magical  conceptions,  and  having  for  their  object 
success  in  hunting  or  fishing,  the  fertility  of  flocks  and 
herds,  the  fertility  of  the  land,  or  the  control  of  rain  and 
sun.  These  constitute  a  Ceremonial  Economy. 

2C 


386     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Largely  replacing  such  ceremonies  in  all  more  highly 
civilized  communities  are  the  cooperative  activities  of  a 
Business  Economy,  including  the  development  of  the  house- 
hold, the  conduct  of  trade,  and  organized  industry  with  its 
more  or  less  complex  division  of  labour.  Incidental  to  these 
developments  of  cooperation  in  civilization  are  the  phe- 
nomena of  concerted  volition  in  financial  or  industrial 
"  booms,"  crazes,  panics,  and  strikes. 

Together,  the  organic,  the  instinctive,  and  the  ceremonial 
economies  of  the  world  of  vegetation,  of  animal  life,  and 
of  primitive  man,  are  a  Consumption  Economy,  which  is 
antecedent  historically  as  well  as  psychologically  to  the 
Production  Economy  of  the  modern  world. 

The  consumption  economy  increases  well-being  not  so 
much  by  producing  goods  through  cultivation,  breeding,  or 
manufacture  as  by  so  diversifying  wants  and  satisfactions 
that  the  adaptation  of  organism  and  environment  to  one 
another  is  wider  in  its  basis  and  more  stable  than  it  can 
be  when  consumption  is  simple.  The  diversification  of 
wants  and  satisfactions  begins  in  the  multiplication  of 
organisms  through  reproduction,  and  in  the  evolution 
of  social  relations.  It  is  continued  and  perfected  by  the 
evolution  of  culture,  which  springs  from  the  mimetic 
faculty.  The  consumption  economy  by  thus  determining 
habits  and  motives  creates  the  standard  of  living,  and  the 
standard  of  living,  in  turn,  when  mental  evolution  has 
achieved  the  transition  to  a  production  economy,  determines 
the  extent  of  wealth  production.1 

Economic  cooperation  is  either  public  or  private.      The 

1  For  a  detailed  exposition  of  the  foregoing  topics  see  Giddings,  The  Eco- 
nomic Ages,  Political  Science  Quarterly,  Vol.  XVI.  No.  2,  June  1901,  193- 
221,  and  The  Economic  Significance  of  Culture,  ibid.,  Vol.  XVIII.  No.  3,  Sept. 
i  449-461. 


Concerted  Volition  387 

economic  activity  of  the  state  is  known  as  public  economy 
or  as  public  finance. 

Moral  Thought  and  Activity.  —  The  cooperative  de- 
velopment of  characterization  is  morality,  or  moral  activity. 
Morality,  however,  like  cultural  and  economic  activity,  is  a 
complex  process.  With  the  relatively  simple  activity  of 
characterization  are  combined  the  activities  of  appreciation, 
of  utilization,  and  of  socialization,  each  of  which,  through 
concerted  volition,  is  brought  to  bear  upon  the  develop- 
ment of  character. 

Moral  ideas,  as  developed  by  private  cooperation,  in- 
clude notions  of  conduct  as  injurious  or  beneficial  to  the 
community,  and  as  therefore  deserving  of  approbation,  or 
of  disapprobation,  praise  or  blame,  reward  or  punishment, 
conceptions  that  develop  into  notions  of  right  and  wrong. 

Specific  kinds  of  conduct  thus  falling  under  the  categories 
of  right  and  wrong  are :  acts  of  violence,  fidelity  and  treach- 
ery, the  keeping  and  breaking  of  pledges,  the  performing 
of  agreements,  truth  telling  and  lying,  sexual  mating,  and 
the  dealings  of  parents  and  children,  brothers  and  sisters, 
and  other  relatives  with  one  another. 

The  quality  of  moral  ideas  varies  within  rather  wide 
limits,  according  as  they  are  products  of  sympathetic,  of 
dogmatic,  or  of  deliberative  like-mindedness.  For  mere  tra- 
ditional belief  s  about  right  and  wrong  deliberation  substitutes 
rational  conceptions  of  goodness  or  "  the  good,"  and, 
by  implication,  of  their  opposites,  badness  or  evil. 

Moral  ideas,  developed  by  public  authority,  become  legal 
or  juristic  ideas,  and  moral  principles  become  rules  of  law. 

The  original  content  of  a  rule  of  law  is  one  of  those 
notions  of  right  or  wrong  already  mentioned,  a  principle 
of  action  which  experience  has  demonstrated,  and  which 


388      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

discussion  has  reduced  to  intelligible  formulation.  Such 
a  principle  becomes  a  rule  of  law  when  it  is  authoritatively 
affirmed  by  the  community  as  a  whole,  through  its  govern- 
ment, or  in  its  capacity  as  the  state,  as  a  rule  of  conduct 
which  all  men  must  obey,  and  when  it  is  enforced  by  the 
infliction  of  penalties  for  disobedience.  More  briefly,  law 
is  morality  enforced  by  public  cooperation. 

Voluntary  concerted  activity  in  moral  matters  takes  the 
form  of  common  tolerations  and  abstinences,  social  con- 
demnation, boycotting,  hazing,  mobbing,  lynching,  or  other 
collective  vengeance  not  inflicted  by  public  authority. 

Public  moral  activity  —  i.e.  juristic  activity  —  is  an  en- 
forcement of  the  rules  of  law. 

Enforcement  takes  the  form  of  judgment  and  execution 
by  authorized  agents  of  the  public.  An  enforced  public 
arbitration  terminates  private  disputes.  Public  accusa- 
tion, trial,  and  solemn  punishment  are  substituted  for  pri- 
vate vengeance  and  lynching. 

An  important  achievement  of  deliberative  like-minded- 
ness  and  the  progress  of  scientific  thought  is  the  substitu- 
tion, in  judicial  proceedings,  and  as  the  basis  of  legal 
proof,  of  true  objective  evidence  obtained  by  inductive 
methods,  for  oaths,  compurgations,  and  ordeals,  character- 
istic of  the  ages  of  dogma. 

Doom  Concerning  Hot  Iron  and  Water 

And  concerning  the  ordeal  we  enjoin  by  command  of 
God,  and  of  the  archbishop,  and  of  all  bishops  :  that  no 
man  come  within  the  Church  after  the  fire  is  borne  in  with 
which  the  ordeal  shall  be  heated,  except  the  mass-priest, 
and  him  who  shall  go  thereto :  and  let  there  be  measured 
nine  feet  from  the  stake  to  the  mark,  by  the  man's  feet 
who  goes  thereto.  But  if  it  be  water,  let  it  be  heated  till  it 


Concerted  Volition  389 

low  to  boiling.  And  be  the  kettle  of  iron  or  of  brass,  of  lead 
or  of  clay.  And  if  it  be  a  single  accusation,  let  the  hand 
dive  after  the  stone  up  to  the  wrist ;  and  if  it  be  threefold, 
up  to  the  elbow.  And  when  the  ordeal  is  ready,  then  let 
two  men  go  in  of  either  side  ;  and  be  they  agreed  that  it  is 
so  hot  as  we  before  have  said.  And  let  go  in  an  equal 
number  of  men  of  either  side,  and  stand  on  both  sides  of  the 
ordea.,  along  the  church ;  and  let  these  all  be  fasting,  and 
abstinent  from  their  wives  on  that  night ;  and  let  the  mass- 
priest  sprinkle  holy  water  over  them  all,  and  let  each  of 
them  taste  of  the  holy  water,  and  give  them  all  the 
book  and  the  image  of  Christ's  rood  to  kiss  :  and  let  no  man 
mend  the  fire  any  longer  when  the  hallowing  is  begun,  but 
let  the  iron  lie  upon  the  hot  embers  till  the  last  collect : 
after  that,  let  it  be  laid  upon  the  "  stapela  "  ;  and  let  there  be 
no  other  speaking  within,  except  that  they  earnestly  pray 
to  Almighty  God  that  he  make  manifest  what  is  soothest. 
And  let  him  go  thereto ;  and  let  his  hand  be  enveloped, 
and  be  it  postponed  till  after  the  third  day,  whether  it  be 
foul  or  clean  within  envelope.  And  he  who  shall  break 
this  law,  be  the  ordeal  with  respect  to  him  void,  and  let  him 
pay  to  the  king  CXX.  shillings  as  "wite." 

"  Wal-reaf  "  is  a  "  nithing's  "  deed  :  if  any  one  desire  to 
deny  it  let  him  do  so  with  eight  and  forty  full-born  thanes. 

Laws  of  King  jEthelstan,  7,  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  England, 
Vol.  I.  227-229. 

Of  Feuds 

We  also  command  :  that  the  man  who  knows  his  foe  to 
be  home-sitting  fight  not  before  he  demand  justice  of  him. 
If  he  have  such  power  that  he  can  beset  his  foe,  and  be- 
siege him  within,  let  him  keep  him  within  for  VII.  days,  and 
attack  him  not,  if  he  will  remain  within.  And  then,  after 
VII.  days,  if  he  will  surrender,  and  deliver  up  his  weapons, 
let  him  be  kept  safe  for  XXX.  days,  and  let  notice  of  him 
be  given  to  his  kinsmen  and  his  friends.  If,  however,  he 
flee  to  a  church,  then  let  it  be  according  to  the  sanctity  of 
the  church  ;  as  we  have  before  said  above.  But  if  he  have 
not  sufficient  power  to  besiege  him  within,  let  him  ride  to 
the  "ealdorman,"  and  beg  aid  of  him.  If  he  will  not  aid 


390     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

him,  let  him  ride  to  the  king  before  he  fights.  In  like 
manner  also,  if  a  man  come  upon  his  foe,  and  he  did  not 
before  know  him  to  be  home-staying ;  if  he  be  willing  to 
deliver  up  his  weapons,  let  him  be  kept  for  XXX.  days,  and 
let  notice  of  him  be  given  to  his  friends  ;  if  he  will  not 
deliver  up  his  weapons,  then  he  may  attack  him.  If  he  be 
willing  to  surrender,  and  to  deliver  up  his  weapons,  and 
any  one  after  that  attack  him,  let  him  pay  as  well  "  wer  " 
as  wound,  as  he  may  do,  and  "wite,"  and  let  him  have  for- 
feited his  "  maeg  "-ship.  We  also  declare,  that  with  his  lord 
a  man  may  fight  "orwige,"  if  any  one  attack  the  lord:  thus 
may  the  lord  fight  for  his  man.  After  the  same  wise,  a  man 
may  fight  with  his  born  kinsman,  if  a  man  attack  him  wrong- 
fully, except  against  his  lord  ;  that  we  do  not  allow.  And  a 
man  may  fight  "  orwige,"  if  he  find  another  with  his  lawful 
wife,  within  closed  doors,  or  under  one  covering,  or  with 
his  lawfully-born  daughter,  or  with  his  lawfully-born  sister, 
or  with  his  mother,  who  was  given  to  his  father  as  his  law- 
ful wife. 

Laws  of  King  Alfred,  42,  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  England, 
Vol.  I.  91. 

Political  Thought  and  Activity.  —  Socialization,  which 
begins  spontaneously  and  unconsciously  in  acquaintance, 
imitation,  and  conflict,  is  deliberately  furthered  by  concerted 
volition.  To  this  end  all  new  developments  of  appreciation, 
of  utilization,  and  of  characterization  are  brought  to  bear 
upon  the  process  of  assimilation.  Public  and  private  cooper- 
ation in  the  task  of  socialization,  thus  complicated,  is  politi- 
cal activity. 

Political  ideas  and  activities  regarded  as  a  cooperative 
development  of  socialization  cleave  into  two  distinct  divi- 
sions. The  ideas  of  the  one  division  are  concepts  of  indi- 
viduals regarded  as  members  of  society,  and  of  society 
itself  as  enjoying  a  certain  distinction  or  attainment ;  the 
corresponding  activities  are  direct  dealings  by  society  with 
itself,  or  with  its  individual  members,  in  an  effort  to  mould 


Concerted  Volition  391 

their  natures  to  a  common  social  type.  The  ideas  and 
activities  of  the  other  division  relate  to  various  means  by 
which  the  end,  socialization,  is  more  or  less  indirectly 
achieved. 

Examining,  first,  the  political  ideas,  we  may  conveniently 
designate  the  two  divisions  or  groups  into  which  they  fall 
as  primary  and  secondary,  since  the  one  pertains  to  ends  to 
be  achieved  or  conserved,  and  the  other  pertains  to  means. 

First  among  the  primary  political  notions  is  an  uncritical 
idea  of  the  group  or  population  itself,  and  of  its  self-pres- 
ervation. The  self-existence  of  the  group  may  be  instinc- 
tively felt  only,  or  it  may  be  rationally  conceived. 

Second  among  the  primary  political  ideas  is  the 
notion  of  the  character  of  the  group  as  exhibited  by  its 
individual  members  in  their  capacity  as  companions,  or 
as  associates,  neighbours,  friends,  and  fellow-workers. 

As  a  member  of  society,  every  individual  finds  himself 
profoundly  interested  in  the  concrete  personalities  about 
him.  Their  qualities  concern  him  directly.  His  own  self- 
preservation  may  depend  on  their  character  and  social 
attitude.  When  self-preservation  is  assured,  all  other 
social  phenomena  concern  him  chiefly  as  they  affect  the 
types  of  personality  with  which  he  has  to  deal. 

In  societies  in  which  public  organization  is  of  the  civil 
as  distinguished  from  the  tribal  type,  the  socius  is  a  citizen. 

This  object  of  ever  present  political  interest,  the  socius 
or  citizen,  may  be  conceived  as  actual  or  as  ideal. 

In  our  thought  of  the  socius  as  actual,  some  mode  or 
point  of  resemblance  is  seized  upon.  The  less  developed 
a  community  is,  and  the  cruder  its  thinking,  the  more  likely 
it  is  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  that  resemblance 
which  is,  or  is  supposed  to  be,  correlated  with  the  degree 


392      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

of  kinship.  The  savage  bases  his  whole  system  of  social 
organization  upon  distinctions  of  real  or  of  nominal  blood 
relationship.  The  mentally  more  advanced  barbarian 
begins  to  have  conceptions  of  aristocratic  distinctions  based 
upon  descent,  and  these  notions  become  important  in  the 
earlier  stages  of  civilization.  Gradually,  however,  the 
notion  of  kinship  yields  to  conceptions  of  mental  and  moral 
resemblances,  irrespective  of  the  blood  bond,  and  the  pre- 
ferred mode  of  resemblance  may  be  oligarchical  in  type  or 
democratic;  expressed,  in  either  case,  in  culture,  in  economy, 
in  law,  or  in  politics. 

In  the  concept  of  the  socius  as  ideal,  the  point  of  resem- 
blance usually  fixed  upon  is  the  type  of  character.  The 
idealized  citizen  is  conceived  as  a  forceful  man,  a  convivial 
man,  an  austere  man,  or  a  rationally  conscientious  man. 
Concerted  effort  to  assimilate  different  qualities  of  mind 
and  character  in  the  community,  is  usually  an  attempt  to 
mould  all  men  to  one  of  these  types  of  character,  which, 
at  the  moment,  happens  to  be  preferred  above  any  other. 

Third  in  importance  among  primary  political  ideas  is 
that  of  the  preferred  distinction  or  attainment  of  the  com- 
munity. This  is  always  determined  by  the  preference  for 
one  or  another  type  of  character.  According  as  the  com- 
munity prefers  the  forceful,  the  convivial,  the  austere,  or 
the  rationally  conscientious  man,  it  desires  to  be  distin- 
guished for  power,  for  splendour,  for  uprightness  and  jus- 
tice, or  for  liberty  and  enlightenment. 

The  secondary  political  ideas,  pertaining  to  the  means 
by  which  the  conservation  or  the  perfection  of  a  certain 
social  type  is  attained,  are  distributed  in  five  groups. 
They  comprise,  first,  notions  of  the  relation  between  the 
community  and  its  objective  environment,  its  national  or 


Concerted  Volition  393 

communal  domain,  inherited  or  otherwise  acquired,  its  his- 
toric spots  and  sacred  places ;  second,  notions  of  the  extent 
and  composition  of  the  population;  third,  notions  of  the 
mental  and  moral  cohesion  or  unity  of  the  community,  in- 
cluding ideas  of  common  ideals,  loyalty,  patronage,  bribery 
or  coercion  as  means  to  attain  it,  and  ideas  of  the  binding 
power  of  such  common  possessions  as  gods,  saints,  and 
heroes,  worship,  arts,  amusements,  costumes,  manners  and 
language ;  fourth,  notions  of  the  social  organization,  includ- 
ing the  concept  of  the  community  as  a  simple  group,  or  as 
made  up  of  federated  or  consolidated  groups,  and  concepts 
of  the  great  social  institutions,  as  the  family  and  the  state, 
the  industrial  system,  and  the  church ;  and,  fifth,  ideas  of 
social  policy,  including  plans  for  maintenance  or  growth, 
programmes  of  socialization  or  modification  of  the  social 
type,  and  ideas  of  the  form  which  such  policies  should  as- 
sume, as  coercive  or  educative,  socialistic  or  individualistic. 

Political  ideas,  products  in  part  of  sympathetic  like- 
mindedness,  in  part  of  dogmatic  like-mindedness,  which 
transforms  them  into  traditions  and  tenaciously  held  be- 
liefs, are  further  transformed  by  deliberative  like-minded- 
ness,  which  converts  them  into  highly  complex  Social 
Values. 

Value,  in  the  subjective  sense  of  the  word,  is  a  purely 
intellectual  estimate,  a  judgment  of  the  utility,  or  goodness, 
or  dignity,  or  importance,  of  any  object,  act,  or  relation. 
Like  material  commodities,  all  social  elements,  all  social 
acts  and  relations,  are  more  or  less  useful.  A  critical  judg- 
ment pronounces  them  more  or  less  good,  more  or  less 
important,  more  or  less  worthy  of  respect.  All,  therefore, 
may  be  described  as  social  utilities,  positive  or  negative. 
Under  this  description,  then,  fall  all  those  objects  of  politi- 


394      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

cal  thought  which  have  been  enumerated :  the  socius, 
actual  or  ideal,  the  distinction  or  attainment  of  the  com- 
munity, the  bonds  of  cohesion,  the  extent  and  cohesion  of 
the  political  aggregate,  and  the  community's  varied  posses- 
sions. Critically  reflecting  upon  all  these  social  utilities, 
deliberative  like-mindedness  passes  judgment  upon  them, 
values  them,  and  arranges  them  in  a  scale  of  value.  In 
short,  it  converts  all  political  ideas  into  complex  political 
valuations. 

All  concerted  social  activity,  as  has  been  said,  assumes 
the  form  of  aggression,  or  the  form  of  defence.  This  is 
more  conspicuously  true,  perhaps,  of  political  activity  than 
of  any  other  form  of  cooperation.  The  simplest  concerted 
acts  of  political  aggression  or  defence  pertain  to  the  self- 
preservation  of  the  group,  and  to  its  common  possessions, 
namely,  the  gods,  the  sacred  places,  the  common  territory, 
the  cherished  customs  and  institutions.  Next  in  order 
come  collective  aggression  upon  or  collective  defence  of  the 
social  cohesion,  the  internal  public  order.  These  acts  may 
take  the  form  of  crusades,  riots,  insurrections,  or  rebellions, 
or  the  opposite  form  of  concerted  activity  to  put  down 
such  disturbances.  Third  in  order  is  collective  aggression 
or  defence,  relative  to  the  extent  and  composition  of  the 
community,  usually  taking  the  form  of  wars  of  conquest 
and  expansion.  Finally,  comes  all  cooperative  activity  to 
achieve  the  preferred  distinction  of  the  community,  and  to 
mould  the  citizen  to  a  preferred  social  type. 

All  of  these  modes  of  social  activity,  like  cooperation  in 
cultural,  economic,  or  moral  activity,  may  be  public  or  pri- 
vate. 

Private  political  cooperation  may  be  a  spontaneous  ef- 
fort to  repel  an  impending  danger,  to  organize  resistance 


Concerted  Volition  395 

or  rebellion,  or  tq  awaken  the  public  mind  to  a  conscious- 
ness of  some  great  abuse  or  desirable  reform.  It  may  be 
a  systematic  agitation,  an  organized  electoral  campaign,  or 
the  organization  and  development  of  a  political  party.  It 
includes  the  activity  of  all  political  cliques,  clubs,  rings, 
and  "  machines."  As  applied  to  the  preferred  distinction 
of  the  community,  and  the  preferred  type  of  citizen,  it  in- 
cludes all  efforts  to  favour  one  type  of  conduct  and  char- 
acter at  the  expense  of  others,  by  means  of  public  opinion, 
or  of  private  penalties  and  rewards,  including  discrimina- 
tion, patronage,  economic  coercion,  and  ecclesiastical  dis- 
favours. 

The  state  engages  in  aggressive  and  defensive  operations 
with  reference  to  the  acquisition  or  protection  of  territory, 
the  development  or  conservation  of  religion  and  the  arts,  the 
creation,  maintenance,  or  overthrow  of  institutions,  and 
the  maintenance  of  public  order.  It  endeavours  to  achieve 
the  preferred  distinction  of  the  community  by  means  of  a 
formulated  policy,  carried  out  through  the  agency  of  the 
legislature,  the  executive,  and  the  courts.  It  represses 
certain  social  types  by  bringing  the  military  power,  the 
law,  or  ecclesiastical  penalties  to  bear  upon  them.  It  cul- 
tivates other  types  by  means  of  educational  undertakings, 
and  by  public  favour. 

The  Policies  of  Cooperation 

The  highest  development  of  cooperation  is  seen  in  the 
formulation  of  certain  great  Policies  through  deliberation 
upon  the  composition,  the  character,  and  the  circumstances 
of  the  community,  and  in  efforts,  both  public  and  volun- 
tary, to  carry  them  to  realization. 

These  policies  may  broadly  be  classified  as  Internal  and 


396      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

External.  Internal  policies  have  for  their  object  the  achieve- 
ment of  certain  relations  or  conditions  among  the  members 
of  a  social  group  —  a  class,  a  race,  or  a  people.  External 
policies  have  for  their  object  the  achievement  of  certain 
relations  between  one  social  group  —  a  class,  a  race,  or  a 
people  —  and  another. 

Internal  Policies.  —  In  the  historical  experience  of  man- 
kind, three  great  groups  of  internal  policies  may  be  dis- 
covered. These  are,  namely,  Policies  of  Unity,  Policies 
of  Liberty,  and  Policies  of  Equality. 

i.  Policies  of  Unity  aim  to  perfect  the  cohesion,  the 
homogeneity,  the  solidarity  of  the  group.  If  the  group  is  a 
nation,  the  amalgamation  of  blood  is  watched  with  interest, 
and  the  process  of  mental  assimilation  with  yet  more  con- 
cern. Laws  are  enacted,  or  edicts  promulgated,  to  hasten 
on  the  change.  One  language  must  be  spoken  throughout 
the  community.  One  religious  faith  must  be  embraced 
by  all.  One  consistent  economic  policy  must  be  followed. 
One  standard  of  conduct  and  of  legality  must  be  estab- 
lished for  all  citizens.  If  the  group  is  a  voluntary  organi- 
zation, like  a  religious  denomination,  a  trade  union,  or  a 
political  party,  an  attempt  is  made  to  persuade,  or  to  com- 
pel all  its  members  to  believe  the  same  things,  and  to 
conduct  themselves  in  like  ways.  A  creed,  a  body  of 
rules,  or  a  platform  is  imposed,  and  orthodoxy,  or  regular- 
ity, is  insisted  upon  as  a  primary  obligation. 

Policies  of  Unity.  The  Counsel  of  Haman 

And  Haman  said  unto  king  Ahasuerus,  There  is  a 
certain  people  scattered  abroad  and  dispersed  among  the 
peoples  in  all  the  provinces  of  thy  kingdom  ;  and  their 
laws  are  diverse  from  those  of  every  people  ;  neither  keep 
they  the  king's  laws  :  therefore  it  is  not  for  the  king's 


Concerted  Volition  397 

profit  to  suffer  them.  If  it  please  the  king,  let  it  be  written 
that  they  be  destroyed  :  and  I  will  pay  ten  thousand  talents 
of  silver  into  the  hands  of  those  that  have  the  charge  of  the 
kings  business,  to  bring  it  into  the  king's  treasuries.  And 
the  king  took  his  ring  from  his  hand,  and  gave  it  unto 
Haman  the  son  of  Hammedatha  the  Agagite,  the  Jews' 
enemy.  And  the  king  said  unto  Haman,  The  silver  is 
given  to  thee,  the  people  also,  to  do  with  them  as  it  seem- 
eth  good  to  thee.  ^^  chap 


_x  r  _ 


Authoritative  Discipline  in  Sparta 

One,  then,  of  the  Rhetras  was,  that  their  laws  should 
not  be  written  ;  another  is  particularly  levelled  against  lux- 
ury and  expensiveness,  for  by  it  it  was  ordained  that  the 
ceilings  of  their  houses  should  only  be  wrought  by  the  axe, 
and  their  gates  and  doors  smoothed  only  by  the  saw.  .  .  . 
******* 

In  order  to  the  good  education  of  their  youth  (which,  as 
I  said  before,  he  thought  the  most  important  and  noblest 
work  of  a  lawgiver),  he  went  so  far  back  as  to  take  into 
consideration  their  very  conception  and  birth,  by  regulat- 
ing their  marriages.  .  .  .  Those  who  continued  bachelors 
were  in  a  degree  disfranchised  by  law  ;  for  they  were 
excluded  from  the  sight  of  those  public  processions  in  which 
the  young  men  and  maidens  danced  naked,  and,  in  winter- 
time, the  officers  compelled  them  to  march  naked  them- 
selves round  the  market  place,  singing  as  they  went  a 
certain  song  to  their  own  disgrace,  that  they  justly  suffered 
their  punishment  for  disobeying  the  laws.  Moreover,  they 
were  denied  that  respect  and  observance  which  the  younger 
men  paid  their  elders  ;  .  .  . 

Nor  was  it  in  the  power  of  the  father  to  dispose  of  the 
child  as  he  thought  fit  ;  he  was  obliged  to  carry  it  before 
certain  triers  at  a  place  called  Lesche  ;  these  were  some  of 
the  elders  of  the  tribe  to  which  the  child  belonged;  their 
business  it  was  carefully  to  view  the  infant,  and,  if  they 
found  it  stout  and  well  made,  they  gave  order  for  its  rear- 
ing, and  allotted  to  it  one  of  the  nine  thousand  shares  of 
land  above  mentioned  for  its  maintenance,  but,  if  they 


398      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

found  it  puny  and  ill-shaped,  ordered  it  to  be  taken  to 
what  was  called  the  Apothetae,  a  sort  of  chasm  under 
Taygetus  ;  as  thinking  it  neither  for  the  good  of  the  child 
itself,  nor  for  the  public  interest,  that  it  should  be  brought 
up,  if  it  did  not,  from  the  very  outset,  appear  made  to  be 
healthy  and  vigorous. 

******* 

After  they  were  twelve  years  old,  they  were  no  longer 
allowed  to  wear  any  under  garment ;  they  had  one  coat  to 
serve  them  a  year ;  their  bodies  were  hard  and  dry,  with 
but  little  acquaintance  of  baths  and  unguents  ;  these  human 
indulgences  they  were  allowed  only  on  some  few  particular 
days  in  the  year.  They  lodged  together  in  little  bands 
upon  beds  made  of  the  rushes  which  grew  by  the  banks  of 
the  river  Eurotas,  which  they  were  to  break  off  with  their 
hands  without  a  knife ;  if  it  were  winter,  they  mingled 
some  thistledown  with  their  rushes,  which  it  was  thought 
had  the  property  of  giving  warmth.  By  the  time  they  were 
come  to  this  age,  there  was  not  any  of  the  more  hopeful 
boys  who  had  not  a  lover  to  bear  him  company.  The  old 
men,  too,  had  an  eye  upon  them,  coming  often  to  the 
grounds  to  hear  and  see  them  contend  either  in  wit  or 
strength  with  one  another,  and  this  as  seriously  and  with  as 
much  concern  as  if  they  were  their  fathers,  their  tutors,  or 
their  magistrates ;  so  that  there  scarcely  was  any  time  or 
place  without  some  one  present  to  put  them  in  mind  of 
their  duty,  and  punish  them  if  they  had  neglected  it.  ... 

Their  discipline  continued  still  after  they  were  full-grown 
men.  No  one  was  allowed  to  live  after  his  own  fancy  ; 
but  the  city  was  a  sort  of  camp,  in  which  every  man  had 
his  share  of  provisions  and  business  set  out,  and  looked 
upon  himself  not  so  much  born  to  serve  his  own  ends  as 
the  interest  of  his  country. 

PLUTARCH,  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men,  translated  by  A.  H.  CLOUGH, 
34,  35»  36,  39- 

Pericles'  Disposition  of  Troublesome  Elements 

For,  indeed,  there  was  from  the  beginning  a  sort  of  con- 
cealed split,  or  seam,  as  it  might  be  in  a  piece  of  iron, 
marking  the  different  popular  and  aristocratical  tendencies ; 


Concerted  Volition  399 

but  the  open  rivalry  and  contention  of  these  two  opponents 
made  the  gash  deep,  and  severed  the  city  into  the  two 
parties  of  the  people  and  the  few.  And  so  Pericles,  at  that 
time  more  than  at  any  other,  let  loose  the  reins  to  the 
people,  and  made  his  policy  subservient  to  their  pleasure, 
contriving  continually  to  have  some  great  public  show  or 
solemnity,  some  banquet,  or  some  procession  or  other  in 
the  town  to  please  them,  coaxing  his  countrymen  like 
children,  with  such  delights  and  pleasures  as  were  not,  how- 
ever, unedifying.  Besides  that  every  year  he  sent  out  three- 
score galleys,  on  board  of  which  there  went  numbers  of 
the  citizens,  who  were  in  pay  eight  months,  learning  at  the 
same  time  and  practising  the  art  of  seamanship. 

He  sent,  moreover,  a  thousand  of  them  into  the  Cher- 
sonese as  planters,  to  share  the  land  among  them  by  lot, 
and  five  hundred  more  into  the  isle  of  Naxos,  and  half  that 
number  to  Andros,  a  thousand  into  Thrace  to  dwell  among 
the  Bisaltae,  and  others  into  Italy,  when  the  city  Sybaris, 
which  now  was  called  Thurii,  was  to  be  peopled.  And 
this  he  did  to  ease  and  discharge  the  city  of  an  idle,  and, 
by  reason  of  their  idleness,  a  busy,  meddling  crowd  of  peo- 
ple ;  and  at  the  same  time  to  meet  the  necessities  and  re- 
store the  fortunes  of  the  poor  townsmen,  and  to  intimidate, 
also,  and  check  their  allies  from  attempting  any  change, 
by  posting  such  garrisons,  as  it  were,  in  the  midst  of  them. 

PLUTARCH,  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men,  translated  by  A.  H.  CLOUGH, 
in. 

Of  Him  Who  fails  to  Attend  the  Gemot 

If  any  one  [when  summoned]  fail  to  attend  the  "  gemot " 
thrice ;  let  him  pay  the  king's  "  oferhyrnes,"  and  let  it  be 
announced  seven  days  before  the  "  gemot  "  is  to  be.  But  if 
he  will  not  do  right,  nor  pay  the  "  oferhyrnes  "  ;  then  let  all 
the  chief  men  belonging  to  the  "  burn  "  ride  to  him,  and 
take  all  that  he  has,  and  put  him  in  "borh."  But  if  any 
one  will  not  ride  with  his  fellows,  let  him  pay  the  king's 
"oferhyrnes."  And  let  it  be  announced  at  the  "gemot," 
that  the  "  frith  "  be  kept  toward  all  that  the  king  wills  to 
be  within  the  "  frith,"  and  theft  be  foregone  by  his  life  and 
by  all  that  he  has.  And  he  who  for  the  "  wites  "  will  not 


400     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

desist,  then  let  all  the  chief  men  belonging  to  the  "burh  " 
ride  to  him,  and  take  all  that  he  has ;  and  let  the  king 
take  possession  of  half,  of  half  the  men  who  may  be  in  the 
riding;  and  place  him  in  "borh."  If  he  know  not  who 
will  be  his  "borh,"  let  them  imprison  him.  If  he  will  not 
suffer  it,  let  him  be  killed,  unless  he  escape.  If  any  one 
will  avenge  him,  or  be  at  feud  with  any  of  them,  then  be 
he  foe  to  the  king,  and  to  all  his  friends.  If  he  escape, 
and  any  one  harbour  him,  let  him  be  liable  in  his  "  wer  " ; 
unless  he  shall  dare  to  clear  himself  by  the  "flyma's" 
"wer,"  that  he  knew  not  he  was  a  "flyma." 

Laws  of  ^Ethelstan,  20,  Ancient  Laws  and  Institiites  of  England, 
Vol.  I.  209-211. 

Uniformity  of  Worship 

An  Act  for  the  Uniformity  of  Publiqtie  Prayers,  and 
Administration  of  Sacraments,  and  other  Rites  and  Cere- 
monies :  And  for  establishing  the  Form  of  making,  ordain- 
ing, and  consecrating  Bishops,  Priests,  and  Deacons,  in 
the  Church  of  England. 

Whereas  in  the  first  year  of  the  late  Queen  Elizabeth, 
there  was  one  uniform  Order  of  Common  Service  and 
Prayer,  and  of  the  Administration  of  Sacraments,  Rites, 
and  Ceremonies,  in  the  Church  of  England,  (agreeable  to 
the  Word  of  God,  and  usage  of  the  Primitive  Church), 
compiled  by  the  reverend  bishops  and  clergy,  set  forth  in 
one  book,  entituled,  The  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and 
Administration  of  Sacraments,  and  other  Rites  and  Cere- 
monies in  the  Church  of  England  and  enjoined  to  be 
used  by  Act  of  Parliament,  holden  in  the  said  first  year 
of  the  said  late  queen,  entituled,  An  Act  for  the  Uni- 
formity of  Common  Prayer  and  Service  in  the  Church, 
and  Administration  of  the  Sacraments,  very  comfortable 
to  all  good  people  desirous  to  live  in  Christian  conver- 
sation, and  most  profitable  to  the  Estate  of  this  Realm ; 
upon  the  which  the  mercy,  favour,  and  blessing  of 
Almighty  God  is  in  no  wise  so  readily  and  plentifully 
poured,  as  by  common  prayers,  due  using  of  the  sacra- 
ments, and  often  preaching  of  the  gospel,  with  de- 
votion of  the  hearers ;  And  yet  this  notwithstanding,  a 


Concerted  Volition  401 

great  number  of  people  in  divers  parts  of  this  Realm,  fol- 
lowing their  own  sensuality,  and  living  without  knowledge 
and  due  fear  of  God,  do  wilfully  and  schismatically  abstain 
and  refuse  to  come  to  their  parish  churches,  and  other 
public  places  where  common  prayer,  administration  of  the 
sacraments,  and  preaching  of  the  Word  of  God  is  used 
upon  the  Sundays  and  other  days  ordained  and  appointed 
to  be  kept  and  observed  as  holy-days :  And  whereas  by 
the  great  and  scandalous  neglect  of  ministers  in  using  the 
said  order  or  liturgy  so  set  forth  and  enjoined  as  afore- 
said, great  mischiefs  and  inconveniences,  during  the  times 
of  the  late  unhappy  troubles,  have  arisen  and  grown,  and 
many  people  have  been  led  into  factions  and  schisms,  to 
the  great  decay  and  scandal  of  the  Reformed  Religion  of 
the  Church  of  England,  and  to  the  hazard  of  many  souls  : 
For  prevention  whereof  in  time  to  come,  for  settling  the 
Peace  of  the  Church,  and  for  allaying  the  present  dis- 
tempers which  the  indisposition  of  the  time  hath  con- 
tracted, The  King's  Majesty,  according  to  his  declaration 
of  the  five  and  twentieth  of  October,  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  sixty,  granted  his  commission  under  the 
Great  Seal  of  England  to  several  bishops  and  other 
divines,  to  review  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  to 
prepare  such  alterations  and  additions  as  they  thought  fit 
to  offer :  And  afterwards  the  convocations  of  both  the 
provinces  of  Canterbury  and  York,  being  by  his  Majesty 
called  and  assembled,  and  now  sitting,  his  Majesty  hath 
been  pleased  to  authorize  and  require  the  presidents  of 
the  said  convocations,  and  other  the  bishops  and  clergy 
of  the  same,  to  review  the  said  Book  of  Common  Prayer, 
and  the  book  of  the  form  and  manner  of  the  making 
and  consecrating  of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons ;  And 
that  after  mature  consideration  they  should  make  such 
additions  and  alterations  in  the  said  books  respectively, 
as  to  them  should  seem  meet  and  convenient ;  and  should 
exhibit  and  present  the  same  to  his  Majesty  in  writing 
for  his  further  allowance  or  confirmation :  since  which 
time,  upon  full  and  mature  deliberation,  they  the  said  pres- 
idents, bishops,  and  clergy,  of  both  provinces,  have  accord- 
ingly reviewed  the  said  books,  and  have  made  some 
alterations  which  they  think  fit  to  be  inserted  to  the  same ; 


4O2      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  some  additional  prayers  to  the  said  Book  of  Common 
Prayer  to  be  used  upon  proper  and  emergent  occasions, 
And  have  exhibited  and  preferred  the  same  unto  his 
Majesty  in  writing,  in  one  book,  entituled,  The  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  and  Administration  of  the  Sacraments, 
and  other  Rites  and  Ceremonies  of  the  Church,  according 
to  the  use  of  the  Church  of  England,  together  with  the 
Psalter,  or  Psalms  of  David,  pointed  as  they  are  to  be 
sung  or  said  in  churches;  and  the  form  and  manner  of 
making,  ordaining,  and  consecrating,  of  bishops,  priests, 
and  deacons :  All  which  his  Majesty  having  duly  con- 
sidered, hath  fully  approved  and  allowed  the  same,  and 
recommended  to  this  present  Parliament,  that  the  said 
Books  of  Common  Prayer,  and  of  the  form  of  ordination 
and  consecration  of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  with 
the  alterations  and  additions  which  have  been  so  made  and 
presented  to  his  Majesty  by  the  said  convocations,  be  the 
book  which  shall  be  appointed  to  be  used  by  all  that 
officiate  in  all  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches  and  chap- 
els, and  in  all  chapels  of  colleges  and  halls  in  both  the 
Universities,  and  the  colleges  of  Eaton  and  Winchester, 
and  in  all  parish  churches  and  chapels  within  the  King- 
dom of  England,  Dominion  of  Wales,  and  Town  of  Ber- 
wick upon  Tweed,  and  by  all  that  make  or  consecrate 
bishops,  priests,  or  deacons,  in  any  of  the  said  places, 
under  such  sanctions  and  penalties  as  the  Houses  of 
Parliament  shall  think  fit. 

I.  Now  in  regard  that  nothing  conduceth  more  to  the 
settling  of  the  Peace  of  this  Nation,  (which  is  desired  of  all 
good  men),  nor  to  the  honour  of  our  religion,  and  the 
propagation  thereof,  than  an  universal  agreement  in  the 
public  worship  of  Almighty  God  ;  and  to  the  intent  that 
every  person  within  this  Realm  may  certainly  know  the 
rule  to  which  he  is  to  conform  in  public  worship,  and  ad- 
ministrations of  sacraments,  and  other  rites  and  ceremonies 
of  the  Church  of  England,  and  the  manner  how  and  by 
whom  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons,  are  and  ought  to  be 
made,  ordained,  and  consecrated :  Be  it  enacted  by  the 
King's  most  Excellent  Majesty,  by  the  advice  and  with 
the  consent  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  of 
the  Commons,  in  this  present  Parliament  assembled,  and 


Concerted  Volition  403 

by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  all  and  singular  min- 
isters in  any  cathedral,  collegiate  or  parish  church  or 
chapel,  or  other  place  of  public  worship  within  this  Realm 
of  England,  Dominion  of  Wales,  and  Town  of  Berwick 
upon  Tweed,  shall  be  bound  to  say  and  use  the  Morning 
Prayer,  Evening  Prayer,  celebration  and  administration  of 
both  the  sacraments,  and  all  other  the  public  and  com- 
mon prayer,  in  such  order  and  form  as  is  mentioned  in 
the  said  book  annexed  and  joined  to  this  present  act,  and 
entituled,  The  Book  of  Common  Prayer  and  Adminis- 
tration of  the  Sacraments,  and  other  Rites  and  Ceremonies 
of  the  Church,  according  to  the  use  of  the  Church  of 
England  ;  together  with  the  Psalter  or  Psalms  of  David, 
pointed  as  they  are  to  be  sung  or  said  in  churches  ;  and 
the  form  or  manner  of  making,  ordaining,  and  consecrating 
of  bishops,  priests  and  deacons  :  And  that  the  morning  and 
evening  prayers  therein  contained  shall,  upon  every  Lord's 
day,  and  upon  all  other  days  and  occasions,  and  at  the 
times  therein  appointed,  be  openly  and  solemnly  read  by 
all  and  every  minister  or  curate,  in  every  church,  chapel, 
or  other  place  of  public  worship,  within  this  Realm  of 
England  and  places  aforesaid. 

II.  And  to  the  end  that  uniformity  in  the  public  wor- 
ship of  God  (which  is  so  much  desired)  may  be  speedily 
effected,  be  it  further  enacted  .  .  .  That  every  parson,  vicar, 
or  other  minister  whatsoever,  who  now  hath  and  enjoyeth 
any  ecclesiastical  benefice  or  promotion  within  this  Realm 
of  England  or  places  aforesaid,  shall,  in  the  church,  chapel, 
or  place  of  public  worship,  belonging  to  his  said  benefice 
or  promotion,  upon  some  Lord's  day  before  the  Feast  of 
St.  Bartholomew  which  shall  be  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  God 
one  thousand  six  hundred  sixty  and  two,  openly,  publicly, 
and  solemnly  read  the  Morning  and  Evening  Prayer  ap- 
pointed to  be  read  by  and  according  to  the  said  Book  of 
Common  Prayer,  at  the  times  thereby  appointed  ;  and  after 
such  reading  thereof,  shall  openly  and  publicly,  before  the 
congregation  there  assembled,  declare  his  unfeigned  as 
sent  and  consent  to  the  use  of  all  things  in  the  said  book 
contained  and  prescribed,  in  these  words,  and  no  other : 

The  Act  of  Uniformity,  14  Charles  II.  Cap.  4,  1662.     The  Statutes 
of  the  Realm,  Vol.  V.  364-365. 


404      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 


Censorship  of  the  Press 

An  Act  for  preventing  the  frequent  Abuses  in  printing 
seditious,  treasonable  and  unlicensed  Bookes  and  Pamphlets 
and  for  regulating  of  Printing  and  Printing  Presses. 

Whereas  the  well  government  and  regulating  of  Printers 
and  Printing  Presses  is  matter  of  public  care,  and  of  great 
concernment,  especially  considering,  that  by  the  general 
licentiousness  of  the  late  times,  many  evil-disposed  persons 
have  been  encouraged  to  print  and  sell  heretical,  schis- 
matical,  blasphemous,  seditious  and  treasonable  books, 
pamphlets  and  papers,  and  still  do  continue  such  their 
unlawful  and  exorbitant  practice,  to  the  high  dishonour  of 
Almighty  God,  the  endangering  the  peace  of  these  King- 
doms, and  raising  a  disaffection  to  his  most  Excellent 
Majesty  and  his  government;  For  prevention  whereof,  no 
surer  means  can  be  advised,  than  by  reducing  and  limiting 
the  number  of  printing-presses,  and  by  ordering  and  set- 
tling the  said  art  6"r  mystery  of  printing  by  act  of  Parlia- 
ment, in  manner  as  herein  after  is  expressed. 

I.  The    King's  most  Excellent  Majesty,  .  .  .  doth  or- 
dain  and   enact,  .  .  .  That    no  person  or  persons  what- 
soever shall  presume  to  print,  or  cause  to  be  printed,  either 
within  this  Realm  of  England,  or  any  other  his  Majesty's 
Dominions,  or  in  parts  beyond   the   seas,   any  heretical, 
seditious,  schismatical  or  offensive  books   or   pamphlets, 
wherein   any   doctrine    or   opinion   shall   be   asserted    or 
maintained,  which  is  contrary  to   Christian  Faith,  or  the 
doctrine   or    discipline   of    the    Church    of    England,  or 
which  shall  or  may  tend,  or  be  to  the  scandal  of  religion, 
or  the  Church,  or   the  government  or   governors  of   the 
Church,  State  or  Commonwealth,  or  of  any  corporation  or 
particular  person  or  persons  whatsoever ;  nor  shall  import, 
publish,  sell  or  dispose  any  such  book  or  books,  or  pam- 
phlets, nor   shall  cause  or  procure  .  .  .  any   such  to  be 
published,  or  put  to  sale,  or  ...  to  be  bound,  stitched,  or 
sewed  together. 

II.  And   be   it  further   ordained  .  .  .  That  no  private 
person  or  persons  whatsoever  shall  at  any  time  hereafter 
print  or  cause  to  be  printed  any  book  or  pamphlet  what- 


Concerted  Volition  405 

soever,  unless  the  same  book  and  pamphlet,  together  with 
all  and  every  the  titles,  epistles,  prefaces,  proems,  pre- 
ambles, introductions,  tables,  dedications,  and  other  matters 
and  things  thereunto  annexed,  be  first  entered  in  the  book 
of  the  register  of  the  Company  of  Stationers  of  London, 
except  acts  of  Parliament,  proclamations,  and  such  other 
books  and  papers  as  shall  be  appointed  to  be  printed  by 
virtue  of  any  warrant  under  the  King's  Majesty's  sign- 
manual,  or  under  the  hand  of  one  or  both  of  his  Majesty's 
principal  Secretaries  of  State ;  and  unless  the  same  book 
and  pamphlet,  and  also  all  and  every  the  said  titles, 
epistles,  prefaces,  proems,  preambles,  introductions,  tables, 
dedications,  and  other  matters  and  things  whatsoever  there- 
unto annexed,  or  therewith  to  be  imprinted,  shall  be  first 
lawfully  licensed  and  authorized  to  be  printed  by  such  per- 
son and  persons  only  as  shall  be  constituted  and  appointed 
to  license  the  same,  according  to  the  direction  and  true 
meaning  of  this  present  act  hereinafter  expressed,  and 
by  no  other ;  (that  is  to  say)  That  all  books  concerning 
the  common  laws  of  this  Realm  shall  be  printed  by  the 
special  allowance  of  the  Lord-Chancellor,  or  Lord  Keeper 
of  the  Great  Seal  of  England  for  the  time  being,  the  Lords 
Chief  Justices,  and  Lord  Chief  Baron  for  the  time  being, 
...  or  one  or  more  of  their  appointments ;  And  that  all 
books  of  history  concerning  the  state  of  this  Realm,  or 
other  books  concerning  any  affairs  of  state,  shall  be 
licensed  by  the  principal  Secretaries  of  State  for  the  time 
being,  or  one  of  them,  .  .  .  And  that  all  books  to  be 
imprinted  concerning  heraldry,  titles  of  honour,  and  arms, 
or  otherwise  concerning  the  office  of  Earl  Marshal,  shall 
be  licensed  by  the  Earl  Marshal  for  the  time  being  or  by 
his  appointment,  or  in  case  there  shall  not  then  be  an 
Earl  Marshal,  shall  be  licensed  by  the  three  kings  of 
arms,  Garter,  Clarenceux,  and  Norroy,  or  any  two  of 
them,  whereof  Garter  Principal  King  of  Arms  to  be  one ; 
And  that  all  other  books  to  be  imprinted  or  reprinted, 
whether  of  divinity,  physick,  philosophy,  or  whatsoever 
other  science  or  art,  shall  be  first  licensed  and  allowed 
by  the  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  the  Lord 
Bishop  of  London  for  the  time  being,  or  one  of  them,  or 
by  their  or  one  of  their  appointments,  or  by  either  one  of  the 


406    The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Chancellors,  or  Vice-Chancellors  of  either  of  the  Univer- 
sities of  this  Realm  for  the  time  being;  provided  always, 
that  the  said  Chancellors,  or  Vice-Chancellors  of  either 
of  the  said  Universities  shall  only  license  such  books  as  are 
to  be  imprinted  or  reprinted  within  the  limits  of  the 
said  Universities  respectively,  but  not  in  London  or  else- 
where, not  meddling  either  with  books  of  common  laws, 
or  matters  of  state  or  government,  nor  any  book  or  books, 
the  right  of  printing  whereof  doth  solely  and  properly 
belong  to  any  particular  person  or  persons,  without  his 
or  their  consent  first  obtained  in  that  behalf. 

III.  And  be  it  enacted  .  .  .  That  every  person  and  per- 
sons who  .  .  .  are,  .  .  .  authorized  to  license  the  imprint- 
ing of  books,  or  reprinting  thereof  with  any  additions  or 
amendments,  as  aforesaid,  shall  have  one  written  copy  of 
the  same  book  or  books  which  shall  be  so  licensed  .  .  . 
with  the  titles,  epistles,  prefaces,  tables,  dedications,  and 
all  other  things  whatsoever  thereunto  annexed;  which 
said  copy  shall  be  delivered  by  such  licenser  or  licensers 
to  the  printer  or  owner  for  the  imprinting  thereof,  and 
shall  be  safely  and  intirely  returned  by  such  printer  or 
owner,  after  the  imprinting  thereof,  unto  such  licenser 
or  licensers,  to  be  kept  in  the  public  registries  of  the  said 
Lord  Archbishop,  or  Lord  Bishop  of  London  respectively, 
or  in  the  office  of  the  Chancellor  or  Vice-Chancellor  of 
either  the  said  Universities,  or  with  the  said  Lord-Chan- 
cellor or  Lord  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  for  the  time  being, 
or  Lord-Chief  Justices,  or  Chief  Baron,  or  one  of  them,  or 
the  said  principal  Secretaries  of  State,  or  with  the  Earl 
Marshal  or  the  said  Kings  of  Arms,  or  one  of  them,  of 
all  such  books  as  shall  be  licensed  by  them  respec- 
tively ;  And  if  such  book  so  to  be  licensed  shall  be  an 
English  book,  or  of  the  English  tongue,  there  shall  be 
two  written  copies  thereof  delivered  to  the  licenser  or 
licensers  (if  he  or  they  shall  so  require)  one  copy  whereof 
so  licensed  shall  be  delivered  back  to  the  said  printer  or 
owner,  and  the  other  copy  shall  be  reserved  and  kept  as 
is  aforesaid,  to  the  end  such  licenser  or  licensers  may  be 
secured,  that  the  copy  so  licensed  shall  not  be  altered 
without  his  or  their  privity;  And  upon  the  said  copy  licensed 
to  be  imprinted,  he  or  they  who  shall  so  license  the  same, 


Concerted  Volition  407 

shall  testify  under  his  or  their  hand  or  hands,  That  there 
is  not  anything  in  the  same  contained  that  is  contrary  to 
the  Christian  Faith,  or  the  doctrine  or  discipline  of  the 
Church  of  England,  or  against  the  State  or  Government  of 
this  Realm,  or  contrary  to  good  life,  or  good  manners,  or 
otherwise  as  the  nature  and  subject  of  the  work  shall  re- 
quire ;  which  license  or  approbation  shall  be  printed  in 
the  beginning  of  the  same  book,  with  the  name  or  names 
of  him  or  them  that  shall  authorize  or  license  the  same, 
for  a  testimony  of  the  allowance  thereof. 

******* 

[Sections  V.-IX.  provide  that  books  are  to  be  im- 
ported to  London  only,  and  may  not  be  opened  without 
permission  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  or  his  deputy, 
and  attach  penalties  to  violation ;  that  printers  of  books, 
under  penalty,  are  to  put  their  names  on  their  books ;  that 
the  persons  who  may  sell  books  are  limited  in  number  and 
placed  under  regulation ;  and  that,  in  the  interest  of  the 
printing  trade,  no  English  books  printed  abroad  are  to  be 
imported  without  special  license.] 

IX.  And  be  it  further  enacted  .  .  .  That  no  person  or 
persons  within  the  city  of  London,  or  the  liberties  thereof, 
or  elsewhere,  shall  erect  or  cause  to  be  erected  any  press 
or  printing-house,  nor  shall  knowingly  demise  or  let,  or 
willingly  suffer  to  be  held  or  used  any  house,  vault,  cellar, 
or  other  room  whatsoever,  to  or  by  any  person  or  persons 
for  a  printing-house,  .  .  .  unless  he  or  they  who  erect  such 
press,  or  shall  so  knowingly  demise  or. let  such  house,  cel- 
lar, vault,  or  room  .  .  .  shall  first  give  notice  to  the  master 
or  wardens  of  the  said  Company  of  Stationers  for  the  time 
being,  of  the  erecting  of  such  press.  .  .  . 

[Sections  X.-XII.  provide  for  a  strict  and  detailed 
regulation  of  the  printing  trade.] 

XIV.  And  for  the  better  discovering  of  printing  in 
corners  without  license  Be  it  further  enacted  .  .  .  That  one 
or  more  of  the  messengers  of  his  Majesty's  Chamber,  by 
warrant  under  his  Majesty's  sign  manual,  or  under  the 
hand  of  one  or  more  of  his  Majesty's  principal  Secretaries 
of  State,  or  the  Master  and  Wardens  of  the  said  Company 
of  Stationers,  or  any  one  of  them,  shall  have  power  and 
authority  with  a  constable,  to  take  unto  them  such  assist- 


408      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

ance  as  they  shall  think  needful,  ...  to  search  all  houses 
and  shops  where  they  shall  know,  or  upon  some  probable 
reason  suspect  any  books  or  papers  to  be  printed,  bound 
or  stitched,  especially  printing-houses,  booksellers'  shops 
and  warehouses,  and  bookbinders'  houses  and  shops,  and 
to  view  there  what  is  imprinting,  binding  or  stitching,  and 
to  examine  whether  the  same  be  licensed,  and  to  demand 
a  sight  of  the  said  license  ;  and  if  the  said  book  .  .  .  shall 
not  be  licensed  then  to  seize  upon  so  much  thereof,  as  shall 
be  found  imprinted,  together  with  the  several  offenders,  and 
to  bring  them  before  one  or  more  justices  of  the  peace, 
who  are  hereby  .  .  .  required  to  commit  such  offenders  to 
prison,  there  to  remain  until  they  shall  be  tried  and  ac- 
quitted, or  convicted  and  punished  for  the  said  offences ; 
and  in  case  the  said  searchers  shall  .  .  .  find  any  book  or 
books,  .  .  .  which  they  shall  suspect  to  contain  matters 
therein  contrary  to  the  doctrine  or  discipline  of  the  Church 
of  England,  or  against  the  State  and  Government,  Then 
upon  such  suspicion  to  seize  upon  such  book  or  books,  .  .  . 
and  to  bring  the  same  unto  the  said  Lord  Archbishop  of 
'Canterbury,  and  Lord  Bishop  of  London  ...  or  to  the 
Secretaries  of  State,  .  .  .  who  shall  take  such  further 
course  for  the  suppressing  thereof,  as  to  them  or  any  of 
them  shall  seem  fit. 

******* 

XVI.  And  be  it  further  enacted  .  .  .  That  every  printer 
shall  reserve  three  printed  copies  of  the  best  and  largest 
paper  of  every  book  new  printed,  or  reprinted  by  him  with 
additions,  and  shall  before  any  public  venting  of  the  said 
book  bring  them  to  the  Master  of  the  Company  of  Station- 
ers, and  deliver  them  to  him,  one  whereof  shall  be  delivered 
to  the  keeper  of  his  Majesty's  Library,  and  the  other  two 
to  be  sent  to  the  Vice-Chancellors  of  the  two  Universities 
respectively,  for  the  use  of  the  Publique  Libraries  of  the 
said  Universities. 

XVII.  Provided  always,  That  nothing  in  this  act  con- 
tained shall  .  .  .  extend  to  the  prejudice  or  infringing  of 
any  the  just   rights   and    privileges  of   either  of    the  two 
Universities  of   this  Realm,  touching  and  concerning  the 
licensing  or  printing  of  books  in  either  of  the  said  Univer- 
sities. 


Concerted  Volition  409 

XVIII.  Provided  always,  That  no  search  shall  be  at  any 
time  made  in  the  house  or  houses  of  any  the  peers  of 
this  Realm,  or  of  any  other  person  or  persons  not  being 
free  of,  or  using  any  of  the  trades  in  this  act  before  men- 
tioned, but  by  special  warrant  from  the  King's  Majesty, 
under  his  sign-manual,  or  under  the  hand  of  one  or  both 
of  his  Majesty's  principal  Secretaries  of  State,  or  for  any 
other  books  than  such  as  are  in  printing,  or  shall  be  printed 
after  the  tenth  of  June,  one  thousand  six  hundred  sixty 
and  two ;  anything  in  this  act  to  the  contrary  thereof  in 
any  wise  notwithstanding. 


XXI.  Provided   also,  That   neither   this  act  .  .  .  shall 
extend  to  prejudice  the  just  rights  and  privileges  granted 
by  his  Majesty,  or  any  of  his  royal  predecessors,  to  any  per- 
son or  persons,  under  his  Majesty's  Great-Seal,  or  other- 
wise, but  that  such  person  or  persons  may  exercise  and  use 
such  rights  and  privileges,  as  aforesaid,  according  to  their 
respective   grants;    anything   in  this  act  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding. 

XXII.  Provided  also,  That  neither  this  act,  .  .  .  shall 
extend  to  prohibit  John  Streater  Stationer,  from  printing 
books  and  papers,  but  that  he  may  still  follow  the  art  and 
mystery  of  printing,  as  if  this  act  had  never  been  made ; 
anything  therein  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

******* 

[Section  XXIII.  is  a  special  proviso  for  the  city  of 
York,  reserving  the  licensing  right  of  the  Archbishop  of 
York.] 

XXIV.  Provided,  That  this  act  shall  continue  and  be 
in  force  for  two  years  to  commence  from  the  tenth  of 
June,  one  thousand  six  hundred  sixty  and  two,  and  no 
longer. 

The  Licensing  Act,  14  Charles    II.  Cap.  33,  1662,  The  Statutes  of 
the  Realm,  Vol.  V.  428-433. 

2.  Policies  of  Liberty  are  reactions  against  the  re- 
straints, amounting  often  to  intolerable  coercion,  of  exces- 
sive unification.  They  aim  at  a  toleration  of  variety,  of 


410     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

individual  initiative,  of  freedom  of  thought,  speech,  and 
conduct.  They  take  legal  form  in  bills  of  rights  and  con- 
stitutional guarantees  of  liberty. 

Genesis  of  the  Policy  of  Liberty 

Perfect  unification,  complete  homogeneity,  would  inhibit 
further  progress  ;  but  the  perfect  unification  of  an  arrested 
civilization  is  rarely  attained.  So  long  as  there  remain  in 
the  population  many  diverse  elements  freely  communicat- 
ing with  one  another,  and  still  undergoing  assimilation, 
the  conditions  are  present  for  progress.  No  scheme  of 
unification  ever  quite  destroys  the  restless  individualism  of 
the  rational  mind.  Unifying  policies,  involving  as  they  do 
a  large  measure  of  coercion,  much  repression  of  individual 
initiative,  and  much  thwarting  of  ambition,  goad  the  more 
rebellious  spirits  into  open  opposition,  which  can  be  re- 
pressed only  if  all  heretics  and  disturbers  of  the  political 
peace  can  be  exterminated.  At  the  same  time,  by  putting 
an  end  to  many  conflicts  between  independent  states  that 
have  at  length  been  brought  into  an  inclusive  national  or 
imperial  organization,  the  unifying  policy  releases  energy 
to  expend  itself  in  commercial  enterprise,  in  public  agita- 
tion, in  destructive  criticism  and  perhaps  in  overt  rebellion. 
Under  these  circumstances  the  stimulus  of  authority  begins 
to  lose  its  power,  and  the  ideal  of  unity  ceases  to  impress 
the  imagination  with  the  old  time  vividness.  New  ideas 
take  shape  in  an  ideal  of  liberty,  which  appeals  with  in- 
creasing force  to  men  of  every  blood,  of  every  degree  of 
culture  and  of  economic  condition.  The  broadening  re- 
sponse to  this  new  stimulus  in  time  creates  the  great  poli- 
cies of  liberty,  including  the  establishment  and  protection 
of  individual  liberty  by  forms  of  constitutional  law. 

GIDDINGS,  T.  S.  C. 

3.  Policies  of  Equality  are  reactions  against  the  abuse 
of  liberty  by  men  and  parties  that  take  advantage  of  their 
freedom  to  curtail  the  opportunities  of  their  fellows  and  to 
exploit  them.  They  aim  to  establish  an  equality  of  liberty, 


Concerted  Volition  411 

and,  as  far  as  possible,  of  opportunity.  They  include  the 
establishment  of  political  equality  through  universal  suf- 
frage, equal  standing  before  the  law,  the  abolition  of  state- 
created  privileges  in  the  realm  of  economic  interests, 
equality  of  educational  opportunities,  and  measures  for  the 
protection  of  the  weak,  particularly  women  and  children, 
in  the  economic  struggle. 

Genesis  of  the  Policy  of  Equality 

As  the  policy  of  unification  when  pressed  too  far  creates 
reactions  against  itself,  so  also  does  a  regime  of  unlimited 
liberty.  It  creates  conditions  of  great  and  increasing  in- 
equality. The  energetic  and  the  enterprising,  unrestrained 
in  their  activity,  acquire  control  of  the  machinery  of  gov- 
ernment, of  the  administration  of  law,  and  of  economic  op- 
portunities. Enjoying  perfect  freedom  of  contract,  they 
organize  the  industrial  system  to  secure  .the  utmost  increase 
of  wealth  and  its  utmost  monopolization.  Having  through 
liberty  obtained  power,  they  proceed  by  all  possible  .neans 
to  monopolize  liberty  itself,  taking  care  to  maintain  those 
legal  forms  of  freedom  that  protect  property  and  enter- 
prise, and  that  encourage  competition  among  wage-earning 
laborers,  while  more  than  willing  to  restrict  competition 
among  themselves.  An  increasing  density  of  population 
intensifies  the  struggle  for  existence.  Class  differentiation 
is  hastened,  and  presently  social  cohesion  is  threatened 
through  the  exploitation  of  the  weak  by  the  strong.  From 
the  exploited  comes  the  demand  for  wider  opportunity  and  a 
larger  share  in  material  prosperity.  It  is  perceived  by  the 
intelligent  that  if  a  disruption  of  the  community  through  a 
revolt  of  the  discontented,  or  a  general  revolution,  is  to  be 
prevented,  some  limitation  of  the  liberty  of  the  strong  to 
curtail  the  liberties  of  the  weak  must  be  imposed,  and  that 
practically  this  means  a  certain  limitation  of  liberty  by 
equality.  It  is  under  these  circumstances  that  the  ideal 
of  equality  arises,  and  that  its  influence  over  the  multitude 
creates  the  democratic  movement,  as  that  term  is  under- 
stood in  modern  times.  GIDDINGS,  T.  S.  C. 


412      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 


Liberty  and  Equality  in  the  Northwest  Territory 

An  ordinance  for  the  Government  of  the  Territory  of  the 
United  States  Northwest  of  the  River  Ohio. 

Be  it  ordained  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assem- 
bled, That  the  said  territory,  for  the  purposes  of  tempo- 
rary government,  be  one  district;  subject,  however,  to  be 
divided  into  two  districts,  as  future  circumstances  may,  in 
the  opinion  of  Congress,  make  it  expedient. 

Be  it  ordained  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  the 
estates,  both  of  resident  and  non-resident  proprietors  in 
the  said  territory,  dying  intestate,  shall  descend  to,  and  be 
distributed  among,  their  children,  and  the  descendants  of  a 
deceased  child,  in  equal  parts  ;  the  descendants  of  a  deceased 
child  or  grandchild  to  take  the  share  of  their  deceased 
parent  in  equal  parts  among  them:  .  .  . 

******* 

Art.  2d.  The  inhabitants  of  the  said  territory  shall 
always  be  entitled  to  the  benefits  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  and  of  the  trial  by  jury ;  of  a  proportionate  represen- 
tation of  the  people  in  the  legislature ;  and  of  judicial 
proceedings  according  to  the  course  of  the  common  law. 
All  persons  shall  be  bailable,  unless  for  capital  offences, 
where  the  proof  shall  be  evident  or  the  presumption  great. 
All  fines  shall  be  moderate ;  and  no  cruel  or  unusual  pun- 
ishments shall  be  inflicted.  No  man  shall  be  deprived  of 
his  liberty  or  property,  but  by  the  judgement  of  his  peers, 
or  the  law  of  the  land ;  and,  should  the  public  exigencies 
make  it  necessary,  for  the  common  preservation,  to  take 
any  person's  property,  or  to  demand  his  particular  services, 
full  compensation  shall  be  made  for  the  same.  And,  in 
the  just  preservation  of  rights  and  property,  it  is  under- 
stood and  declared,  that  no  law  ought  ever  to  be  made,  or 
have  force  in  the  said  territory,  that  shall,  in  any  manner 
whatever,  interfere  with  or  affect  private  contracts  or 
engagements,  bona  fide,  and  without  fraud,  previously 
formed. 

Art.  3d.  Religion,  morality,  and  knowledge,  being  neces- 
sary to  good  government  and  the  happiness  of  mankind, 


Concerted  Volition  413 

schools  and  the  means  of  education  shall  forever  be  encour- 
aged. 

Ordinance  of  1787,  for  the  Government  of  the  Territory  of  the  United 
States  Northwest  of  the  River  Ohio,  Graydon's  Abridgment  of 
the  Laws  of  the  United  States,  Vol.  I.,  Appendix,  137,  140. 

External  Policies.  —  In  the  relations  of  social  aggre- 
gates to  one  another,  three  great  groups  of  external  policies 
have  been  developed.  These  are,  namely,  Policies  of  Subju- 
gation, Policies  of  Exploitation,  and  Policies  of  Assistance. 

i .  Policies  of  Subjugation.  —  In  savagery  and  barbarism, 
neighbouring  groups  live  on  terms  of  mutual  toleration,  or 
they  join  forces  against  some  more  distant  enemy  only 
after  repeated  encounters  have  convinced  them  that  they 
are  of  too  nearly  equal  strength  for  any  one  to  hope  to 
overcome  another.  The  subjugation,  even  the  extermina- 
tion, of  neighbouring  hordes  or  tribes  is  the  aim  and  policy 
of  each  group  as  long  as  there  is  any  possibility  of  accom- 
plishing such  ends.  The  integration  of  hordes  and  small 
tribes  into  large  tribal  systems  has  been  accomplished 
mainly  through  policies  of  subjugation. 

So  also  has  been  effected  the  consolidation  of  small 
civil  states  into  great  political  systems.  Subjugation  of 
neighbouring  communities  has  been  the  policy  of  each 
wherever  conquest  has  been  possible. 

Race  struggles  and  class  conflicts  also  have  to  a  great 
extent  been  expressions  of  consciously  formulated  policies 
of  subjugation. 

Subjugation  of  the  Dacians 

The  first  exploits  of  Trajan  were  against  the  Dacians, 
the  most  warlike  of  men,  who  dwelt  beyond  the  Danube, 
and  who,  during  the  reign  of  Domitian,  had  insulted,  with 
impunity,  the  majesty  of  Rome.  To  the  strength  and  fierce- 


414      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

ness  of  barbarians  they  added  a  contempt  for  life,  which 
was  derived  from  a  warm  persuasion  of  the  immortality 
and  transmigration  of  the  soul.  Decebalus,  the  Dacian 
king,  approved  himself  a  rival  not  unworthy  of  Trajan ; 
nor  did  he  despair  of  his  own  and  the  public  fortune,  till, 
by  the  confession  of  his  enemies,  he  had  exhausted  every 
resource  both  of  valour  and  policy.  This  memorable  war, 
with  a  very  short  suspension  of  hostilities,  lasted  five  years  ; 
and  as  the  Emperor  could  exert,  without  control,  the  whole 
force  of  the  state,  it  was  terminated  by  the  absolute  sub- 
mission of  the  barbarians. 

GIBBON,  The  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  Vol.  I.  5. 

2.  Policies  of  Exploitation.  —  With  advancing  civiliza- 
tion, however,  policies  of  subjugation,  especially  policies 
of  mere  extermination,  are  in  a  measure  superseded  by 
policies  of  exploitation.  The  economic  motive  has  become 
ascendant,  and  superior  power  finds  its  advantage  in  ex- 
acting toil  from  conquered  peoples,  or  in  preying  upon  the 
commercial  inexperience  of  economically  inferior  peoples, 
races,  or  classes. 

Exploitation  in  Thessaly 

Now  the  origin  of  the  Penestae,  in  Thessaly,  is  ascribed 
to  the  conquest  of  the  territory  by  the  Thesprotians,  as 
that  of  the  Helots  in  Laconia  is  traced  to  the  Dorian  con- 
quest. The  victors  in  both  countries  are  said  to  have 
entered  into  a  convention  with  the  vanquished  population, 
whereby  the  latter  became  serfs  and  tillers  of  the  land  for 
the  benefit  of  the  former,  but  were  at  the  same  time  pro- 
tected in  their  holdings,  constituted  subjects  of  the  state, 
and  secured  against  being  sold  away  as  slaves.  Even  in 
the  Thessalian  cities,  though  inhabited  in  common  by 
Thessalian  proprietors  and  their  Penestae,  the  quarters 
assigned  to  each  were  to  a  great  degree  separated :  what 
was  called  the  Free  Agora  could  not  be  trodden  by  any 
Penest,  except  when  specially  summoned. 

GROTE,  History  of  Greece,  Vol.  II.  279-280. 


Concerted  Volition  415 

Exploitation  in  the  Isle  of  Man 

Even  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century 
the  sage  Manx  legislators  attempted  to  keep  wages  down, 
and  to  secure  their  supply  of  labour  by  stringently  enforcing 
the  old  laws  against  any  one  leaving  the  island  without  the 
governor's  licence,  and,  further,  by  ordering  that,  even  if 
this  licence  were  obtained,  no  one  should  be  allowed  to  go 
unless  he  had  a  certificate  from  his  minister,  the  captain  of 
his  parish,  and  the  jury  of  servants,  that  there  was  no  need 
for  his  labour. 

A.  W.  MOORE,  A  History  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  Vol.  I  397. 

3.  Policies  of  Assistance. — In  the  most  advanced  mod- 
ern civilizations  there  is  a  partial  superseding  of  poli- 
cies, both  of  subjugation  and  of  exploitation,  by  policies  of 
assistance.  The  powerful  and  prosperous  classes  of  the 
relatively  strong  peoples  extend  educational  advantages, 
relief  of  acute  distress,  and,  to  some  extent,  economic 
opportunity  to  the  wage-earning  classes,  to  inferior  races, 
and  to  dependent  peoples.  Missionary  zeal  and  the  phil- 
anthropic spirit  are  the  immature  expressions  of  a  devel- 
oping force  of  sympathy  and  understanding,  which  is 
probably  destined  to  expand  the  policies  of  assistance  enor- 
mously in  coming  years. 

Genesis  of  the  Policy  of  Assistance 

We  may  profitably  linger  for  a  moment  upon  the  process 
of  equilibration  through  education  and  justice.  It  begins 
when  society  has  become  complex  enough  to  pass  from 
policies  of  unification  to  those  of  liberalism  and  democracy. 
It  is  a  common  error  of  popular  sociological  thinking  to 
conceive  of  philanthropic  activities  as  a  conscious  combating 
of  that  order  of  nature  which  has  its  sources  in  physical 
phenomena,  and  which  assumes  in  the  organic  world  the 
form  of  the  struggle  for  existence.  In  reality  the  philan- 
thropic process  is  inevitable,  and  happily,  here  and  there  a 


41 6      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

student  of  social  evolution  is  beginning  to  apprehend  its 
nature  and  causation. 

Mr.  Benjamin  Kidd,  for  example,  has  attempted  to  prove 
that  all  real  progress  has  its  cause  in  a  fact  that  he  calls 
projected  efficiency.  Those  organisms  and  those  institutions 
survive,  he  tells  us,  that  have  potential  qualities  that  will 
be  realized  in  future  race  development  Mr.  Kidd  has  in 
this  hypothesis  taken  hold  of  a  great  truth,  but  I  think 
that  he  has  not  stated  it  in  the  clearest  and  most  accurate 
way.  We  cannot  say  that  an  organism  survives  because  of 
qualities  or  peculiarities  of  structure  that  would  give  it  an 
advantage  in  another  environment,  or  at  some  future  time. 
It  does  not  maintain  itself  in  the  struggle  of  the  here  and 
now  because  it  has  potentialities  that  will  enable  its  off- 
spring to  survive  in  the  terrestrial  elsewhere  and  hereafter. 
Nevertheless,  it  is  an  elementary  truth  that  certain  organ- 
isms develop  surplus  energy,  and  that  surplus  energy 
sometimes  enables  them  to  survive  under  circumstances  that 
would  bring  death  to  creatures  less  generously  endowed. 
Now  it  is  these  organisms  endowed  with  surplus  energy 
that  transmit  to  posterity  a  rich  legacy  of  ability,  or,  in 
certain  instances,  convey  to  fellow-creatures  of  their  own 
generation  a  freely  given  help.  Of  all  the  higher  organ- 
isms, and  especially  of  all  successful  individuals  in  human 
society,  it  must  be  said  that  any  advantage  that  they  enjoy 
they  owe  to  an  efficiency  that  was  transmitted  to  them  by 
their  ancestry,  or  freely  made  over  to  them  by  con- 
temporaries endowed  with  surplus  energy  that  has  been 
expended  in  socially  helpful  ways.  Of  all  the  modes  of 
socially  distributed  surplus  energy,  the  most  important  are 
sympathy  and  its  allied  elements  in  the  consciousness  of 
kind.  Given  this  force,  the  transformation  of  the  weak  by 
the  strong  necessarily  becomes  to  some  extent  an  uplifting, 
instead  of  an  exploitation.  Given  the  equilibration  of  energy 
through  uplifting,  there  is  a  necessary  growth  of  equality, 
and  an  increasing  possibility  of  successful  democracy  of  the 
liberal  type.  GIDDINGS,  T.  S.  C. 

Assistance  under  Pericles 

Pericles,  on  the  other  hand,  informed  the  people,  that 
they  were  in  no  way  obliged  to  give  any  account  of  those 


Concerted  Volition  417 

moneys  to  their  allies,  so  long  as  they  maintained  their 
defence,  and  kept  off  the  barbarians  from  attacking  them  ; 
while  in  the  meantime  they  did  not  so  much  as  supply  one 
horse  or  man  or  ship,  but  only  found  money  for  the  ser- 
vice ;  "which  money,"  said  he,  '•  is  not  theirs  that  give  it, 
but  theirs  that  receive  it,  if  so  be  they  perform  the  condi- 
tions upon  which  they  receive  it."  And  that  it  was  good 
reason,  that,  now  the  city  was  sufficiently  provided  and 
stored  with  all  things  necessary  for  the  war,  they  should 
convert  the  overplus  of  its  wealth  to  such  undertakings,  as 
would  hereafter,  when  completed,  give  them  eternal  honor, 
and  for  the  present,  while  in  process,  freely  supply  all  the 
inhabitants  with  plenty.  With  their  variety  of  workman- 
ship and  of  occasions  for  service,  which  summon  all  arts 
and  trades  and  require  all  hands  to  be  employed  about  them, 
they  do  actually  put  the  whole  city,  in  a  manner,  into  state- 
pay  ;  while  at  the  same  time  she  is  both  beautified  and 
maintained  by  herself.  For  as  those  who  are  of  age  and 
strength  for  war  are  provided  for  and  maintained  in  the 
armaments  abroad  by  their  pay  out  of  the  public  stock,  so, 
it  being  his  desire  and  design  that  the  undisciplined  me- 
chanic multitude  that  stayed  at  home  should  not  go  with- 
out their  share  of  public  salaries,  and  yet  should  not  have 
them  given  them  .  .  .  he  thought  fit  to  bring  in  among  them, 
with  the  approbation  of  the  people,  these  vast  projects  of 
buildings  and  designs  of  works,  that  would  be  of  some  con- 
tinuance before  they  were  finished,  and  would  give  employ- 
ment to  numerous  arts,  so  that  the  part  of  the  people  that 
stayed  at  home  might,  no  less  than  those  that  were  at  sea 
or  in  garrisons  or  on  expeditions,  have  a  fair  and  just  occa- 
sion of  receiving  the  benefit  and  having  their  share  of  the 
public  moneys. 

PLUTARCH,  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men,  translated  by  A.  H.  CLOUGH, 

III-II2. 

Causes  Determining  Policy 

The  prevailing  policies,  internal  and  external,  adopted 
and  pursued  by  any  given  social  group,  at  any  given  time, 
are  proximately  determined  by  subjective  causes,  that  is, 
by  certain  states  of  the  social  mind.  These  include  (i) 

2£ 


41 8      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

whatever  consciousness  there  may  be  of  differences  and 
resemblances  among  the  elements  composing  the  group 
population,  and  between  neighbouring  groups  or  peoples, 
(2)  those  relations  of  effort  and  satisfaction  which  are 
expressed  in  the  law  of  least  effort,  and  (3)  those  relations 
of  effort  and  satisfaction  which  are  expressed  in  the  law 
of  diminishing  return. 

Proximate  :  Subjective  Causes.  —  A  social  group  of  any 
kind  or  dimension,  let  it  be  a  trade  union,  a  township,  or  a 
nation,  may  be  conceived  as  having  so  many  elements  of 
unity  that  it  is  easy  for  individuals  who  agree  in  their 
thoughts  and  purposes  to  have  their  own  way  with  such  of 
their  fellows  as  differ  from  the  prevailing  type.  Such  a 
mass  of  agreements  entering  into  a  collective  will  is  a  col- 
lective sovereignty  in  its  most  general  psychological  aspect. 
In  any  community  where  the  power  and  the  wish  of  some 
section  of  the  population  to  rule  has  been  developed,  differ- 
ences and  disagreements  excite  antagonism,  distrust,  and 
anxiety.  It  is  perceived  that  there  is  strength  in  unity,  and 
the  passion  to  make  all  men  within  the  community  more 
alike  begins  to  be  consciously  felt  and  to  make  itself  a 
power.  The  ideal  of  unity  is  carefully  formulated  and  is 
persistently  kept  before  the  minds  of  all  members  of  the 
group. 

Back  of  all  this  consciousness  of  differences  and  resem- 
blances, and  of  the  desire  to  diminish  difference,  lie  the  deep 
pyschological  facts  of  relative  difficulty,  of  relative  effort. 
Extreme  heterogeneity  of  type  and  purpose  presents  diffi- 
culty, often  insuperable,  to  the  leaders  of  cooperative  under- 
takings. No  passion  is  more  immediately  a  consequence 
of  the  persistence  of  consciousness  in  the  paths  of  least 
difficulty  than  is  the  desire  to  overcome  the  hindrances  to 


Concerted  Volition  419 

sympathy,  to  mutual  agreement,  and  to  social  organization, 
that  present  themselves  in  a  chaos  of  mental  and  moral 
qualities.  To  assimilate  these  to  a  common  type  is  the  first 
step  toward  achieving  with  least  effort  the  satisfactions 
procurable  by  cooperation. 

The  toleration  of  variety,  of  criticism,  and  of  discussion, 
in  its  turn,  and  the  adoption  of  policies  of  liberty,  are  con- 
sequences of  mental  activity  in  the  lines  of  least  difficulty 
that  appear  when  the  returns  of  immediate  satisfaction 
through  homogeneity  begin  to  diminish. 

When  immediate  satisfactions,  obtained  by  any  given 
kind  and  degree  of  effort,  begin  to  diminish,  the  outreach- 
ing  of  the  mind  for  new  means  of  satisfaction  is  analogous 
to  the  equilibration  of  energy  between  a  material  mass  and 
its  environment.  The  immediate  consequence  is  an  inte- 
gration of  consciousness.  The  sum-total  of  experiences, 
of  knowledge,  of  sensations,  is  increased.  In  the  very 
process  of  integration,  however,  differentiation  and  segre- 
gation begin.  New  pleasures  and  a  continual  increase  of 
satisfaction  in  proportion  to  effort,  come  only  with  vari- 
ation in  the  means  of  satisfaction,  and  through  a  putting 
forth  of  effort  in  that  new  and  indirect  mode  which  we  call 
reason.  In  the  social  passion  for  homogeneity,  we  see 
the  social  process  of  integration  ;  in  the  development  of 
discussion  and  criticism,  we  see  mental  differentiation 
and  segregation.  These  higher  intellectual  processes, 
therefore,  are  differential  consequences  of  mental  activity 
in  the  paths  of  least  effort  as  truly  as  physical  differentia- 
tion is  a  consequence  of  equilibration  in  the  lines  of  least 
resistance. 

In  like  manner,  diminishing  returns  of  satisfaction,  popu- 
lar unrest  culminating  in  class  warfare,  and  other  increasing 


420     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

tensions  in  the  social  system  consequent  upon  abuses  of 
liberty  and  excesses  of  individualism,  produce  reactions 
that  initiate  the  democratic  policies  of  equality. 

Ultimate:  Objective  Causes.  —  The  subjective  causes  of 
policy,  themselves,  have  antecedents,  chief  among  which 
are  the  relative  energy  and  the  relative  advancement  of 
neighbouring  or  communicating  social  groups.  The  group 
or  the  people  or  the  race  that  is  highly  endowed  with 
energy  inevitably  expends  some  portion  of  it  in  transform- 
ing its  social,  as  well  as  its  material,  environment,  and 
thereby  undergoes  integration,  both  in  that  mode  which 
consists  in  a  mere  concentration  of  population,  and  in  that 
other  mode  which  consists  in  an  increase  of  population 
through  immigration.  These  changes  facilitate  assimila- 
tion, incite  cooperation,  and  suggest  the  policies  of  unifica- 
tion. An  ever  improving  communication  among  groups  or 
peoples  unequal  in  advancement  provokes  systematic  com- 
parison, and  fosters  that  self-criticism  and  unrest  which 
make  for  liberalism.  Furthermore,  all  inequality,  both  of 
energy  and  of  attainment,  is  necessarily  unstable,  tend- 
ing at  all  times  through  equilibration  to  break  down  into 
equality. 

The  equilibration  of  energies  between  the  strong  and 
the  weak  assumes  the  mode  of  subjugation,  and  finds  ex- 
pression in  policies  of  subjugation,  as  long  as  the  mental 
and  moral  life  of  the  strong  is  on  a  low  plane.  With  the 
evolution  of  intelligence  and  a  differentiation  of  economic 
wants,  it  becomes  exploitation.  It  develops  into  assistance 
with  that  broadening  and  deepening  of  sympathy  which 
comes  through  an  increasingly  intimate  knowledge  of  the 
great  world  of  nature  and  of  mankind. 


Concerted  Volition  421 

External-Internal  Policies 

In  the  concrete  development  of  policy,  external  and  in- 
ternal policies  are  usually  combined  in  highly  complex 
schemes,  and  in  these  policy  attains  its  highest  develop- 
ment. 

Militarism.  —  In  militarism  there  is  an  almost  perfect 
combination  of  policies  of  unification  with  policies  of  sub- 
jugation. The  territory  itself  that  a  people  occupies  be- 
comes an  object  of  new  interest.  Adjoining  geographical 
areas  that,  by  reason  of  topographical  features,  naturally 
belong  with  the  domain  already  possessed,  are  covetously 
regarded.  By  aggression  and  conquest  the  attempt  is  made 
to  annex  them,  and  to  bring  into  the  enlarging  state  all  those 
outlying  populations  that  are  believed  to  be  suitable  com- 
ponents of  the  larger  nation.  This  necessitates  a  perfect 
internal  cohesion.  Every  interest  is  sacrificed  to  military 
discipline.  To  a  great  extent  the  organization  of  society 
becomes  coercive.  To  a  great  degree  individual  freedom  is 
sacrificed. 

All  this  has  its  evil  side,  but  it  has  also  its  good  side, 
which  must  not  be  overlooked.  Military  discipline  was 
one  of  the  first  and  most  powerful  means  by  which  assimi- 
lation was  brought  about,  and  a  certain  degree  of  formal 
like-mindedness  was  established  throughout  the  early  civic 
nation. 

When  conquest  and  military  organization  have  accom- 
plished their  immediate  purpose,  and  many  petty  states, 
and  more  or  less  heterogeneous  populations  have  been  con- 
solidated, the  passion  for  homogeneity  manifests  itself  in 
further  policies,  the  object  of  which  is  to  perfect  the  gen- 
eral conformity  of  the  entire  population  to  a  prevailing 


422      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

type.  These  include  the  policies  of  unification  in  lan- 
guage, in  religion,  in  conduct,  through  criminal  law  and 
sumptuary  administration  and  through  isolation.  The 
latter  is  the  extreme  development  of  a  militaristic  regime. 
Feeling  the  superiority  of  its  culture  and  institutions  to 
those  of  other  peoples,  the  nation  may  endeavour  in  a 
measure  to  cut  itself  off  from  intercourse  with  them,  lest 
foreign  laws  and  manners  should  contaminate,  corrupt, 
and  disintegrate  the  national  life.  This  policy  may  have 
its  justification  under  exceptional  circumstances ;  but  usu- 
ally it  has  been  a  step  toward  national  torpor.  It  has 
been  a  chief  factor  in  producing  what  are  called  "  arrested 
civilizations." 

Exploitation.  —  Successful  militarism  prepares  the  way 
for  exploitation  and  stimulates  it.  The  annexation  of  ter- 
ritory, the  creation  of  colonies,  and  the  establishment  of 
dependencies,  bring  lands  and  peoples  hitherto  foreign 
into  direct  relation  with  the  conquering  nation.  Exclusive 
or  preferential  trade  relations  are  established.  Conquered 
peoples  may  be  enslaved,  or  compelled  to  toil  as  serfs,  or  as 
a  nominally  free  labour  force  kept  under  strict  subjection 
by  economic  or  other  means,  as  is  the  policy  of  the 
English  in  Jamaica,  and  of  the  Dutch  in  the  East  Indian 
archipelago. 

Decline  of  Militarism.  —  The  rise  and  the  decline  of  mili- 
tarism perfectly  conform  to  the  laws  of  increasing  and  of 
diminishing  return.  For  a  time  militarism  brings  in  more 
than  it  costs.  But  a  point  is  reached  beyond  which  the 
costs  increase  faster  than  the  returns.  In  the  rivalry  of 
nations  for  territory,  the  lands  available  for  annexation  by 
any  one  of  them  become  fewer  in  number  and  more  diffi- 
cult to  secure.  The  frontier  is  extended,  and  its  defence 


Concerted  Volition  423 

becomes  more  difficult  and  more  costly.  The  maintenance 
of  armies  of  increasing  size  entails  a  relative  diminution 
of  the  industrial  population  available  to  support  them. 
Nations  vie  with  each  other  in  perfecting  the  enginery  of 
war,  and  the  cost  of  all  military  operations  is  thereby  in- 
creased. Militarism,  in  a  word,  v/orks  directly  toward  its 
own  termination. 

Disintegration  and  Free  Energy.  —  When  militarism 
comes  to  an  end,  either  because  of  ill  success  or  of  un- 
profitableness, immense  stores  of  energy  hitherto  devoted 
to  political  integration  and  the  work  of  a  centralized  adminis- 
tration, are  set  free.  Expending  themselves  upon  internal 
affairs,  they  produce  disintegration  and  render  the  whole 
social  system  more  plastic.  There  is  also  an  immense 
accumulation  of  energy  which  begins  straightway  to  ex- 
pend itself  in  new  enterprises.  Chief  among  these,  for  a 
time,  are  the  undertakings  of  exploitive  industry  and  com- 
merce within  the  relatively  undeveloped  parts  of  the  nation 
or  empire. 

Growth  of  Liberalism.  —  Economic  exploitation,  how- 
ever, may  not  exhaust  the  free  energy  at  disposal,  and 
does  not,  if  peace  is  long  continued.  Liberated  thought 
and  energy  turn  themselves  upon  other  affairs  also. 
They  scrutinize  institutions  and  laws.  They  rebel  against 
a  further  coercion  of  the  individual.  Not  infrequently 
they  instigate  revolutions.  Material  for  the  criticism  of 
institutions  is  abundant,  since  contact  with  other  nations, 
and  the  annexation  of  state  after  state,  have  brought 
into  the  growing  empire  peoples,  laws,  manners,  customs, 
hitherto  foreign  and  more  or  less  strange.  So  much 
material  for  comparison  shows  many  differences,  as  well 
as  many  resemblances,  in  social  constitutions  and  policies, 


424     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  yields  many  suggestions  for  the  modification  or  the 
reform  of  central  and  local  governments. 

Still  more  important  is  the  great  admixture  of  elements 
in  the  population,  brought  about  by  war,  conquest,  slavery, 
and  trade.  Both  physical  and  mental  plasticity  are  among 
the  consequences  of  the  assimilation  of  so  many  differing 
factors  in  the  demotic  composition. 

In  the  plastic  consciousness  of  an  alert  and  versatile 
population  the  investigating,  critical,  and  philosophical 
spirit  arises.  Discovery  is  pursued  for  its  own  sake ;  and 
geography,  history,  and  science  become  serious  intellectual 
interests.  Then,  as  different  communities  and  different 
stages  of  culture  are  compared,  and  as  the  dissatisfaction 
with  existing  conditions  is  analyzed,  the  idea  of  a  possible 
improvement  is  conceived.  Protestantism,  in  the  large 
sense  of  the  word,  begins  to  be  influential,  and  the  now 
fully  self-conscious  community  undertakes  its  own  reorgani- 
zation and  advancement. 

The  nation  that  has  thus  become  liberal  and  progressive 
attempts  to  pursue  policies  that  shall  maintain  unity  and 
stability,  and  yet  shall  guarantee  liberty.  It  strives  for 
the  widest  and  freest  world  intercourse,  realizing  that  con- 
tact with  many  peoples  is  an  indispensable  condition  for 
catholicity  of  view  and  alertness  of  mind.  Progressive 
peoples  invariably  distrust  any  policy  that  tends  toward 
isolation.  Free  thought  is  encouraged.  The  fullest  in- 
vestigation and  the  freest  discussion  of  every  subject  are 
approved.  Instead  of  trying  to  compel  all  men  to  accept 
the  same  beliefs  taught  by  authority,  the  liberal  nation 
encourages  every  man  to  think  for  himself,  to  develop  his 
own  mental  powers,  to  take  an  independent  position  upon 
every  question  and  interest,  knowing  that  reason  is  not  a 


Concerted  Volition  425 

chaotic  or  a  lawless  power,  but  is  one  that  invariably  brings 
men  to  agreement  upon  the  basis  of  real  knowledge  and 
demonstrated  truth.  Finally,  the  liberal  nation  tries  to  per- 
fect its  civilization  by  a  continued  study  of  law  and  a  de- 
velopment of  legality,  which  it  is  ever  striving  to  substitute 
for  arbitrary  authority.  Only  that  nation  which  succeeds  in 
perfecting  the  legal  and  the  rational  methods  of  govern- 
ment and  procedure  can  preserve  both  individual  liberty 
and  public  order. 

Decline  of  Exploitation.  —  Like  militarism,  exploitation 
is  governed  by  the  laws  of  increasing  and  diminishing 
return.  A  point  is  found  beyond  which  slavery  or  any 
mode  of  enforced  labour  becomes  unprofitable  in  competi- 
tion with  free  labour,  and  beyond  which  exclusiveness  and 
privilege  in  commercial  relations  provoke  an  increasingly 
costly  antagonism.  Moreover,  exploitive  industry  and  com- 
merce tend  to  exhaust  certain  natural  resources,  and  they 
are  consistent  with  relatively  crude  economic  methods  only. 

The  growth  of  liberalism  cooperates  with  diminishing 
returns  to  bring  exploitation  to  an  end.  Criticism,  discussion, 
and  knowledge  reveal  the  weaknesses  and  crudities  of  the 
system,  while  world  intercourse  develops  the  understand- 
ing and  the  sympathy  which  revolt  against  the  cruelties  of 
exploitive  methods. 

Growth  of  Equality.  —  The  decline  of  exploitation  has 
among  its  inevitable  consequences  an  actual  approximation 
of  groups,  classes,  and  individuals  toward  equality  of  op- 
portunity and  power.  The  direction  of  free  energy  into 
the  channels  of  discovery  and  invention  multiplies  oppor- 
tunities. The  growth  of  intelligence  and  sympathy  which 
express  themselves  in  policies  of  assistance,  further  equal- 
izes both  abilities  and  conditions. 


426      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  most  powerful  factor,  however,  making  for  equality 
is  the  competitive  struggle  of  various  groups  and  interests 
in  the  free  society  created  by  liberalism.  Different  eco- 
nomic interests  make  themselves  felt  in  political  activities 
and  organizations,  each  of  which,  in  its  desire  to  strengthen 
itself,  extends  privileges  and  grants  concessions  to  the 
weaker  groups  or  classes  in  the  social  population.  This 
has  been  the  great  force  making  for  universal  suffrage,  for 
the  extension  of  economic  opportunity  to  the  masses,  and 
for  the  restriction  of  exploitive  practices. 

Reaction  of  Policy  upon  the  Social  Mind 

While  policies  are  products  and  expressions  of  the  com- 
mon feeling  and  thought,  they  also  react  upon  the  social 
mind,  developing  or  inhibiting  one  or  another  of  its  modes. 
They  may  be  creative  of  emotionalism,  or  of  dogmatism, 
or,  on  the  other  hand,  of  a  critical  rationalism. 

Reactions  of  Militarism :  the  Age  of  Faith.  —  As  an 
expression  of  combative  instincts  and  feelings,  militarism 
gives  free  play  to  both  instinct  and  emotion.  Prolonged 
militarism  is  inhibitive  of  the  higher  intellectual  activities. 
Not  to  mention  its  encouragement  of  brutality,  it  tends 
powerfully  to  develop  the  dogmatic  habit  of  mind,  since 
it  necessarily  accepts  authority  and  requires  obedience. 
Probably,  however,  the  most  important  reaction  of  milita- 
rism upon  the  mental  life  is  its  continuous  and  enormous 
development  of  that  attitude  which  is  called  faith.  Mili- 
tary operations,  at  the  best,  are  hazardous.  A  people 
engaging  in  them  does  not  know,  it  only  believes  that 
its  arms  will  be  crowned  with  victory.  It  stakes  every- 
thing, and,  in  proportion  as  it  succeeds,  it  acquires  an  over- 
whelming faith  in  its  destiny.  The  reaction,  therefore,  of 


Concerted  Volition  427 

militarism  is  favourable  to  an  authoritative  type  of  religion 
rather  than  to  scientific  thought.  So  far  from  being  in 
psychological  contradiction,  the  militaristic  and  the  dog- 
matically religious  attitudes  of  mind  naturally  blend.  The 
militaristic  people  is  worshipful ;  it  believes  profoundly  in 
divine  favour  and  guidance ;  it  exalts  faith ;  it  condemns 
scepticism ;  it  reprobates  any  criticism  of  authority. 

The  reactions  of  militarism  upon  conduct  and  character 
also  are  profound,  and  essentially  of  the  religious  order. 
Successful  militarism  demands  self-denial  and  sacrifice. 
Asceticism  and  austerity  are  created  by  it,  and  are  exalted 
as  peculiarly  important  virtues.  With  this  attitude,  how- 
ever, is  associated  an  expectation  of  future  reward.  Hard- 
ships and  sacrifice  are  endured  for  a  time,  that  victory  and 
booty  may  be  obtained  at  the  end.  The  present,  therefore, 
is  belittled,  and  the  future  is  exaggerated.  The  habit  of 
mind  created  is  that  of  future  worldliness.  The  life  of 
the  present  is  nothing :  a  future  condition  is  everything. 
This  habit  of  mind  is  material  for  religious  influences 
to  work  upon,  and  they  rapidly  convert  it  into  a  supreme 
regard  for  a  future  life,  to  which  the  present  life  should  be 
to  any  extent  subordinated. 

Reactions  of  Exploitation. —  In  a  somewhat  less  degree, 
yet  powerfully,  exploitation  reacts  very  much  as  does 
militarism.  Great  commercial  and  industrial  undertakings 
are  great  risks.  They  demand  faith,  and  enormously  de- 
velop it.  They  demand  also  present  self-denial  and  sac- 
rifice, a  conversion  of  wealth  from  the  passive  mode  of 
consumable  goods  into  the  active  mode  of  working  capital. 
Parsimony  and  thrift  are  the  virtues  that  it  extols.  And, 
like  militarism,  exploitation  is  creative  of  f  uture-worldliness. 
Not  more  than  between  militarism  and  an  unquestioning 


428     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

faith,  is  there  any  antagonism  between  capitalistic  exploita- 
tion and  a  non-liberal  kind  of  religion.  The  great  entre- 
preneur may  very  naturally  be  a  dogmatic  religious  leader. 
He  is  a  man  of  faith,  of  authority,  of  future-worldliness. 

Reactions  of  Peace:  The  Age  of  Science  and  Humanity. 
—  The  discontinuance  of  militarism  and  the  diminution  of 
exploitation,  setting  free  boundless  energies,  giving  op- 
portunity for  the  growth  of  knowledge  and  sympathy, 
weakening  the  force  of  authority,  allow  the  critical  and 
investigative  impulses  to  work  themselves  out  in  discovery, 
science,  invention,  and  discussion.  The  scientific  habit  of 
mind  gets  the  better  of  mere  faith.  Men  wish  to  know ; 
they  are  no  longer  satisfied  merely  to  believe.  And,  no 
longer  compelled  to  make  extreme  sacrifices,  to  practise 
the  utmost  self-denial,  they  begin  to  make  more  of  the 
present  life.  Consuming  more  abundantly,  they  more 
carefully  study  the  art  of  consumption,  and  all  the  arts 
awaken  to  new  life.  The  consumption  of  wealth,  in  fact, 
becomes  as  important  as  production.  The  prevailing  habit 
of  mind  becomes  in  a  measure  one  of  present-worldliness, 
and  such  future-worldliness  as  survives  takes  on  a  new 
colouring.  It  is  more  charged  with  sympathy  and  intelli- 
gence, and  becomes  increasingly  a  devotion  to  the  con- 
tinuing improvement  of  mankind. 


PART    III 
SOCIAL   ORGANIZATION 

CHAPTER   I 

THE  NATURE  AND  FORMS  OF  SOCIAL  ORGANIZATION 
Permanence  of  Cooperation 

MANY  of  the  activities  in  which  individuals  combine 
their  efforts  are  continued  or  repeated  until  they  have 
become  habitual ;  and  the  cooperating  individuals  in  these 
cases  sustain  relatively  permanent  relations  to  one  another. 
Habitual  relations  of  the  members  of  a  society  to  one  an- 
other, and  persistent  forms  of  cooperative  activity,  collec- 
tively, are  called  the  Social  Organization. 

Public   Sanction 

When  cooperation  has  become  permanent,  and  the  re- 
lations of  cooperators  have  become  stable,  a  further  evolu- 
tion of  social  organization  results  from  a  concurrence  of 
concerted  volition  in  its  general  or  public  phase  with  the 
concerted  volition  that  is  partial  and  private. 

The  relations  themselves  that  men  sustain  to  one  an- 
other, and  the  forms  of  cooperative  activity,  spring  up  as 
a  result  of  individual  suggestion  and  practical  convenience. 
Relations  that  are  accidentally  formed  prove  to  be  interest- 
ing, agreeable,  and  useful,  and  therefore  are  permanently 
maintained.  Forms  of  cooperation  that  are  invented  for 

429 


430     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

a  temporary  purpose  prove  to  be  so  successful  that  they, 
too,  are  persisted  in.  In  all  this  we  see  nothing  but  the 
spontaneous  action  of  resembling  and  sympathetic  minds 
pursuing  their  own  immediate  practical  interests  through 
concerted  volition  of  a  purely  private  sort. 

When,  however,  these  spontaneously  formed  features  of 
social  organization  have  become  so  well  established  or  so 
conspicuous  that  they  challenge  the  attention  of  every 
member  of  the  community,  they  become  subjects  of  uni- 
versal discussion  and  of  general  approval  or  disapproval. 
Subjected,  then,  to  analysis  and  criticism,  they  finally  are 
pronounced  good  or  evil,  or  doubtful,  by  the  concurrent 
opinion  of  the  society.  Their  further  development  thence- 
forward is  tolerated  or  encouraged  by  the  state,  or  they  are 
stamped  out,  and  the  individuals  who  attempt  to  maintain 
them  are  punished. 

The  essential  basis  of  social  organization  in  every  stage 
of  its  history  is  like-mindedness,  and  all  social  organization 
is  an  expression  of  some  mode  of  like-mindedness  in  the 
population. 

Peculiarities  in  the  development  of  social  organization 
are  to  be  accounted  for  partly  by  the  passion  of  like- 
minded  people  to  perfect  and  to  extend  like-mindedness 
itself,  to  make  the  community  more  and  more  homoge- 
neous in  mental  and  moral  qualities  ;  partly  by  a  developing 
appreciation  of  the  value  of  unlike-mindedness  as  a  means 
of  variation  and  progress ;  and  partly  by  the  combination 
and  reconciliation  of  these  two  motives. 

Forms  of  Organization 

In  every  community  social  organization  assumes  certain 
great  forms.  These  are,  namely,  (i)  the  Private  and  the 


Nature  and  Forms  of  Social  Organization     431 

Public,  (2)  the  Unauthorized  and  the  Authorized  (institu- 
tions), (3)  the  Unincorporated  and  the  Incorporated, 
(4)  the  Component,  and  (5)  the  Constituent. 

Public  and  Private  Organization.  —  Public  organization 
is  coextensive  with  the  state,  including  local  divisions  of 
the  community  that  exercise  public  authority.  It  carries 
and  transmits  the  coercive  power  of  the  state.  The  pri- 
vate organization,  on  the  other  hand,  can  put  the  coercive 
power  of  the  state  in  motion  only  indirectly,  by  appealing 
to  the  government. 

Institutions.  —  An  institution  is  a  social  relation  that  is 
consciously  permitted  or  established  by  adequate  and  right- 
ful authority,  in  the  last  resort,  by  sovereignty. 

Any  social  organization  or  relation  that  has  grown  up 
unperceived  by  the  public  becomes  an  institution  when  the 
attention  of  the  state  is  called  to  it,  and  the  state  then  per- 
mits it  to  exist,  thereby  authorizing  it. 

Incorporated  and  Unincorporated  Organizations.  —  Social 
organizations  that  have  become  institutions  may  be  incor- 
porated or  unincorporated.  The  incorporated  organiza- 
tion is  an  institution  that  not  only  is  authorized,  to  the 
extent  of  being  tolerated  by  the  state,  but  that  also  is 
established  by  a  definite  creative  act  of  the  state.  Its  plan 
of  organization  has  been  described  by  law ;  its  powers  have 
been  fixed  by  law,  and  likewise  its  responsibilities.  It  has 
the  rights  and  duties  of  a  legal  personality. 

The  incorporated  organization  may  be  either  public  or 
private.  Municipalities  are  public  corporations;  manufac- 
turing and  trading  companies  are  private  corporations.  A 
further  characteristic  of  private  corporations  usually  is  a 
limited  liability  of  their  individual  members. 

All   unincorporated   organizations  are    private    associa- 


432      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

tions.  A  village,  if  unincorporated,  is  merely  a  private 
body.  In  civilized  communities  innumerable  societies  for 
all  conceivable  purposes  have  no  legal  status,  and  depend 
entirely  upon  the  voluntary  support  of  their  individual 
members. 

7^(?  Social  Composition.  —  In  every  community  that  is 
larger  than  a  single  family,  there  is  a  grouping  of  individ- 
uals that  brings  together  both  sexes  and  all  ages  in  those 
small  organizations  that  we  call  families;  brings  families  to- 
gether in  villages,  towns,  or  cities ;  brings  towns  or  cities 
together  in  provinces,  departments,  or  commonwealths,  and 
combines  the  latter  in  national  states.  This  plan  of  or- 
ganization, combining  groups  of  those  who  dwell  together 
in  one  place,  region,  or  territory,  may  be  called  the  Social 
Composition. 

All  component  societies,  except  families  and  unincorpo- 
rated villages,  are  public  organizations. 

The  Social  Constitution.  —  This  is  an  organization  of  the 
individual  members  of  the  community  into  associations  or 
groups,  for  carrying  on  special  forms  of  activity  or  for 
maintaining  particular  interests.  Each  of  these  group- 
ings may  be  called  a  Constituent  Society. 

Such  associations  are:  business  partnerships  and  cor- 
porations, political  parties,  churches,  philanthropic  societies, 
schools,  universities,  and  scientific  associations. 

Most  constituent  societies  are  private  organizations. 
Chief  among  exceptions  is  the  state,  the  supreme  political 
organizatioa 


CHAPTER   II 

THE  SOCIAL  COMPOSITION 
Resemblance  in  Component  Societies 

A  COMPONENT  society  is  wholly  or  partly  a  genetic 
aggregation.  The  smaller  component  groups,  including 
families,  and,  sometimes,  villages,  may  be  products  of 
genetic  aggregation  only.  Such  large  component  societies 
as  cities  and  commonwealths  are  products  of  genetic  ag- 
gregation and  congregation  together. 

Tribal  component  societies  insist  on  kinship.  Civil  com- 
ponent societies  highly  value  a  common  blood,  but  do  not 
demand  it ;  instead,  they  require  potential  likeness.  All 
component  societies  require  mental  and  moral  likeness ; 
but,  within  the  limits  of  a  common  morality,  there  may  be 
no  insistence  upon  any  one  point  of  mental  or  moral  sim- 
ilarity, so  long  as  the  aggregate  of  resemblances  remains 
large  and  varied.  Subject  to  these  conditions,  the  mental 
and  moral  differences  among  the  members  of  a  component 
society  may  be  of  any  imaginable  kind. 

Types  of  Social  Composition 

Viewed  from  the  standpoint  of  social  composition,  so- 
cieties are  of  two  great  types  :  the  Ethnic  or  Tribal,  and 
the  Civil  or  Demotic.  Ethnic  societies  in  turn  are  of 
two  types,  the  metronymic  and  the  patronymic.  And, 
finally,  any  component  society,  ethnic  or  civil,  metro- 
nymic or  patronymic,  may  be  endogamous  or  exogamous. 
2F  433 


434     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Ethnic  and  Demotic  Societies.  —  Ethnic  societies  are 
genetic  aggregations.  A  real  or  fictitious  blood  kinship  is 
their  chief  social  bond.  They  are  otherwise  known  as 
tribal  societies,  and  include  all  communities  of  uncivilized 
races  which  maintain  a  tribal  organization.  Demotic  so- 
cieties, while  in  some  degree  products  of  genetic  aggre- 
gation, are  largely  congregate  associations.  They  are 
groups  of  people  that  are  bound  together  by  habitual  inter- 
course, mutual  interests,  and  cooperation,  emphasizing 
their  mental  and  moral  resemblance,  and  giving  little  heed 
to  origins  or  to  genetic  relationships. 

There  yet  survive,  in  various  parts  of  the  world,  savage 
and  barbarian  communities  of  such  varied  stages  of  social 
organization  that  every  form  of  social  composition  may 
still  be  observed  and  comparatively  studied  in  actually  ex- 
isting communities. 

Metronymic  and  Patronymic  Societies.  —  A  metronymic 
group  is  one  in  which  all  relationships  are  traced  through 
mothers ;  relationships  on  the  father's  side  are  ignored.  A 
patronymic  group  is  one  in  which  all  relationships  are 
traced  in  the  male  line,  through  fathers. 

Every  metronymic  social  group  is  named  from  some 
class  of  natural  objects,  such  as  a  species  of  plant  or  ani- 
mal, which  is  thought  of  as  feminine  in  gender,  and  from 
which  the  group  is  supposed  to  have  sprung.  A  class  of 
objects  so  regarded  is  known  among  ethnologists  as  a  totem, 
which  is  approximately  its  American  Indian  name.  The 
totem  is  worshipped  as  possessing  divine  powers,  and  as 
maintaining  a  special  protective  oversight  of  the  group  ; 
and  the  group  in  turn  protects  the  totem  from  harm. 
Usually,  no  animal  or  plant  of  the  totemic  class  may  be 
slain  or  used  for  food ;  but  probably  there  was  a  time 


The  Social  Composition  435 

when  the  totemic  species  was  the  usual  food  supply  of  the 
group  that  afterward  abstained  from  it.1 

Each  patronymic  group  is  named  from  a  real  or  fictitious 
male  ancestor.  Metronymy  is  presumably  older  than 
patronymy. 

The  Metronymic  Clan  in  Shechem 

And  Abimelech,  the  son  of  Jerubbaal  went  to  Shechem, 
unto  his  mother's  brethren,  and  spake  with  them,  and 
with  all  the  family  of  the  house  of  his  mother's  father, 
saying,  Speak,  I  pray  you,  in  the  ears  of  all  the  men  of 
Shechem,  whether  is  better  for  you,  that  all  the  sons  of 
Jerubbaal,  who  are  threescore  and  ten  persons,  rule  over 
you,  or  that  one  rule  over  you  ?  remember  also  that  I  am 
your  bone  and  your  flesh.  And  his  mother's  brethren 
spake  of  him  in  the  ears  of  all  the  men  of  Shechem  all 
these  words  :  and  their  hearts  inclined  to  follow  Abimelech ; 
for  they  said,  He  is  our  brother.  Judgg^  chap  ^  ^ 

Metronymic  Survivals  among  the  Hebrews 

And  there  was  a  famine  in  the  land :  and  Abram  went 
down  into  Egypt  to  sojourn  there;  for  the  famine  was  sore 
in  the  land.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  was  come  near' 
to  enter  into  Egypt,  that  he  said  unto  Sarai  his  wife,  Be- 
hold now,  I  know  that  thou  art  a  fair  woman  to  look  upon  : 
and  it  shall  come  to  pass,  when  the  Egyptians  shall  see 
thee,  that  they  shall  say,  This  is  his  wife :  and  they  will 
kill  me,  but  they  will  save  thee  alive.  Say,  I  pray  thee, 
thou  art  my  sister :  that  it  may  be  well  with  me  for  thy 
sake,  and  that  my  soul  may  live  because  of  thee.  And  it 
came  to  pass,  that,  when  Abram  was  come  into  Egypt,  the 
Egyptians  beheld  the  woman  that  she  was  very  fair.  And 
the  princes  of  Pharaoh  saw  her,  and  praised  her  to  Pharaoh: 
and  the  woman  was  taken  into  Pharaoh's  house.  And  he 
dealt  well  with  Abram  for  her  sake :  and  he  had  sheep,  and 
oxen,  and  he-asses,  and  menservants,  and  maidservants,  and 
she-asses,  and  camels.  And  Jehovah  plagued  Pharaoh 

1  See  Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia. 


436      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  his  house  with  great  plagues  because  of  Sarai  Abram's 
wife.  And  Pharaoh  called  Abram,  and  said,  What  is  this 
that  thou  hast  done  unto  me  ?  why  didst  thou  not  tell  me 
that  she  was  thy  wife?  Why  saidst  thou,  She  is  my  sister? 
so  that  I  took  her  to  be  my  wife :  now  therefore  behold 
thy  wife,  take  her,  and  go  thy  way.  And  Pharaoh  gave 
men  charge  concerning  him:  and  they  brought  him  on  the 

way,  and  his  wife,  and  all  that  he  had. 

******* 

And  Abraham  journeyed  from  thence  toward  the  land 
of  the  South,  and  dwelt  between  Kadesh  and  Shur ;  and 
he  sojourned  in  Gerar.  And  Abraham  said  of  Sarah  his 
wife,  She  is  my  sister :  and  Abimelech  king  of  Gerar  sent, 
and  took  Sarah.  But  God  came  to  Abimelech  in  a  dream 
of  the  night,  and  said  to  him,  Behold,  thou  art  but  a  dead 
man,  because  of  the  woman  that  thou  hast  taken  ;  for  she 
is  a  man's  wife.  Now  Abimelech  had  not  come  near  her : 
and  he  said,  Lord,  wilt  thou  slay  even  a  righteous  nation  ? 
Said  he  not  himself  unto  me,  She  is  my  sister  ?  and  she, 
even  she  herself  said,  He  is  my  brother :  in  the  integrity 
of  my  heart  and  the  innocency  of  my  hands  have  I  done 
this.  And  God  said  unto  him  in  the  dream,  Yea,  I  know 
that  in  the  integrity  of  thy  heart  thou  hast  done  this,  and 
I  also  withheld  thee  from  sinning  against  me :  therefore 
suffered  I  thee  not  to  touch  her.  Now  therefore  restore 
the  man's  wife  ;  for  he  is  a  prophet,  and  he  shall  pray  for 
thee,  and  thou  shalt  live  :  and  if  thou  restore  her  not,  know 
thou  that  thou  shalt  surely  die,  thou,  and  all  that  are  thine. 
And  Abimelech  rose  early  in  the  morning,  and  called  all 
his  servants,  and  told  all  these  things  in  their  ears :  and 
the  men  were  sore  afraid.  Then  Abimelech  called  Abra- 
ham, and  said  unto  him,  What  hast  thou  done  unto  us? 
and  wherein  have  I  sinned  against  thee,  that  thou  hast 
brought  on  me  and  on  my  kingdom  a  great  sin  ?  thou  hast 
done  deeds  unto  me  that  ought  not  to  be  done.  And 
Abimelech  said  unto  Abraham,  What  sawest  thou,  that 
thou  hast  done  this  thing  ?  And  Abraham  said,  Because 
I  thought,  Surely  the  fear  of  God  is  not  in  this  place ;  and 
they  will  slay  me  for  my  wife's  sake.  And  moreover  she 
is  indeed  my  sister,  the  daughter  of  my  father,  but  not  the 
daughter  of  my  mother ;  and  she  became  my  wife :  and  it 


The  Social  Composition  437 

came  to  pass,  when  God  caused  me  to  wander  from  my 
father's  house,  that  I  said  unto  her,  This  is  thy  kindness 
which  thou  shalt  show  unto  me  ;  at  every  place  whither 
we  shall  come,  say  of  me,  He  is  my  brother.  And  Abime- 
lech  took  sheep  and  oxen,  and  menservants  and  women- 
servants,  and  gave  them  unto  Abraham,  and  restored  him 
Sarah  his  wife.  And  Abimelech  said,  Behold,  my  land  is 
before  thee  :  dwell  where  it  pleaseth  thee.  And  unto 
Sarah  he  said,  Behold,  I  have  given  thy  brother  a  thousand 
pieces  of  silver:  behold,  it  is  for  thee  a  covering  of  the 
eyes  to  all  that  are  with  thee  ;  and  in  respect  of  all  thou 
art  righted.  And  Abraham  prayed  unto  God :  and  God 
healed  Abimelech,  and  his  wife,  and  his  maidservants;  and 
they  bare  children.  For  Jehovah  had  fast  closed  up  all 
the  wombs  of  the  house  of  Abimelech,  because  of  Sarah 
Abraham's  wife. 

Genesis,  Chap.  xii.  10-20  and  Chap.  xx. 

Inheritance  by  Maternal  Right 

We  will  now  proceed  to  describe  in  detail  the  order  of 
succession  to  the  intestate  estate,  that  is,  to  the  right  of 
inheritance  in  property  where  a  woman  dies  intestate,  that 
is,  without  leaving  directions  as  to  the  disposal  of  her 
estate. 

The  child  is  the  natural  heir  to  the  mother's  estate,  and, 
therefore,  it  is  a  fixed  rule  that  on  the  mother's  death  the 
child  or  children  will  come  into  possession  of  the  property 
that  belonged  to  her,  which  is  explained  by  the  fact,  that 
the  child  is  the  natural  heir,  whether  the  mother  bequeaths 
the  property  to  the  child  or  leaves  no  directions  concern- 
ing it. 

There  is  no  distinction  or  difference  amongst  children. 
The  child  born  in  proper  wedlock,  the  child  born  to  a 
woman  whilst  in  an  unmarried  state,  the  child  born  to  her 
whilst  in  concubinage  with  a  man  of  a  higher  caste  than 
herself,  and  the  child  born  to  her  whilst  living  with  a  man 
of  an  inferior  caste — these  several  children  —  will  have  an 
equal  right  to  the  maternal  inheritance. 

Again,  a  son,  whether  he  be  a  layman  or  a  priest,  or  a 
daughter  whether  married  in  Dega  or  living  in  Bmi  on  her 


438     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

mother's  premises,  (these)  the  male  and  female  children, 
will  all  have  an  equal  right  to  the  (maternal)  inheritance. 

A  son,  though  living  in  Bini  marriage  with  another 
family  will  have  the  same  right  of  inheritance  with  his 
other  brothers  and  sisters.  The  fact  of  his  having  gone 
away  and  contracted  a  Bmi  marriage  will  not  destroy  his 
right.  There  are,  however,  exceptions  in  certain  cases, 
and  these  will  be  detailed  hereafter. 

As  we  have  shewn,  the  children's  right  of  inheritance 
will  only  come  into  operation  on  the  mother's  death,  and, 
therefore,  the  children  have  no  power  whatever  over  the 
mother's  lands  and  any  other  property  during  her  lifetime. 

LE  MESURIER  and  PA'  NABOKKE,  Kandyan  Law,  Chap.  5,  Sec.  I. 
106. 

Metronymic  Survivals  among  the  Tartars 

They  are  joyned  in  matrimony  to  all  in  generall,  yea, 
even  to  their  neare  kinsfolkes  except  their  mother,  daughter 
and  sister  by  the  mothers  side.  For  they  use  to  marrie 
their  sister  by  the  fathers  side  only,  and  also  the  wife  of 
their  father  after  his  decease.  The  younger  brother  also, 
or  some  other  of  his  kindred,  is  bound  to  marry  the  wife  of 
his  elder  brother  deceased.  For,  at  the  time  of  our  aboad 
in  the  countrey,  a  certaine  duke  of  Russia  named  Andreas, 
was  accused  before  duke  Baty  for  conveying  the  Tartars 
horses  out  of  the  land,  and  for  selling  them  to  others :  and 
although  it  could  not  be  prooved,  yet  was  he  put  to  death. 
His  yonger  brother  and  the  wife  of  the  party  deceased 
hearing  this,  came  and  made  their  supplication  unto  the 
f  orenamed  duke,  that  the  dukedome  of  Russia  might  not  be 
taken  from  them.  But  he  commanded  the  youth  to  marrie 
his  deceased  brothers  wife,  and  the  woman  also  to  take  him 
unto  her  husband,  according  to  the  custome  of  the  Tartars. 

The  voyage  of  Johannes  de  Piano  Carpini  unto  the  Northeast  parts 
of  the  world,  in  the  yeere  of  our  Lord,  1246,  Hakhtyfs  Voyages, 
edition  of  1903,  Vol.  I.  139-140. 

Metronymic  Survivals  in  Salic  Law 

We  need  here  only  transcribe  the  title  of  the  Allodial 
Lands  of  the  Salic  law  ;  that  famous  text  of  which  so  many 
have  talked,  and  which  so  few  have  read. 


The  Social  Composition  439 

"i.  If  a  man  dies  without  issue,  his  father  or  mother 
shall  succeed  him.  2.  If  he  has  neither  father  nor  mother, 
his  brother  or  sister  shall  succeed  him.  3.  If  he  has 
neither  brother  nor  sister,  the  sister  of  his  mother  shall 
succeed  him.  4.  If  his  mother  has  no  sister,  the  sister  of 
his  father  shall  succeed  him.  5.  If  his  father  has  no 
sister,  the  nearest  relative  by  the  male  side  shall  succeed. 
6.  Not  any  part  of  the  Salic  land  shall  pass  to  females  ; 
but  it  shall  belong  to  the  males  ;  that  is,  the  male  children 
shall  succeed  their  father." 

It  is  plain  that  the  first  five  articles  relate  to  the  inher- 
itance of  a  man  who  dies  without  issue ;  and  the  sixth  to 
the  succession  of  him  who  has  children. 

When  a  man  dies  without  children,  the  law  ordains  that 
neither  of  the  two  sexes  shall  have  the  preference  to  the 
other,  except  in  certain  cases.  In  the  first  two  degrees  of 
succession,  the  advantages  of  the  males  and  females  were 
the  same ;  in  the  third  and  fourth,  the  females  had  the  pref- 
erence ;  and  the  males  in  the  fifth. 

Tacitus  points  out  the  source  of  these  extravagances. 
"The  sister's  children,"  says  he,  "are  as  dear  to  their  uncle 
as  to  their  own  father.  There  are  men  who  regard  this 
degree  of  kindred  as  more  strict,  and  even  more  holy. 
They  prefer  it  when  they  receive  hostages."  Hence  it 
proceeds  that  our  earliest  historians  speak  in  such  strong 
terms  of  the  love  of  the  kings  of  the  Franks  for  their 
sisters  and  their  sisters'  children.  And,  indeed,  if  the 
children  of  the  sister  were  considered  in  her  brother's 
house  as  his  own  children,  it  was  natural  for  these  to  re- 
gard their  aunt  as  their  mother. 

The  sister  of  the  mother  was  preferred  to  the  father's 
sister ;  this  is  explained  by  other  texts  of  the  Salic  law. 
When  a  woman  became  a  widow,  she  fell  under  the  guard- 
ianship of  her  husband's  relatives  ;  the  law  preferred  to  this 
guardianship  the  relatives  by  the  females  before  those  by 
the  males.  Indeed,  a  woman  who  entered  into  a  family 
joining  herself  with  those  of  her  own  sex,  became  more 
united  to  her  relatives  by  the  female  than  by  the  male. 
Moreover,  when  a  man  killed  another,  and  had  not  where- 
withal to  pay  the  pecuniary  penalty,  the  law  permitted 
him  to  deliver  up  his  substance,  and  his  relatives  were 


44-O     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

to  supply  the  deficiency.  After  the  father,  mother,  and 
brother,  the  sister  of  the  mother  was  to  pay,  as  if  this  tie 
had  something  in  it  most  tender :  now  the  degree  of  kin- 
dred which  imposes  the  burdens  ought  also  to  confer  the 
advantages. 

The  Salic  law  enjoins  that  after  the  father's  sister,  the 
succession  should  be  held  by  the  nearest  relative  male  ;  but 
if  this  relative  was  beyond  the  fifth  degree,  he  should  not 
inherit.  Thus  a  female  of  the  fifth  degree  might  inherit  to 
the  prejudice  of  a  male  of  the  sixth ;  and  this  may  be  seen 
in  the  law  of  the  Ripuarian  Franks  (a  faithful  interpreter 
of  the  Salic  law),  under  the  title  of  Allodial  Lands,  where 
it  closely  adheres  to  the  Salic  law  on  the  same  subject. 

If  the  father  left  issue,  the  Salic  law  would  have  the 
daughters  excluded  from  the  inheritance  of  the  Salic  land, 
and  determined  that  it  should  belong  to  the  male  children. 

It  would  be  easy  for  me  to  prove  that  the  Salic  law  did 
not  absolutely  exclude  the  daughters  from  the  possession  of 
the  Salic  land,  but  only  in  the  case  where  they  were  de- 
barred by  their  brothers.  This  appears  from  the  letter  of 
the  Salic  law  ;  which,  after  having  said  that  the  women 
shall  possess  none  of  the  Salic  land  but  only  the  males,  in- 
terprets and  restrains  itself  by  adding,  "  that  is,  the  son 
shall  succeed  to  the  inheritance  of  the  father." 

MONTESQUIEU,  De  Vesprit  des  loix,  translated  by  THOMAS  NUGENT, 
Vol.  I.  304-306. 

The  Agnates 

Agnati  are  those  who  are  related  to  each  other  through 
males,  that  is  are  related  through  the  father,  as,  for  in- 
stance, a  brother  by  the  same  father,  or  the  son  of  such  a 
brother,  the  son  of  such  a  son,  or,  again,  a  father's  brother, 
or  a  father's  brother's  son,  or  the  son  of  such  a  son.  But 
those  who  are  related  to  us  through  females  are  not  agnati, 
but  merely  cognati  by  natural  relationship.  Thus  the  son 
of  a  father's  sister  is  related  to  you  not  by  agnation,  but  by 
cognation,  and  you  are  also  related  to  him  by  cognation ; 
as  children  belong  to  the  family  of  their  father,  and  not  to 
that  of  their  mother. 

JUSTINIAN,  Institutes,  Lib.  I.  xv.  i.     Cf.  GAIUS,  i.  156. 


The  Social  Composition  441 

Endogamous  and  Exogamous  Societies.  —  An  endoga- 
mous  society  is  one  in  which  the  men  may,  and  usually  do, 
take  women  of  their  own  group  as  wives.  An  exogamous 
group  is  one  in  which  men,  by  sacred  custom,  are  for- 
bidden to  marry  women  of  their  own  group,  and  to  which 
they  bring  wives  from  other  groups. 

The  family  group  is  almost  everywhere  exogamous,  al- 
though endogamous  —  that  is  incestuous  —  families  are 
found  in  some  of  the  lowest  savage  communities  and  occa- 
sionally elsewhere.  The  totemic  kindred  is  sometimes  en- 
dogamous and  sometimes  exogamous.  Larger  ethnic  so- 
cieties are  usually  endogamous.  In  civil  societies  larger  than 
family  groups  restrictions  of  endogamy  and  exogamy  have 
disappeared,  although  actual  marriage  custom  remains 
either  prevailingly  endogamous  or  prevailingly  exogamous. 

The   Composition   of  Ethnic    Societies 

In  the  composition  of  ethnic  societies  families  are  com- 
bined in  hordes,  hordes,  differentiated  by  clan  organization, 
are  grouped  in  clusters,  horde  clusters  are  consolidated 
into  tribes,  and  tribes  are  combined  in  confederations. 
Family,  horde,  and  tribe  are  the  component  groups  of 
ethnic  society. 

The  Family  is  the  simplest  component  society. 

The  simplest  form  of  the  human  family  is  a  pairing 
arrangement  of  short  duration.  Among  the  Mincopis,  of 
the  Andaman  Islands,  it  is  customary  for  the  father  to  live 
with  the  mother  until  after  their  child  is  weaned,  and  then 
to  seek  another  wife.  A  similar  arrangement,  somewhat 
more  stable,  but  seldom  of  lifelong  duration,  is  found 
among  the  Blackfellows  of  Australia,  the  northern  Eskimo 
of  Greenland,  and  the  Amazonian  Indians  of  Brazil. 


44 2     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

When  the  Hawaiian  Islands  were  first  invaded  by  whites, 
a  family  organization  was  discovered  which  is  called  by  its 
Hawaiian  name,  Punaluan.  It  is  constituted  by  the  marriage 
of  a  group  of  brothers  to  a  group  of  sisters,  who,  how- 
ever, are  not  sisters  to  their  husbands.  Each  woman  is  a 
wife  to  all  the  men,  and  each  man  a  husband  to  all  the 
women.  This  form  still  exists  among  the  Todas  of  India. 

The  polyandrian  family,  in  which  a  woman  has  several 
husbands,  is  usually  found  among  tribes  that  have  passed 
beyond  the  lowest  savagery  into  the  somewhat  higher  stage 
of  barbarism. 

There  are  two  well-marked  types  of  polyandry,  known 
respectively  as  Tibetan  and  Nair.  In  Tibetan  polyandry,  so 
called  because  it  has  been  most  carefully  studied  in  Tibet, 
the  husbands  are  brothers.  This  is  the  commoner  form. 
In  Nair  polyandry,  which  takes  its  name  from  a  district  of 
southeastern  India,  the  woman's  husbands  are  not  related. 

The  polygynous  family,  in  which  the  husband  has  two 
or  more  wives  or  concubines,  has  been,  and  still  is,  even 
more  general  than  polyandry. 

Polygyny  depends  upon  the  ability  of  the  husband  to 
support  a  large  domestic  establishment ;  and  it  is  therefore 
practically  confined  to  the  relatively  well-to-do  classes  in 
those  communities  that  tolerate  it.  It  usually  happens 
therefore,  that  in  polygynous  societies  the  poorer  classes 
are  either  monogamous  or  polyandrian. 

As  societies  have  advanced  in  culture,  monogamy,  or 
the  marriage  union  of  one  man  with  one  woman,  has 
everywhere  tended  to  displace  polyandry  and  polygyny. 
Theoretically,  a  monogamous  marriage  is  of  lifelong  dura- 
tion. Actually,  however,  divorce  is  nearly  everywhere 
allowed  for  various  causes. 


The  Social  Composition  443 

Polyandry  in  Ceylon 

It  is  frequently  the  custom  in  this  country  for  one  man 
to  have  at  the  same  time  a  number  of  wives,  and  for  one 
woman  to  have  at  the  same  time  a  number  of  husbands. 
It  is  also  a  frequent  custom  for  two  or  three  men  to  have 
two  or  three  wives  in  common. 

After  the  parents  have  given  their  daughter  in  mar- 
riage to  a  man,  that  man,  either  to  obtain  assistance  or  to 
prevent  a  division  of  the  estate,  (lit.,  on  account  of  the 
estate  being  too  small  for  division)  when  intending  to  live 
in  associated  marriage,  cannot  do  so  except  with  his  wife's 
consent. 

If  a  married  man  consents  to  make  his  marriage  a  com- 
munal one  with  another  person  who  is  not  his  brother, 
even  though  the  wife  be  willing,  if  the  parents  do  not  give 
their  consent,  the  associated  marriage  cannot  be  arranged. 

If  a  woman  of  her  own  accord  goes  after  another  man, 
and  her  first  husband  thereupon  separates  himself  from 
her,  the  first  marriage  is  cancelled. 

The  husband  has  the  power,  without  regard  to  the  con- 
sent of  his  first  wife,  to  marry  others  as  he  pleases.  But, 
although  he  has  such  power,  if  the  first  wife  be  unwilling, 
she  can  obtain  a  divorce,  which  divorce  is  looked  upon  as 
one  where  the  husband  no  longer  requires  his  wife. 

LE  MESURIER  and  PA1  NABOKKE,  Kandyan  Law,  Chap.  3,  Sec.  V.  22. 

Under  the  Kandyan  Laws  polyandry,  as  well  as  polyg- 
amy, was  allowed  without  limitation  as  to  the  number  of 
husbands  or  wives.  A  woman  usually  had  two  husbands, 
and  there  have  been  cases  where  a  woman  had  as  many  as 
seven.  The  joint  husbands  were,  as  a  rule,  members  of  the 
same  family  and  most  frequently  brothers,  and  lived  in 
perfect  harmony.  The  children  of  these  promiscuous 
marriages  acknowledged  all  the  husbands,  however  numer- 
ous, of  their  mother  as  their  fathers,  calling  them  "  great 
father,"  "little  father,"  etc.,  and  were,  till  recently,  the  rec- 
ognized heirs  of  them  all.  The  wife  could  not  however 
take  a  second  husband  without  the  consent  of  the  first, 
though  it  was  competent  to  the  husband  to  take  a  second 
wife  without  consulting  the  wishes  of  his  first  spouse.  It 


444     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

was  in  the  power  of  the  wife  to  refuse  to  admit  a  second 
associated  husband  at  the  request  of  the  first  husband, 
even  should  the  former  be  a  brother  of  the  latter;  and 
should  the  proposed  second  husband  not  be  a  brother  of 
the  first,  the  consent  of  the  wife's  family  also  was  required 
to  the  double  connection. 

Before  the  occupation  of  Ceylon  by  Europeans  no  in- 
famy appears  to  have  attached  to  such  a  union.  It 
was  not  forbidden  by  Buddhism  and  not  confined  to  any 
caste  or  class  among  the  Sinhalese,  being  more  or  less 
general  amongst  the  high  and  low,  the  rich  and  poor. 
Sir  John  Lubbock  in  his  Prehistoric  Times  speaks  of  an 
intelligent  Kandyan  chief  who  was  "  scandalized  at  the  utter 
barbarism  of  living  with  only  one  wife  and  never  parting 
until  separated  by  death."  The  apology  of  the  poor  for  the 
custom  of  polyandry  is  that  they  cannot  afford  each  to 
maintain  a  family ;  while  the  argument  usually  urged  by 
the  wealthy  is  that  such  unions  are  politic,  as  they  unite 
"families,  concentrate  property  and  influence,  and  conduce 
to  the  interest  of  children,  who,  having  two  fathers,  will 
still  have  a  father  though  they  may  lose  one."  If  the 
Dutch  historian  Valentyn  is  to  be  believed,  King  Raja 
Sinha  I.  was  born  in  polyandry,  and  Wija  Bahu  VII.  had 
one  wife  in  common  with  his  brother. 

Both  polyandry  and  polygamy  in  the  Kandyan  Provinces 
were,  till  recently,  recognized  by  the  British  Government, 
who  had  agreed  by  the  Convention  of  1815  to  protect  the 
rights  of  descent  and  inheritance  of  the  Kandyans  as 
regulated  by  their  local  customs ;  but  at  the  request  of  the 
chiefs  and  other  intelligent  Kandyans  the  Government 
passed  a  law  in  1859  depriving  the  practices  (which  were 
the  frequent  cause  of  litigation,  leading  to  murders  and 
other  crimes)  of  legal  recognition.  Though  the  law  does 
not  recognize  its  existence,  polyandry  still  prevails  to  some 

extent  in  the  backward  districts  of  the  Kandyan  Provinces. 

*##*##* 

As  a  rule,  two  uterine  brothers  espouse  a  common  wife. 
The  children  of  this  matrimonial  joint  stock  company  — 
a  physical  impossibility  from  a  scientific  point  of  view  — 
designate  the  elder  of  the  two  parents  "  elder  father  "  and 
the  younger  "younger  father."  Davy  in  his  Interior  of 


The  Social  Composition  445 

Ceylon,  p.  287,  refers,  "  to  a  very  acute  old  Kandyan  chief 
who,  with  his  brother,  had  one  wife  only  in  common.  The 
children  called  the  elder  brother  'great  papa'  and  the 
younger  'little  papa.'  There  appeared  to  be  perfect  har- 
mony in  the  family."  A  local  writer  recalls  an  incident 
related  in  the  Ceylon  Observer  of  a  Korala  (highland 
chief),  who,  speaking  of  the  insolent  behaviour  of  a  cer- 
tain lad  towards  himself,  remarked  :  "  He  behaves  thus  to 
me,  who  am  one  of  his  fathers."  In  the  case  of  three 
brothers  living  in  association  with  one  wife,  the  "  interme- 
diate "  brother  had  also  a  distinguishing  appellation,  "  med- 
duma  piya  "  or  "  middle  father."  And  so  with  the  mothers, 
who  according  to  their  respective  ages,  would  be  "elder 
mother,"  "  intermediate  mother,"  and  "younger  mother." 
Even  if  they  were  not  full  brothers  and  sisters,  a  sharp 
distinction  is  drawn  between  the  two  classes  of  paternal 
and  maternal  uncles  and  aunts.  Paternal  uncles  and  ma- 
ternal aunts  are  regarded  as  more  closely  related  to  a 
Kandyan  than  paternal  aunts  and  maternal  uncles.  The 
latter  stand  upon  quite  a  different  footing  to  the  former, 
who  have  a  quasi-parental  rank ;  they  are  "  big  father  "  or 
"  little  father,"  "  big  mother  "  or  "  little  mother,"  according 
as  they  are  older  or  younger  than  the  parent  to  whom  they 
are  related  by  blood.  They  rank  with  step-parents,  the 
others  with  fathers-  and  mothers-in-law.  Less  respect  ap- 
pears to  be  felt  for  paternal  aunts  and  maternal  uncles, 
who  are  not  honoured  with  such  titles  as  "  mother "  and 
"father."  Their  children  are  called  "cousins,"  while  the 
children  of  a  paternal  uncle  or  a  maternal  aunt  are  regarded 
as  having  a  quasi-fraternal  relationship,  and  are  spoken  of  as 
"  brothers  "  and  "  sisters."  A  Kandyan  even  applies  those 
terms  to  still  more  distant  collateral  relatives,  provided  al- 
ways that  the  connecting  links,  so  to  speak,  in  the  chain  of 
relationship  are  paternal  uncles  and  maternal  aunts. 

J.  A.  GUNARATNA,  Polyandry  in  Ceylon,  1-2;  16-17. 

Bi'ni  and  Di'ga  Marriages 

As  paternal  and  maternal  right  of  inheritance  arise  from 
marriage,  the  different  customs  regarding  matrimony  in 
this  Sinhalese  kingdom  will  be  here  described. 


446      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Matrimony  is  of  two  kinds.     Bi'ni  and  Di'ga. 

A  Bi'ni  marriage  is  one  in  which  the  husband  contracts 
to  go  and  live  in  the  wife's  house  or  in  any  family  residence 
of  hers. 

The  conducting  of  the  wife  to,  and  the  living  in  the 
husband's  house  or  in  any  family  residence  of  his  —  or,  if 
he  does  not  own  a  house  and  lands,  the  taking  her  as  his 
wife  and  the  conducting  her  away  from  her  family  to  a 
place  of  lodging  —  constitutes  a  Di'ga  marriage. 

For  a  marriage  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  proper  cus- 
toms of  the  country,  the  following  five  customary  festivities 
should  be  observed  ;  and  for  persons  of  rank  the  marriage 
ceremonies  are  as  follows  :  — 

1.  When  a  wife  is  sought  for  a  man,  the  parents  or  a 
chief  relation  of  the  bridegroom  will  inform  a  chief  relation 
of  the  family  of  the  woman  of  equal  caste,  that  they  are 
desirous  of  forming  an  alliance. 

If  the  proposed  match  is  approved  of  by  the  parents  of 
the  bride  and  her  family  relations,  intimation  thereof  is 
given  to  the  bridegroom's  family  ;  whereupon  his  friends 
visit  the  bride,  and,  having  determined  on  the  marriage, 
partake  of  food  and  betel. 

A  relation  of  the  bridegroom's  family  then  goes  with  a 
pingo  to  the  bride's  house  and  obtains  her  horoscope, 
which  is  then  compared  with  the  bridegroom's  in  its  good 
and  bad  aspects,  a  lucky  hour  for  the  marriage  is  de- 
termined on,  and  information  thereof  is  sent  to  the  parents 
or  the  guardians  of  the  bride,  by  whom  the  necessary 
arrangements  are  made. 

2.  The  bridegroom  then,  preceded  by  presents,  starts 
with    his   relations  and  attendants  to  conduct  the  bride. 
When  close  to  the  bride's  house  some  of  her  relations, 
coming  out  to  meet  the  party,  conduct  it  with  due  respect 
to  the  house. 

Before  the  arrival  of  the  lucky  hour  the  mother,  or  some 
other  fit  relation  of  the  bridegroom,  presents  the  mother 
of  the  bride  with  a  "  kiri-kada-helaya  "  (white  cloth)  and  a 
suit  of  apparel,  while  the  father  of  the  bride  gives  the 
bridegroom  a  suit  of  clothes.  The  lucky  hour  having 
come,  the  bridegroom,  after  giving  a  he'laya  (cloth)  to  the 
bride,  throws  a  chain  over  her  neck,  and  presents  her  with 
a  set  of  female  apparel. 


The  Social  Composition  447 

Arrayed  in  this,  she  steps  on  to  the  Magul-po'ruwa  (a 
raised  seat),  together  with  the  bridegroom.  A  maternal 
uncle  of  the  bride  or  some  other  principal  member  of  her 
family  then  joins  together,  with  a  chain,  the  little  fin- 
gers of  the  right  hands  of  the  bride  and  bridegroom,  who 
thereupon  turn  three  times  round  to  the  right.  The  chain 
is  then  taken  off  and  the  bridegroom  takes  a  seat  prepared 
for  him  on  the  magul-po'ruwa.  Some  balls  of  the  cakes, 
rice,  milk,  etc.,  kept  on  the  magul-pata  (festal-dish),  are 
then  made  by  some  chief  member  of  the  family  and 
handed  to  the  bride  and  bridegroom,  who  thereupon  ex- 
change them.  After  the  assembled  guests  have  been  fed 
and  betel  and  sandalwood  distributed  amongst  them,  on 
the  bride  and  bridegroom  leaving  the  bride's  house,  a  close 
male  relation  of  the  bride's  family  accompanies  them ;  and 
this  relation,  on  the  approach  of  the  party  to  the  bride- 
groom's residence,  is  met  by  an  elderly  kinsman  of  the 
bridegroom  and  greeted  with  due  respect. 

At  the  lucky  hour  the  bride  and  bridegroom  enter  the 
room  prepared  for  them. 

3.  The  person  who  came  from  the  bride's  house  having 
been  hospitably  entertained,  on  the  seventh  day  after,  the 
ceremony  of  pouring  water  on  the  head  takes  place.     A 
maternal  aunt  and  uncle  of  the  bride  together,  or  some 
other  two  chief  persons  of  the  bride's  family,  come  to  the 
bridegroom's  house,  and  at  the  lucky  hour  the  uncle  pours 
water  on  the  heads  of  the  married  couple  and  goes  away. 

4.  A  few  days  after  this  the  bride's  parents    or   her 
principal  guardian  relations  pay  the  husband  and  wife  a 
visit,  and  according  to  their  means  present  a  dowry   of 
moveables  and  lands,  and  depart. 

5.  After   this  the   husband   and  wife   visit   the   wife's 
parents.     This  constitutes  a  Di'ga  marriage  with  the  five 
ceremonies. 

LE  MESURIER  and  PA1  NABOKKE,  Kandyan  La-w,  Chap.  3,  Sec.  I. 
17-19. 

Polyandry   in   Britain 

The  most  civilized  of  all  these  nations  are  they  who  in- 
habit Kent,  which  is  entirely  a  maritime  district ;  nor  do 
their  customs  differ  much  from  Gallic  customs.  Most  of 


448      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  inland  inhabitants  do  not  sow  corn,  but  live  on  milk 
and  flesh,  and  are  clad  with  skins.  All  the  Britons,  indeed, 
dye  themselves  with  woad,  which  occasions  a  bluish  col- 
our, and  thereby  have  a  more  terrible  appearance  in  fight. 
They  wear  their  hair  long,  and  have  every  part  of  their 
body  shaved  except  their  head  and  upper  lip.  Ten  and 
even  twelve  have  wives  common  to  them,  and  particularly 
brothers  among  brothers,  and  parents  among  their  children  ; 
but  if  there  be  any  issue  by  these  wives,  they  are  reputed 
to  be  the  children  of  those  by  whom  respectively  each  was 
first  espoused  when  a  virgin. 

CESAR,  De  Bella  Gallico,  V.  14. 

Polyandry  in  Italy 

After  the  seventeenth  century  men  say  [in  Venice]  that 
"  marriage  is  purely  a  civil  ceremony  which  binds  opinion 
and  not  conscience."  Of  several  brothers  one  alone,  ordi- 
narily, marries;  the  embarrassment  of  perpetuating  the 
family  falls  on  him  ;  the  others  often  live  under  the  same 
roof  with  him  and  are  the  sigisbes  of  his  wife.  Three  or 
four  combine  together  to  support  a  mistress  in  common. 

TAINE,  Italy,  Florence  and  Venice,  267. 

Survival  of  Wife  Capture  and  Sexual  Taboo 

At  midnight,  or  sometimes  later,  when  the  guests  are 
about  to  depart,  there  prevails  in  some  villages  a  custom 
which  goes  by  the  name  of  den  borten  abtanzen,  dancing 
down  the  bride's  crown.  This  head-covering,  which  I 
have  already  described,  is  the  sign  of  her  maidenhood, 
which  she  must  lay  aside  now  that  she  has  become  a  wife, 
and  it  is  danced  off  in  the  following  manner :  All  the 
married  women  present,  except  the  very  oldest  and  most 
decrepit,  join  hands  —  two  of  them,  appointed  as  brides- 
women,  taking  the  bride  between  them.  Thus  forming  a 
wide  circle,  they  dance  backward  and  forward  round  and 
round  the  room,  sometimes  forming  a  knot  in  the  centre, 
sometimes  far  apart,  till  suddenly,  either  by  accident  or  on 
purpose,  the  chain  is  broken  through  at  one  place,  which 
is  the  signal  for  all  to  rush  out  into  the  courtyard,  still 


The  Social  Composition  449 

holding  hands.  From  some  dark  corner  there  now  springs 
unexpectedly  a  stealthy  robber,  one  of  the  bridesmen,  who 
has  been  lying  there  in  ambush  to  rob  the  bride  of  her 
crown.  Sometimes  she  is  defended  by  two  brothers  or 
relations,  who,  dealing  out  blows  with  twisted  up  hand- 
kerchiefs or  towels,  endeavor  to  keep  the  thief  at  a 
distance ;  but  the  struggle  always  ends  with  the  loss 
of  the  head-dress,  which  the  young  matron  bewails  with 
many  tears  and  sobs.  The  brideswomen  now  solemnly  in- 
vest her  with  her  new  head-gear,  which  consists  of  a 
snowy  cap  and  veil,  held  together  by  silver  or  jewelled 
pins,  sometimes  of  considerable  value.  This  head-dress, 
which  fits  close  to  the  face,  concealing  all  the  hair,  has  a 
nun-like  effect,  but  is  not  unbecoming  to  fresh  young 
faces. 

Sometimes,  after  the  bride  is  invested  in  her  matronly 
head-gear,  she,  along  with  two  other  married  women  (in 
some  villages  old,  in  others  young),  is  concealed  behind  a 
curtain  or  sheet,  and  the  husband  is  made  to  guess  which 
is  his  wife,  all  three  trying  to  mislead  him  by  grotesque 
gestures  from  beneath  the  sheet. 

On  the  morning  after  the  wedding  bridesmen  and  brides- 
women  early  repair  to  the  room  of  the  newly  married 
couple,  presenting  them  with  a  cake  in  which  hairs  of  cows 
and  buffaloes,  swine's  bristles,  feathers,  and  egg  shells  are 
baked.  Both  husband  and  wife  must  at  least  swallow  a 
bite  of  this  unsavory  compound,  to  insure  the  welfare  of 
cattle  and  poultry  during  their  married  life. 

After  the  morning  meal  the  young  wife  goes  to  church 
to  be  blessed  by  the  priest,  escorted  by  the  two  brides- 
women,  walking  one  on  either  side.  While  she  is  praying 
within,  her  husband  meanwhile  waits  at  the  church  door, 
but  no  sooner  does  she  reappear  at  the  threshold  than  the 
young  couple  are  surrounded  by  a  group  of  masked  fig- 
ures, who  playfully  endeavor  to  separate  the  wife  from  her 
husband.  If  they  succeed  in  so  doing,  then  he  must  win 
her  back  in  a  hand-to-hand  fight  with  his  adversaries,  or 
else  give  money  as  ransom.  It  is  considered  a  bad  omen  for 
the  married  life  of  the  young  couple  if  they  be  separated  on 
this  occasion  ;  therefore  the  young  husband  takes  his  stand 
close  against  the  church-door,  to  be  ready  to  clutch  his 

2G 


450     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

wife  as  soon  as  she  steps  outside  —  for  greater  precaution 
often  holding  her  round  the  waist  with  both  hands  during 
the  dance  which  immediately  ensues  in  front  of  the  church, 
and  at  which  the  newly  married  couple  merely  assist  as 
spectators. 

E.GERARD,    The  Land  beyond  the  Forest,  108-109. 

Causes  Determining  the  Form  of  the  Family.  —  Although 
the  origin  and  historical  evolution  of  the  forms  of  the 
family  have  been  the  subject  of  patient  investigation,  the 
subject  still  remains  in  some  measure  obscure.  This  is 
more  particularly  true  of  the  Punaluan  and  other  forms  of 
polyandry. 

Hints  of  the  probable  origin  of  polygynous  relations 
are  given  by  various  animal  species.  Males  fight  among 
themselves  for  possession  of  the  females  of  the  band, 
with  the  frequent  result  that  the  weaker  males  are  killed, 
disabled,  or  driven  out. 

From  this  familiar  fact,  many  writers  have  argued,  as 
Darwin  did  in  opposition  to  the  views  of  investigators 
like  Morgan  and  McLennan,  that  polygyny  must  be  older 
than  polyandry,  notwithstanding  an  immense  mass  of  eth- 
nological evidence  that  points  the  other  way. 

Possibly,  however,  the  evidence  is  not  quite  so  conflict- 
ing as  has  been  supposed,  and  a  clew  to  its  interpretation 
may  be  offered  in  a  fact  that  has  not  adequately  been 
weighed. 

In  contests  among  males  for  the  possession  of  females 
it  sometimes  happens  that  a  few  strong  males  are  vanquished 
by  the  united  opposition  of  a  larger  number  of  weaker  males 
of  approximately  equal  strength  one  with  another.  A  natu- 
ral consequence  of  this  result  is  a  communistic  or  Punaluan 
polyandry.  In  other  instances,  a  group  of  males,  brothers 
perhaps,  driven  out  of  the  parent  band,  and  wandering 


Tlie  Social  Composition  451 

apart  by  themselves,  may  appropriate  any  stray  females 
that  they  may  discover,  or  may  on  occasion  steal  them, 
thereby  establishing  polyandry  of  the  Tibetan  type.  Again, 
in  yet  other  instances,  solitary  males,  driven  from  par- 
ent bands,  meeting  one  another  by  accident,  may  thence- 
forth dwell  and  hunt  together,  and,  stealing  or  otherwise 
appropriating  females  whenever  possible,  establish  polyan- 
dry of  the  Nair  type. 

It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  there  is  no  necessity  for 
supposing  that  any  one  form  of  the  family  group  is  ante- 
cedent to  all  others.  All  may  be  alike  primitive,  all  may 
in  fact  have  originated  simultaneously.  Having  come  into 
being,  the  struggle  for  existence  would  determine  which 
form  should  predominate  at  any  given  time  and  place. 
The  simple  pairing  family  of  brief  duration  seems  to  be 
the  one  that  best  holds  its  own  among  the  lowest  savages, 
where  the  conditions  of  life  are  not  too  severe.  Polyandry, 
with  its  restricted  birth-rate,  best  holds  its  own  where  the 
struggle  for  existence  is  especially  severe.  McLennan  is 
probably  right  in  his  conclusion  that  polyandry  is  the  old- 
est prevailing  or  general  form  of  the  family  group,  and 
certainly  the  oldest  form  of  marriage,  meaning  thereby  a 
relation  of  the  sexes  that  is  approved  or  sanctioned  by  the 
group.  Polygyny  is  made  possible  as  a  prevailing  form 
only  where  economic  conditions  are  exceptionally  favour- 
able. 

The  Horde.  —  This  is  a  name  applied  to  a  small  social 
group  composed  of  a  few  families,  and  comprising  not 
more  than  from  twenty-five  to  one  hundred  persons  in  all. 

No  such  horde  is  anywhere  found  living  in  absolute  is- 
olation. It  is  always  in  communication  with  other  similar 
hordes  of  the  same  race,  language,  and  culture.  Under 


452      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  influence  of  excitement  or  of  fear,  or  to  share  an  un- 
usual food  supply,  or  for  the  purpose  of  migration,  hordes 
may  temporarily  congregate  in  large  numbers  ;  but  they 
do  not  permanently  combine  with  one  another  under  the 
leadership  of  a  common  chief  for  military  or  political 
action,  and  there  is  no  organization  of  a  religious  or  in- 
dustrial character  that  binds  them  together  in  a  larger 
whole. 

In  the  systems  of  consanguinity — blood  relationship  — 
found  among  the  least  advanced  hordes  now  existing,  there 
are  no  such  distinctions  as  those  of  cousin,  uncle  and  aunt, 
nephew  and  niece.  All  men  and  women  of  the  same  gen- 
eration call  themselves  brothers  and  sisters.  All  women 
of  the  preceding  generation  are  mothers.  All  men  of  the 
preceding  generation  are  fathers.  All  boys  of  the  younger 
generation  are  sons.  All  girls  of  the  younger  generation 
are  daughters.  This,  of  course,  is  such  a  system  of  rela- 
tionships as  would  come  into  existence  if  a  large  number 
of  men  and  women  lived  together  as  a  single  family.  Ex- 
tensive philological  researches  have  demonstrated  that  in 
every  part  of  the  world,  including  western  Europe,  the 
systems  of  relationship  that  now  prevail  were  preceded  in 
prehistoric  times  by  the  one  that  has  just  been  described. 

Contributions  to  Well-being.  —  In  small  endogamous 
groups  there  grew  an  affection  that  was  all  the  more 
intense  because  of  its  limited  range,  and  was  in  strong 
contrast  to  the  enmity  that  doubtless  existed  between 
group  and  group.  We  have  in  the  words  "  kindliness," 
"  geniality,"  and  "gentleness,"  a  connecting  link  with  early 
human  communities  ;  for  these  words  originally  meant 
that  which  pertains  to  a  kindred  or  group  of  kin  related 
through  the  mother. 


The  Social  Composition  453 

The  Clan.  —  The  tracing  of  kinship  in  one  line  of  de- 
scent only,  through  mothers  or  through  fathers,  is  charac- 
teristic of  ethnic  society,  both  savage  and  barbarian.  It 
gives  rise  to  that  curious  group  of  kindred  which  is  ge- 
nerically  known  as  the  Clan. 

Any  group  of  kindred  which  includes  all  descendants  of 
a  first  mother  through  her  daughters,  granddaughters,  and 
so  on,  and  excludes  all  descendants  through  her  sons, 
grandsons,  and  so  on,  is  a  metronymic  clan.  In  like  man- 
ner, any  group  of  kindred  which  includes  all  descendants 
of  a  first  father  through  his  sons,  grandsons,  and  so  on, 
and  excludes  all  descendants  through  his  daughters,  grand- 
daughters, and  so  on,  is  a  patronymic  clan. 

The  metronymic  clan  is  a  totemic  kindred  *  and  is  some- 
times called  a  totem-kin.  The  totem-kin  is  supposed  to  be 
descended  from  the  totem,  conceived  as  an  ancestor,  and 
all  members  of  the  kindred  regard  themselves  as  brothers 
or  sisters  to  all  individuals  of  the  totem. 

The  habit  of  marking  or  tattooing  the  members  of  a 
totem-kin  with  a  picture  or  symbol  of  the  totemic  object 
leads  among  some  people,  as  the  Australians,  to  an  inclu- 
sion of  all  persons  so  named  or  marked  in  one  kindred, 
though  they  may  not  be  in  fact  blood  relatives.  In  its 
primitive  form  of  the  totem-kin,  therefore,  the  clan  is 
partly  a  real  and  partly  a  nominal  kindred  by  blood. 

The  patronymic  clan,  usually  known  by  its  Latin  name 
of  gens,  is  a  more  definite  kindred  than  the  metronymic 
clan,  though  it  too  is  often  enlarged  by  the  adoption  of 
individual  members  not  actually  kindred  in  blood.  The 
clan  of  the  Greeks  was  called  the  761/05,  and  that  of  the 
Romans  the  gens.  The  latter  word  was  used  by  Morgan 

1  Cf.  ante,  434. 


454      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

to  designate  the  clan  in  all  its  varieties,  including  the  to- 
tem-kin. A  later  usage  makes  "  clan  "  the  generic  word, 
and  reserves  "  gens  "  for  the  clan  of  the  Greeks  and  of  the 
Romans.  The  word  "  clan  "  itself  is  Celtic.  The  clan  of  the 
Hindoos  is  called  the  gotra,  and  that  of  the  Arabs  the  hayy. 
There  are  hordes  of  savages  in  which  no  certain  trace  of 
clan  organization  has  been  found.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Australian  horde  clusters  are  elaborately  differentiated  into 
totemic  kindreds.1 

The  Totem  and  Totemism 

A  totem  is  a  class  of  material  objects  which  a  savage 
regards  with  superstitious  respect,  believing  that  there 
exists  between  him  and  every  member  of  the  class  an 
intimate  and  altogether  special  relation.  The  name  is 
derived  from  an  Ojibway  (Chippeway)  word  "  totem,"  the 
correct  spelling  of  which  is  somewhat  uncertain.  It  was 
first  introduced  into  literature,  so  far  as  appears,  by  J. 
Long,  an  Indian  interpreter  of  last  century,  who  spelt  it 
totam.  The  form  toodaim  is  given  by  the  Rev.  Peter 
Jones,  himself  an  Ojibway;  dodaim  by  Warren  and  (as 
an  alternative  pronunciation  to  totem)  by  Morgan;  and 
ododam  by  Francis  Assikinack,  an  Ottawa  Indian.  Ac- 
cording to  the  abbe  Thavenet  the  word  is  properly  ote,  in 
the  sense  of  "family  or  tribe,"  possessive  otem,  and  with 
the  personal  pronoun  nind  otem,  "  my  tribe,"  "kit  otem" 
"thy  tribe."  In  English  the  spelling  totem  (Keating, 
James,  Schoolcraft,  etc.)  has  become  established  by  cus- 
tom. The  connexion  between  a  man  and  his  totem  is 
mutually  beneficent ;  the  totem  protects  the  man,  and  the 

1  On  the  origin  and  evolution  of  the  clan,  see  Principles  of  Sociology, 
270-273.  For  detailed  information  the  student  should  consult  The  League  of 
the  Iroquois,  Ancient  Society,  and  other  writings  of  Lewis  H.  Morgan ; 
Spencer  and  Gillen,  Native  Tribes  of  Central  Australia,  and  The  Northern 
Tribes  of  Central  Australia ;  Robertson  Smith,  Kinship  and  Marriage  in 
Early  Arabia;  Henry  Sumner  Maine,  Ancient  Law;  the  Reports  and 
Transactions  of  Anthropological  and  Ethnological  Societies,  and  especially 
the  Reports  of  the  American  Bureau  of  Ethnology. 


The  Social  Composition  455 

man  shows  his  respect  for  the  totem  in  various  ways,  by 
not  killing  it  if  it  be  an  animal,  and  not  cutting  or  gather- 
ing it  if  it  be  a  plant.  As  distinguished  from  a  fetich,  a 
totem  is  never  an  isolated  individual,  but  always  a  class  of 
objects,  generally  a  species  of  animals  or  of  plants,  more 
rarely  a  class  of  inanimate  natural  objects,  very  rarely  a 
class  of  artificial  objects. 

Considered  in  relation  to  men,  totems  are  of  at  least 
three  kinds:  —  (i)  the  clan  totem,  common  to  a  whole 
clan,  and  passing  by  inheritance  from  generation  to  gen- 
eration ;  (2)  the  sex  totem,  common  either  to  all  the  males 
or  to  all  the  females  of  a  tribe,  to  the  exclusion  in 
either  case  of  the  other  sex;  (3)  the  individual  totem, 
belonging  to  a  single  individual  and  not  passing  to  his 
descendants.  Other  kinds  of  totems  exist  and  will  be 
noticed,  but  they  may  perhaps  be  regarded  as  varieties  of 
the  clan  totem.  The  latter  is  by  far  the  most  important 
of  all ;  and  where  we  speak  of  totems  or  totemism  without 
qualification  the  reference  is  always  to  the  clan  totem. 

.  .  .  The  clan  totem  is  reverenced  by  a  body  of 
men  and  women  who  call  themselves  by  the  name  of 
the  totem,  believe  themselves  to  be  of  one  blood,  descend- 
ants of  a  common  ancestor,  and  are  bound  together  by 
common  obligations  to  each  other  and  by  a  common  faith 
in  the  totem.  Totemism  is  thus  both  a  religious  and  a 
social  system.  In  its  religious  aspect  it  consists  of  the 
relations  of  mutual  respect  and  protection  between  a  man 
and  his  totem ;  in  its  social  aspect  it  consists  of  the  rela- 
tions of  the  clansmen  to  each  other  and  to  men  of  other 
clans.  In  the  later  history  of  totemism  these  two  sides, 
the  religious  and  the  social,  tend  to  part  company ;  the 
social  system  sometimes  survives  the  religious ;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  religion  sometimes  bears  traces  of  totem- 
ism in  countries  where  the  social  system  based  on  totemism 
has  disappeared.  How  in  the  origin  of  totemism  these 
two  sides  were  related  to  each  other  it  is,  in  our 
ignorance  of  that  origin,  impossible  to  say  with  certainty. 
But  on  the  whole  the  evidence  points  strongly  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  two  sides  were  originally  inseparable; 
that,  in  other  words,  the  farther  we  go  back,  the  more 
we  should  find  that  the  clansman  regards  himself  and  his 


456     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

totem  as  beings  of  the  same  species,  and  the  less  he 
distinguishes  between  conduct  towards  his  totem  and 
towards  his  fellow  clansmen.  For  the  sake  of  exposition, 
however,  it  is  convenient  to  separate  the  two.  We  begin 
with  the  religious  side. 

.  .  .  The  members  of  a  totem  clan  call  themselves  by 
the  name  of  their  totem,  and  commonly  believe  themselves 
to  be  actually  descended  from  it. 

Thus  the  Turtle  clan  of  the  Iroquois  are  descended  from 
a  fat  turtle,  which,  burdened  by  the  weight  of  its  shell  in 
walking,  contrived  by  great  exertions  to  throw  it  off,  and 
thereafter  gradually  developed  into  a  man.  The  Bear 
and  Wolf  clans  of  the  Iroquois  are  descended  from  bears 
and  wolves  respectively.  The  Cray-Fish  clan  of  the  Choc- 
taws  were  originally  cray  fish  and  lived  underground,  com- 
ing up  occasionally  through  the  mud  to  the  surface. 
Once  a  party  of  Choctaws  smoked  them  out,  and,  treating 
them  kindly,  taught  them  the  Choctaw  language,  taught 
them  to  walk  on  two  legs,  made  them  cut  off  their  toe  nails 
and  pluck  the  hair  from  their  bodies,  after  which  they 
adopted  them  into  the  tribe.  But  the  rest  of  their  kindred, 
the  cray  fish,  are  still  living  underground.  The  Carp  clan 
of  the  Outaouaks  are  descended  from  the  eggs  of  a  carp 
which  had  been  deposited  by  the  fish  on  the  banks  of  a 
stream  and  warmed  by  the  sun.  The  Ojibways  are 
descended  from  a  dog.  The  Crane  clan  of  the  Ojibways 
are  descended  from  a  pair  of  cranes,  which  after  long 
wanderings  settled  on  the  rapids  at  the  outlet  of  Lake 
Superior,  where  they  were  transformed  by  the  Great 
Spirit  into  a  man  and  woman. 

FRAZER,  Totemism,  1-4. 

The  Clan  in  Ireland 

Tuath,  Cinel,  and  Clann,  were  the  words  used  inter- 
changeably to  denote  what  we  now  call  indifferently  a  clan 
or  tribe.  It  resembled  the  Gens  of  ancient  Rome  in  that 
all  the  members  of  it  claimed  descent  from  a  remote  fine, 
and  from  a  common  ancestor  as  head  of  thatyfw^,  and  were 
therefore  kinsfolk,  were  entitled  severally  to  various  rights 
dependent  on  the  degree  of  relationship  and  other  facts, 


The  Social  Composition  457 

and  formed  collectively  a  state,  political  and  proprietorial, 
with  a  distinct  municipal  individuality  and  life,  with  a 
legislature  of  its  own  and  an  army  in  gremio  ;  but  in  these 
two  latter  respects  slightly  subject  to,  and  forming  a  mem- 
ber of,  a  superior  state  consisting  of  a  federation  of  similar 
communities.  Each  clan  was  composed  of  a  number  of 
septs,  and  each  sept  was  composed  of  a  number  of  fines. 
Kinship  was  the  web  and  bond  of  society  throughout  the 
whole  clan;  and  all  lesser  rights  whatsoever  were  subject 
to  those  of  the  clan.  Theoretically  it  was  a  true  kinship 
of  blood,  but  in  practice  it  may  have  been  to  some  extent 
one  of  absorption  or  adoption.  Strangers  settling  in  the 
district,  conducting  themselves  well,  and  intermarrying 
with  the  clan,  were  after  a  few  generations  indistinguish- 
able from  it.  A  chief  or  a  flaith  also  occasionally  wished 
to  confer  on  a  stranger  the  dignity  and  advantages  of  clan- 
ship—  practically  meaning  citizenship — and  when  he  had 
obtained  the  sanction  of  the  clan  assemblies,  the  stranger  was 
adopted  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled  clan  by  public 
proclamation.  In  the  course  of  time  the  name  Tuath 
came  to  be  applied  to  the  district  occupied  by  a  clan,  and 
Cinel  (pronounced  Kinnel)  was  then  the  word  used  to  de- 
note the  clan  itself.  Fine  (pronounced  Finna)  was  also 
sometimes  used  in  the  broad  sense  of  clan,  and  this  was 
not  strictly  incorrect  since  every  clan  originated  in  a 
small  fine ;  but  the  word  fine  properly  meant  one  of  a 
number  of  sub-organisms  of  which  the  clan  consisted.  It 
was  a  miniature  clan,  and  in  fact  the  germ  of  a  clan  and 
the  real  social  and  legal  unit.  It  was  considerably  more 
comprehensive  than  our  word  family.  It  has  been  com- 
pared with  the  Roman  familia,  but  it  was  more  compre- 
hensive than  even  that.  When  complete  it  consisted  of 
the  Flaith-fine  (also  called  Ceann-fine),  and  sixteen  other 
male  members,  old  members  not  ceasing  to  belong  to  it 
until  sufficient  new  members  had  been  born  or  adopted 
into  it,  upon  which  event  happening  the  old  were  in  rotation 
thrust  out  to  the  sept,  and  perhaps  began  to  form  new 
fines.  Women,  children,  and  servants,  did  not  enter  into 
this  computation.  The  flaith-fine,  or  paterfamilias,  was 
the  head  and  most  important  member  of  the  group,  in 
some  sense  its  guardian  and  protector,  and  was  the  only 


458      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

member  in  full  possession  and  free  exercise  of  all  the 
rights  of  citizenship.  All  the  members  had  certain  dis- 
tinct and  well-recognized  rights,  and,  if  of  full  age,  were  sui 
juris  and  mutually  liable  to  and  for  each  other ;  but  so 
long  as  they  remained  in  the  fine,  the  immediate  exercise 
of  some  of  their  rights  was  vested  in  the  flaith-fine,  who 
should  act  for  them  or  in  whose  name  they  should  act. 
"  No  person  who  is  under  protection  is  qualified  to  sue." 

There  are  various  conflicting  theories  as  to  the  persons 
of  whom  and  the  manner  in  which  this  organism  was 
composed,  and  even  as  to  whether  it  was  in  fact  ever  com- 
posed or  ever  existed  except  as  a  legal  fiction ;  and  no  ex- 
planation of  it  or  conjecture  about  it  is  free  from  difficulty. 
Having  regard,  however,  to  the  frequent  mention  of  it,  and 
of  the  "  seventeen  men  "  of  whom  it  consisted,  by  various 
legal  and  other  writers  at  times  far  apart  and  in  various 
connections,  it  is  quite  impossible  to  believe  that  it  was 
fictitious ;  but  in  practice  it  may  not  often  have  attained  or 
long  retained  that  perfect  organization  which  the  law  con- 
templated ;  and  the  law  itself  may  have  contemplated  dif- 
ferent things  at  different  times.  Whether  the  members  of 
it  became  members  on  their  birth,  or  on  attaining  manhood 
and  acquiring  property ;  whether  they  included  or  repre- 
sented all  within  the  fifth  degree  of  relationship,  or  all 
within  the  seventeenth  degree,  are  matters  in  dispute.  With- 
out presuming  to  settle  them,  let  us  construct  a  provisional 
fine  for  the  purpose  of  conveying  some  idea  of  what  it  was 
like.  When  complete  it  consisted  of  "  seventeen  men " 
who  were  always  classified  in  the  following  manner  :  — 

1.  The  Geilfine  consisted  of  the  flaith-fine  and  his  four 
sons  or  other  nearest  male  relatives,  most  of  whose  rights 
were  vested  in  him,  who  on  his  death  were  entitled  to  the 
largest  share  of  his  property,  and  would  succeed  to  the 
largest  portion  of  his  responsibilities. 

2.  The  Deirbhfine  consisted  of  the  four  male  members 
next  to  the  foregoing  in  degree  of  relationship  to  t\\o.Jlaitk- 
fine,  upon  whom,  contingently,  a  smaller  share  of  his  prop- 
erty and  responsibilities  devolved. 

3.  The  laifine  consisted  of  the  four  males  whose  degree 
of  relationship  was  still  farther  removed,  and  upon  whom, 
contingently,  still  less  property  and  responsibility  devolved. 


The  Social  Composition  459 

4.  The  Innfine  consisted  of  four  males  the  furthest  re- 
moved from  the  flaith-fine,  upon  whom,  contingently,  the 
smallest  portion  of  his  property  and  responsibility  devolved. 

On  the  birth  of  a  new  male  member  in  the  first  of  these 
groups  (or,  according  to  a  more  probable  theory,  on  his 
becoming  a  man  and  owner  of  property),  the  eldest  mem- 
ber of  that  group  was  crushed  out  to  the  second 
group,  the  eldest  member  of  the  second  group  was 
crushed  out  to  the  third,  the  eldest  member  of  the  third 
was  crushed  out  to  the  fourth,  and  the  eldest  member 
of  the  fourth,  if  he  had  not  died,  was  crushed  out  of 
the  fine  altogether  and  became  an  ordinary  member  of 
the  sept,  or  clan,  with  no  special  rights  or  responsibilities 
in  connection  with  his  former  flaitli-fine.  Thus  the  mem- 
bers of  the  groups  were  cast  off  like  the  coats  of  an  onion, 
not  all  at  once,  but  gradually,  the  groups  themselves  re- 
maining complete  all  the  time,  and  never  exceeding  four 
members  each.  And  as  they  were  cast  off  they  suffered  a 
loss  of  rights,  but  gained  in  freedom  of  action  and  free- 
dom from  liabilities,  and  the  flaith-fine  ceased  to  represent 
them,  act  for  them,  or  be  responsible  for  them.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  fine  also  owed  a  mutual  responsibility  to  each 
other,  were  bound  in  certain  cases  to  enter  into  suretyship 
for  each  other,  were  liable  to  compensate  for  crimes  com- 
mitted by  any  one  of  them  if  the  criminal  failed  to  do  so ; 
and  in  general  the  law  held  that  there  was  a  solidarity 
among  them.  A  member  who  became  a  criminal  was,  of 
course,  primarily  liable  for  his  own  crimes.  It  would  also 
appear  that  a  person  otherwise  entitled  to  become  a  member 
in  a  certain  event,  forfeited  that  right,  with  all  the  advan- 
tages attached  to  it,  by  crime.  My  own  opinion  is  that  the 
members  of  the  fine  were  all  full-grown  men  living  on 
divisions  of  a  farm  which  had  been  originally  one ;  yet 
that  the  group  included  only  persons  within  the  fifth 
or  sixth  degree  of  kindred,  and  did -not  extend  to  the 
seventeenth,  and  that  the  organisation  was  a  natural  out- 
come of  the  ordinary  sentiment  of  family  affection,  perhaps 
somewhat  intensified,  but  at  all  events  systematised  and 
enforced  by  law. 

Various  other  fines  are  mentioned,  and  the  word  fine 
is  used  in  a  number  of  combinations ;  but  the  organism 


460     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

provisionally  outlined  is  the  only  one  of  the  name  of  real 
importance ;  and  the  text,  after  stating  much  about  the 
seventeen  men,  adds,  "  It  is  then  family  relations  cease." 
Presumably  it  was  then  the  rights  of  inheritance  and  the 
dangers  of  liability  also  ceased.  Where  in  the  system  one 
should  look  for  the  exact  counterpart  of  the  modern  family 
is  not  clear;  nor  is  it  clearly  known  whether  the  number 
of  women,  their  presence  or  absence,  at  all  affected  the 
constitution  of  the  fine.  The  original  purpose  and  main 
object  of  the  whole  system  are,  for  lack  of  true  knowledge, 
matters  of  much  conjecture.  It  is  probable  that  the  system 
continued  perfect  only  so  long  as  the  Celtic  race  remained 
pure  and  predominant,  and  that  it  became  disorganised  in 
the  course  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

The  Sept  was  an  intermediate  organism  between  the 
fine  and  the  clan.  It  consisted  of  a  number  of  fines,  as 
the  clan  consisted  of  a  number  of  septs.  It  was  one  of  the 
divisions  of  the  clan  assigned  a  specific  part  of  the  terri- 
tory, and  over  it  and  this  district  a  fiaith  was  supposed  to 
preside.  No  rule  is  stated,  and  I  think  none  existed,  as 
to  the  number  of  persons  or  of  fines  that  might  be  in  a 
sept.  The  right  of  the  sept  to  undisturbed  possession  of  its 
assigned  portion  of  the  territory  was  greater  than  that  of 
the _/?#<?,  was  subject  only  to  that  of  the  clan,  and  was  very 
rarely  interfered  with. 

The  rules  of  kinship  by  which  the  clan  was  formed  were 
the  same  rules  by  which  status  was  determined ;  and  this 
status  in  turn  determined  what  a  man's  rights  and  obliga- 
tions were,  and  largely  supplied  the  place  of  contract  and 
of  laws  affecting  the  disposition  and  devolution  of  property. 
The  clan  system  aimed  at  creating  and  arranging  definite 
rights  and  liabilities  for  every  member  of  the  clan  at  his 
birth,  instead  of  leaving  individuals  to  arrange  these  mat- 
ters in  their  own  ways.  Kinship  with  the  clan  was  the 
first  qualification  for  the  kingship,  as  for  every  minor  office ; 
and  the  king  was  the  officer  of  the  clan,  and  the  type  of  its 
manhood,  not  its  despot.  Whatever  its  constitution,  the  clan 
when  formed  was  a  complete  organic  and  legal  entity  or 
corporation,  half  social,  half  political,  was  proprietor  of 
everything  and  supreme  everywhere  within  its  territory. 
Within  historical  times  the  clan  owned  the  land  —  part  of 


The  Social  Composition  461 

the  land  directly  and  immediately,  the  remainder  ultimately. 
In  earlier  times  it  is  very  probable  that  the  clan  owned  all 
the  land  and  every  other  kind  of  property  absolutely.  It 
is  very  probable  that  at  first  neither  individual  property  in 
land  nor  even  the  property  of  \ho,  fine  in  it  was  recognized, 
but  only  that  of  the  clan,  and  that  these  smaller  rights  of 
property  were  at  first  temporary  usufructs,  which  subse- 
quently became  permanent  encroachments  on  the  rights  of 
the  clan.  At  no  time  did  the  land  belong  either  to  the 
state  in  the  broad  sense  or  to  the  individual  absolutely. 
Each  clan  was  a  distinct  organism  in  itself,  and  the  land 
was  its  property  —  its  absolute  property  at  first,  till  parts  of 
it  were  encroached  upon  by  the  growth  of  private  rights, 
but  its  ultimate  property  so  long  as  the  clan  existed  in  its 
integrity.  The  clan  was  the  all-important  thing.  After 
the  clan  in  degree  of  importance  came  the  sept,  where  one 
existed,  and  then  the^;^.  The  individual  was  left  little  to 
do  but  to  fill  the  position  assigned  him  and  conform  to  the 
system.  Among  ordinary  people  the  flaith-fine  was  the 
most  important ;  but  even  his  duties  and  liabilities  were  so 
clearly  laid  down  as  part  of  the  system  itself  that  he  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  left  a  wide  discretion. 

GINNELL,  TheBrehon  Laws,  102-109. 

The  Phratry.  —  This  is  a  brotherhood  of  clans,  probably 
originally  one  clan,  which,  becoming  overlarge,  has  sub- 
divided. 

The  Tribe.  —  This  name  is  properly  applied  to  any  com- 
munity in  which  several  hordes  have  become  welded  into 
a  larger  and  more  definitely  organized  society,  occupying 
a  defined  territory,  speaking  one  language  or  dialect,  and 
conscious  of  its  unity ;  or  in  which  a  single  horde,  grown  to 
many  times  its  original  size,  has  become  differentiated  and 
organized. 

The  members  of  a  tribe  may  dwell  together  in  a  single 
camp  or  village,  or  they  may  be  distributed  in  two  or  more 
villages.  When  the  tribe  includes  more  than  one  village, 


462      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  arrangement  may  point  to  a  survival  of  hordes  that 
have  been  combined  in  a  larger  organization,  or  it  may 
indicate  the  beginning  of  a  division  of  the  tribe  into  two 
or  more  new  tribes. 

Clusters  of  hordes  in  which  a  totemic  clan  organization 
has  appeared  have  been  consolidated  into  tribes  under  the 
pressure  of  attack  by  common  enemies,  or  sometimes,  per- 
haps, during  migrations,  or  possibly  through  some  other 
necessity  not  now  obvious. 

When  consolidation  had  been  effected,  the  permanent 
subdivision  of  the  resulting  tribe  was  into  clans,  since  the 
same  clan  organizations  were  found  in  all,  or  nearly  all, 
of  the  component  hordes  that  entered  into  the  tribe.  The 
distinction  of  horde  from  horde  tended  to  disappear,  while 
the  clan  organization  became  increasingly  definite.1 

The  Confederation. — This  is  any  number  of  tribes  united 
for  warlike  and  sometimes  for  other  purposes,  but  still  main- 
taining a  social  organization  on  the  basis  of  kinship,  and 
therefore  not  developed  into  a  true  civil  state. 

A  coherent  aggregation  or  confederation  of  tribes  is 
properly  called  a  Folk  or  Ethnic  Nation. 

The  Transition  to  Patronymic  Kinship.  —  The  change 
from  a  metronymic  to  a  patronymic  organization  seems  to 
have  occurred  at  any  stage  in  the  evolution  of  tribal  society. 
There  have  been  instances  of  its  occurrence  in  small  hordes, 
in  organized  tribes,  and  again,  after  the  organization  of  a 
metronymic  folk  by  confederation. 

In  metronymic  society,  it  is  usual  for  husbands  to  follow 
the  residence  of  the  wives'  kindred ;  to  attach  themselves 
to  the  brethren  and  uncles  of  the  wives.  The  arrange- 

1  On  the  origin  and  evolution  of  the  tribe,  see  Principles  of  Sociology, 


The  Social  Composition  463 

ment  is  well  adapted  to  the  perpetuation  of  the  metronymic 
system  of  relationship.  When,  however,  wives  are  obtained 
by  capture,  they  are  taken  to  the  clan  and  domicile  of  the 
captors ;  and,  being  there  deprived  of  the  protection  of  their 
brethren,  they  fall  under  the  complete  power  of  their  hus- 
bands. 

Patronymic  Origins  in  the   East 

In  some  of  the  Malayan  tribes  of  the  Babar  Archi- 
pelago, "  the  men  usually  follow  the  women  and  live  in 
their  houses,  and  the  children  belong  to  the  wife's  family. 
A  man  may  marry  as  many  as  seven  wives,  who  all  remain 
in  the  houses  of  their  kindred.  But  sometimes  wives  are 
obtained  by  robbery,  and  are  carried  off  to  their  husband's 
clans.  The  children  then  follow  the  father  and  take  the 
father's  name.  In  the  Kisar  and  Wetar  Islands  also,  the 
maternal  system  prevails,  but  it  is  passing  into  the  paternal 
system  by  capture,  which  brings  wife  and  children  under 
the  husband's  control." 

E.   B.    TYLOR,  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute,   Vol. 
XVIII.  261. 

Separation  of  husband  and  wife  from  the  kindred  of  the 
wife,  if  brought  about  in  any  other  way  than  by  wife 
capture,  may  have  the  same  consequences. 

Patronymic  Origins  in  America 

It  would  seem,  from  such  opportunities  as  I  have  had  to 
collect  facts  in  the  field,  that  hunting  and  other  parties  are 
frequently  organized  in  such  a  manner  that  the  male  mem- 
bers of  a  clan  group  proceed  together  in  company  with 
their  wives  and  children.  Under  such  circumstances,  the 
control  of  the  family  necessarily  falls  into  the  hands  of  the 
husbands  and  fathers.  This  happens  among  Pueblo  Ind- 
ians, a  matriarchal  people  with  female  descent,  whose  clans, 
in  consequence  of  the  scarcity  of  water  for  irrigation  in 
their  desert  region,  are  obliged  to  separate  widely  for  the 
cultivation  of  lands  at  a  distance  from  the  central  pueblo. 


464      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  result  is  that  the  control  of  families  and  the  train- 
ing of  children  are  temporarily  taken  out  of  the  hands  of 
their  own  kin  on  the  mother's  side,  and  with  the  acquisition 
of  cattle  in  these  new  homes  comes  a  tendency  to  settle 
there  permanently. 

J.  W.  POWELL,  letter  from,  quoted  by  TYLOR,  Journal  of  the  Anthro- 
pological Institute,  Vol.  XVIII.  258. 

Pastoral  Industry.  —  The  motive  to  obtain  possession  of 
offspring  attained  its  maximum  strength,  however,  only 
with  the  appearance  of  forms  of  industry  that  engaged  the 
interests  and  efforts  of  men,  and  gave  value  to  the  labour 
of  sons.  In  most  parts  of  the  world  this  happened  as  a 
consequence  of  the  domestication  of  animals.  In  the  pas- 
toral life  was  born  the  desire  to  multiply  herds  and  herds- 
men, and  to  transmit  property  to  sons. 

Wife  Purchase.  —  As  the  value  of  women  and  children 
increased,  and  as  industry  in  some  measure  diverted  atten- 
tion from  war,  marriage  by  purchase  gradually  succeeded 
marriage  by  capture.  Purchase  gave  the  husband  even 
greater  authority  over  the  wife  than  he  secured  by  capture, 
since  his  right  to  a  purchased  wife  could  not  be  denied  by 
her  kinsmen.  They  wholly  surrendered  her;  and  she 
could  cherish  no  hope  of  restoration  to  them. 

By  the  expedient  of  adopting  the  captured  or  purchased 
wife  into  the  clan  and  totem  of  the  husband,  children 
became,  in  every  sense,  of  the  kindred  of  the  father. 

Ancestor  Worship.  —  Paternal  authority  had  important 
reactions  upon  religion.  Without  entirely  displacing  other 
religious  observances,  ancestor  worship  became  a  dominant 
cult,  and  in  its  turn  this  worship  reacted  upon  domestic 
life  and  upon  the  structure  of  clan  and  tribe.  Occasionally 
it  resulted  in  that  extreme  development  of  authority  known 
at  Rome  as  the  patria  potestas.  It  facilitated  the  heredi- 


The  Social  Composition  465 

tary  transmission  of  office,  since  in  the  ancestor-worship- 
ping patronymic  group  there  always  was  a  strong  belief 
that  the  son  of  a  great  man  was  his  most  suitable  suc- 
cessor in  office.  It  was  thought  that  the  spirit  of  the 
father  watched  over  the  son's  doings,  and  aided  him 
with  supernatural  guidance.1 

Ancestor  Worship  in  Japan 

But  primitive  men  were  ignorant  of  the  advantages  re- 
sulting from  combination,  and  moreover,  those  virtues 
which  are  essential  to  the  maintenance  of  society  were  not 
yet  developed  among  them.  The  initial  bond  of  union 
among  primitive  men  must,  then,  be  sought  for  in  some 
unconscious  force,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  had 
its  origin  in  the  ties  of  consanguinity.  But  the  sphere  of 
love  amongst  kinsmen  is  limited  in  extent,  and  there  must 
have  been,  therefore,  some  other  factor  that  acted  as  the 
centripetal  force  which  drew  distant  relatives  together  and 
bound  them  into  a  community.  That  factor  was  Ancestor- 
worship.  The  worship  of  common  ancestors,  and  the  cere- 
monies connected  therewith,  maintained  the  semblance  of 
a  common  descent  amongst  large  numbers  of  widely  scat- 
tered kinsmen  who  were  so  far  removed  from  one  another 
that  they  would,  without  this  link,  have  fallen  away  from 
family  intercourse.  As  the  sentiment  of  consanguinity, 
which  has  been  shown  to  have  been  the  only  bond  of  union 
amongst  primitive  men,  grew  looser  by  the  wider  dispersal 
of  the  ever  increasing  members  of  a  family,  the  necessity 
became  greater  to  weld  together  the  various  units  of  kin- 
dred lineage  by  means  of  the  worship  of  a  common  pro- 
genitor, in  order  that  the  primitive  group  might  grow  up 
into  a  homogeneous  community.  Now,  if  the  primary 
bond  of  union  was  the  tie  of  blood,  and  if  the  tie  of  blood 
means  the  extension  of  sympathy  and  love  to  distant  kins- 
men, the  explanation  which  has  been  given  of  the  origin  of 
ancestor-worship  seems  to  accord  better  with  the  effect  of 
this  practice,  than  does  the  theory  of  the  "dread  of  ghosts  " 
or  "ghost  propitiation." 

1  On  ancestor  worship,  see  Principles  of  Sociology,  290-293. 

2H 


466      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  question  whether  ancestor-worship  is  an  tmiversal  in- 
stitution, that  is  to  say,  whether  all  races  of  mankind  have,  at 
some  time  or  another,  passed,  or  must  pass,  through  the  stage 
of  this  worship,  is  one  the  solution  of  which  cannot  be 
lightly  attempted.  Personally,  I  cannot  conceive  how  the 
human  race  could  have  arrived  at  its  present  state  of  social 
and  political  life  without  at  first  experiencing  the  influ- 
ence of  ancestor-worship.  M.  Fustel  de  Coulanges  in  his 
brilliant  work  La  Cite"  Antique  asserts  that  the  custom 
existed,  at  one  time,  both  in  Greece  and  in  Rome,  and  the 
learned  work  of  Dr.  Hearn,  entitled  The  Aryan  House- 
hold, shows  that  Aryans  were  an  ancestor-worshipping 
race ;  while  most  of  the  recent  investigations  of  historians 
and  sociologists,  as  well  as  travellers'  accounts  of  the 
manners  and  customs  of  primitive  peoples  prove  that  the 
worship  of  deceased  ancestors  is  practised  by  a  very  large 
proportion  of  mankind.  This  seems  to  point  to  the  con- 
clusion that  all  races  practise  it  in  the  infancy  of  their 
development,  and  that  it  was  the  first  step  towards  the 
inauguration  of  social  life  on  a  wide  basis.  .  .  . 

There  are  two  sacred  places  in  every  Japanese 
house ;  the  Kamidana  or  "god-shelf  "  and  the  Bntsudan  or 
"  Buddhist  altar."  The  first-named  is  the  Shinto  altar 
which  is  a  plain  wooden  shelf.  In  the  centre  of  this  sacred 
shelf  is  placed  a  Taima  or  O-nusa  (great  offering)  which  is 
a  part  of  the  offerings  made  to  the  Daijingu  of  Ise,  or  the 
temple  dedicated  to  Amaterasu  Omi-Kami  the  First  Imperial 
Ancestor.  The  Taima  is  distributed  from  the  Temple  of 
Ise  to  every  house  in  the  Empire  at  the  end  of  each  year 
and  is  worshipped  by  every  loyal  Japanese  as  the  repre- 
sentation of  the  First  Imperial  Ancestor.  On  this  altar 
the  offering  of  rice,  sake  (liquor  brewed  from  rice),  and 
branches  of  sakaki-tree  (cleyera  japonica)  are  usually 
placed,  and  every  morning  the  members  of  the  household 
make  reverential  obeisance  before  it  by  clapping  hands  and 
bowing ;  while  in  the  evening,  lights  are  also  placed  on  the 
shelf.  On  this  shelf  is  placed,  in  addition,  the  charm  of 
Ujigami  or  the  local  tutelary  god  of  the  family,  and,  in 
many  houses,  the  charms  of  the  other  Shinto  deities  also. 

In  a  Shinto  household  there  is  a  second  god-shelf  or 
Kamidana,  which  is  dedicated  exclusively  to  the  worship  of 


The  Social  Composition  467 

the  ancestors  of  the  house.  On  this  second  shelf  are  placed 
cenotaphs  bearing  the  names  of  the  ancestors,  their  ages, 
and  the  dates  of  their  death.  These  memorial  tablets  are 
called  "  Mitama-Shiro  "  which  means  "  representatives  of 
souls,"  and  they  are  usually  placed  in  small  boxes  shaped 
like  Shinto  shrines.  Offerings  of  rice,  sake,  fish,  sakaki- 
tree  and  lamps  are  made  on  this  second  shelf  as  on  the  first. 

In  the  Buddhist  household  there  is,  in  addition  to  the 
Kamidana,  a  Butsudan  on  which  are  placed  cenotaphs 
bearing  on  the  front  posthumous  Buddhist  names,  and  on 
the  back  the  names  used  by  the  ancestors  during  their  life 
time.  The  cenotaph  is  usually  lacquered  and  is  sometimes 
placed  in  a  box  called  "Zushi,"  while  family  crests  are 
very  often  painted  both  on  the  tablet  and  on  the  box. 
Offerings  of  flowers,  branches  of  shikimi-tree  (Illicium 
religiosum\  tea,  rice  and  other  vegetable  foods  are  usually 
placed  before  the  cenotaphs,  while  incense  is  continually 
burnt  and  in  the  evening  small  lamps  are  lighted.  The 
Butsudan  take  the  place  of  the  second  god-shelf  of  the 
Shinto  household,  both  being  dedicated  to  the  worship  of 
family  ancestors. 

From  the  foregoing  brief  description  of  the  sacred  altars 
of  a  Japanese  household,  it  will  be  seen  that  there  are 
three  kinds  of  ancestor-worship  in  vogue ;  namely,  the 
worship  of  the  First  Imperial  Ancestor  by  the  people,  the 
worship  of  the  patron  god  of  the  locality,  which,  as  I  shall 
show  anon  is  the  remains  of  the  worship  of  clan-ancestors 
by  clansmen,  and  the  worship  of  the  family-ancestors  by 
the  members  of  the  household. 

HOZUMI,  Ancestor-Worship  and  Japanese  Law,  9-11,  12-14. 

Patronymic  Organization.  —  The  patronymic  family  is 
a  more  compact  domestic  group  than  the  metronymic  family, 
and  with  the  evolution  of  ancestor  worship,  it  tends  to 
become  the  patriarchal  family,  in  which  for  three  or  four 
generations  the  eldest  living  male  ancestor  exercises 
authority  over  all  his  descendants.  This  type  is  fully 
developed,  however,  only  after  the  transition  from  tribal  to 
civil  society. 


468     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  patronymic  horde,  or  village,  in  like  manner,  is  a 
relatively  compact  group.  Patronymic  hordes  are  con- 
solidated into  tribes,  and  tribes  are  united  in  confederations, 
as  in  metronymic  society.1 

Greek  Clan  and  Tribal  System 

Separate  thy  warriors  by  tribes  and  by  clans,  Aga- 
memnon, that  clan  may  give  aid  to  clan  and  tribe  to  tribe. 
If  thou  do  thus  and  the  Achaians  hearken  to  thee,  then 
wilt  thou  know  who  among  thy  captains  and  who  of  the 
common  sort  is  a  coward,  and  who  too  is  brave  ;  for  they 
will  fight  each  after  their  sort.  So  wilt  thou  know  whether 
it  is  even  by  divine  command  that  thou  shalt  not  take  the 
city,  or  by  the  baseness  of  thy  warriors  and  their  ill  skill 
in  battle. 

HOMER,  The  Iliad,  translated  by  LANG,  LEAF  and  MYERS,  32. 

Advantages  of  Patronymic  Kinship.  —  Patronymic  kin- 
ship greatly  increased  the  homogeneity  and  definiteness  of 
the  family  group  on  the  disciplinary  and  moral  side.  In 
the  metronymic  clan,  power  and  authority  resided,  not  in 
husbands  and  fathers,  but  in  brothers  and  uncles.  The 
child  was  thus  subject  to  an  irregular  rule,  and  a  divided 
responsibility.  But  when  clans  began  to  trace  relation- 
ships in  the  male  line,  the  child  came  under  the  sole  and 
single  authority  of  one  man,  his  father. 

The  metronymic  camp  or  village  had  no  military  or 
juristic  unity.  If  a  quarrel  broke  out  between  two  clans, 
the  men  of  the  same  camp  or  village,  belonging  as  they 
did  to  various  totems,  were  arrayed  against  each  other  — 
an  occurrence  that  has  frequently  been  observed  in  Aus- 
tralian tribes. 

1  For  examples  of  patronymic  organization,  see  Principles  of  Sociology, 
165-168. 


The  Social  Composition  469 

With  the  transition  to  patronymic  kinship,  the  men  and 
boys,  rather  than  the  women  and  children,  constituted  a 
majority  of  the  clansmen  who  lived  together  in  any  place. 
The  wives  were  of  different  clans.  Consequently,  the 
fighting  strength,  the  moral  authority,  and  the  clan  rela- 
tionships were  now,  for  the  first  time,  united  in  the  same 
group  of  individuals.1 

Barbaric  Feudalism.  —  Patronymic  tribes  in  which  chief- 
tainship has  become  hereditary  have  usually,  sooner  or 
later,  undergone  changes  of  organization  that  have  greatly 
modified  the  original  tribal  character,  and  have  established 
a  rude  kind  of  feudalism.2 

All  historical  peoples  probably  passed  through  the  stage 
of  pastoral  feudalism.  The  best  picture  of  it  that  remains 
to  us  is  that  disclosed  in  the  pages  of  the  Brehon  law. 

The  Rise  of  the  Flaiths 

The  Flaiths  corresponded  in  some  respects  to  modern 
nobles,  and  like  them  originated  in  an  official  aristocracy. 
Theoretically  they  were  public  officers  of  their  respective 
clans,  each  being  at  once  the  ruler  and  representative 
of  a  sept,  were  elected  on  the  same  principle  as  the 
kings,  required  similar  qualifications  according  to  rank, 
and  were  provided  proportionately  with  free  lands  to 
enable  them  to  support  the  dignity  and  perform  the 
duties  of  the  office.  They  also,  like  the  kings,  were 
allowed  to  hold  at  the  same  time  all  other  property  which 
they  might  have  had  or  might  subsequently  inherit  or 
otherwise  acquire;  and  their  position  gave  them  some 
facilities  of  requisition  which  other  men  did  not  possess. 
Their  official  land  was  in  law  indivisible;  an  apparent 
restriction  which  in  practice  became  decidedly  advanta- 
geous to  them  as  a  class,  as  we  shall  see. 

1  For  a  fuller  treatment  of  this  subject,  see  Elements  of  Sociology,  265-267. 
z  For  a  description  of  barbaric  or  tribal  feudalism,  see  Principles  of  Sociol- 
ogy, 293-296;   and  Elements  of  Sociology,  267-269. 


470     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  law  gave  the  right  of  succession  to  the  most 
worthy  member  of  the  fine  of  the  actual  flaith,  subject  to 
the  right  of  the  clan  to  determine  by  election  what  mem- 
ber of  the  fine  was  in  fact  the  most  worthy.  Hence  the 
flaith's  successor  might  not  be  his  son,  though  he  had 
sons,  but  might  be  a  brother,  nephew,  cousin,  or  other 
member  of  the  fine ;  and  while  the  flaith's  private  prop- 
erty was  on  his  death  divisible  among  the  members  of  his 
fine  like  that  of  any  other  individual,  his  official  property 
with  all  the  permanent  structures  thereon  descended  undi- 
vided to  his  successor,  in  addition  to  any  share  of  the  pri- 
vate property  which  might  fall  to  that  same  person  as  a 
member  of  the  fine.  In  course  of  time  the  hereditary 
principle  encroached  upon  and  choked  the  elective,  the 
latter  fell  into  desuetude,  and  the  number  of  flaiths  ceased 
to  correspond  to  the  number  of  septs.  From  the  office 
and  the  land  attached  to  it  having  been  held  successively 
by  several  succeeding  generations  of  the  same  family,  the 
flaith  gradually  learned  to  regard  the  land  as  his  own  pri- 
vate property,  and  the  people  gradually  acquiesced ;  and  I 
find  it  laid  down  by  a  modern  writer  as  the  distinguishing 
mark  of  a  flaith,  that  he  paid  no  rent,  and  that  a  man  who 
paid  no  rent  was  a  flaith  though  he  owned  but  a  single 
acre.  This  writer  completely  lost  sight  of  the  fact  that 
the  flaith  was  properly  an  official,  and  the  land  he  held 
official  land,  and  not  his  private  property  at  all.  The 
system  under  which  he  lived,  and  of  which  he  formed  a 
part,  laid  upon  him  certain  duties  for  which  the  lands  and 
revenues  assigned  him  were  a  provision  and  a  reward,  and 
it  was  only  through  the  decay  and  collapse  of  that  system 
that  he  could  venture  to  call  those  lands  and  revenues  his 
own.  The  nature  of  his  duties  can  most  conveniently  be 
explained  when  discussing  the  next  succeeding  class  of 
society  towards  whom  most  of  them  were  due  and  owing ; 
and  there  also  it  will  become  very  obvious  that  there  was 
no  such  inadequate  provision  made  for  a  flaith  as  a  single 
acre  would  have  been.  It  will  suffice  to  mention  here  that  a 
very  high  private-property  qualification  should  have  been 
possessed  by  the  family  for  three  successive  generations 
before  one  could  become  a  flaith  at  all ;  and  then  the 
official  property  was  given  in  addition  to  that.  In  fact, 


The  Social  Composition  471 

the  flaiths  were  rather  too  well  provided  for,  and  were  so 
favourably  circumstanced  that  ultimately  they  almost  sup- 
planted the  clan  as  owners  of  everything. 

As  the  sea  attracts  all  waters,  as  power  and  wealth 
attract  to  themselves  more  power  and  more  wealth,  the 
flaith  class  tended  to  become  great  at  the  expense  of  the 
people  beneath  them.  They  were  constantly  taking  liber- 
ties with,  and  extending  their  claims  over,  land  to  which 
they  had  no  just  title;  and  the  law  under  which  official 
property  descended  contributed  to  the  same  result.  The 
idea  of  private  property  in  land  was  developing  and  gath- 
ering strength,  and  land  was  generally  becoming  settled 
under  it.  The  title  of  every  holder,  once  temporary,  was 
hardening  into  ownership,  and  the  old  ownership  of  the 
clan  was  vanishing,  becoming  in  ordinary  cases  little  more 
than  a  superior  jurisdiction  the  exercise  of  which  was  rarely 
invoked.  During  the  time  of  transition  I  think  the  flaith 
class  encroached  upon  the  rights  not  alone  of  those  below 
them  but  of  those  above  them  also ;  that  it  was  chiefly 
their  greed,  pride,  and  disloyalty  which  led  to  the  break-up 
of  the  Irish  Monarchy.  .  .  . 

GINNELL,  The  Brehon  Laws,  93-96. 


The  Laird  in  Sky 

The  name  of  highest  dignity  is  Laird,  of  which  there 
are  in  the  extensive  Isle  of  Sky  only  three,  Macdonald, 
Macleod,  and  Mackinnon.  The  Laird  is  the  original  owner 
of  the  land,  whose  natural  power  must  be  very  great,  where 
no  man  lives  but  by  agriculture,  and  where  the  produce  of 
the  land  is  not  conveyed  through  the  labyrinths  of  traffick, 
but  passes  directly  from  the  hand  that  gathers  it  to  the 
mouth  that  eats  it.  The  Laird  has  all  those  in  his  power 
that  live  upon  his  farms.  .  .  .  This  inherent  power  was 
yet  strengthened  by  the  kindness  of  consanguinity,  and  the 
reverence  of  patriarchal  authority.  The  Laird  was  the 
father  of  the  Clan,  and  his  tenants  commonly  bore  his 
name.  And  to  these  principles  of  original  command  was 
added,  for  many  ages,  an  exclusive  right  of  legal  juris- 
diction. 


472      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

This  multifarious,  and  extensive  obligation  operated  with 
force  scarcely  credible.  Every  duty,  moral  or  political,  was 
absorbed  in  affection  and  adherence  to  the  Chief.  Not 
many  years  have  passed  since  the  clans  knew  no  law  but 
the  Laird's  will.  He  told  them  to  whom  they  should  be 
friends  or  enemies,  what  King  they  should  obey,  and  what 
religion  they  should  profess.  .  .  .  Next  in  dignity  to  the 
Laird  is  the  Tacksman ;  a  large  taker  or  lease-holder  of 
land,  of  which  he  keeps  a  part,  as  a  domain,  in  his  own 
hand,  and  lets  part  to  under  tenants.  The  Tacksman  is 
necessarily  a  man  capable  of  securing  to  the  Laird  the 
whole  rent,  and  is  commonly  a  collateral  relation.  These 
tacks,  or  subordinate  possessions,  were  long  considered  as 
hereditary,  and  the  occupant  was  distinguished  by  the 
name  of  the  place  at  which  he  resided.  He  held  a  middle 
station,  by  which  the  highest  and  the  lowest  orders  were 
connected.  He  paid  rent  and  reverence  to  the  Laird,  and 
received  them  from  the  tenants. 

SAMUEL  JOHNSON,  A  Journey  to  the  Western  Islands  of  Scotland, 
195-197. 


Benefits  of  Barbaric  Feudalism. — Tribal  feudalism  intro- 
duced in  human  society  what  Mr.  Mallock  calls  the  struggle 
for  domination,  as  distinguished  from  the  struggle  for  ex- 
istence. 

In  tribal  feudalism,  also,  appeared  the  beginnings  of 
social  organization  on  the  basis  of  mental  and  moral  resem- 
blance, irrespective  of  kinship.  Although  clan  and  tribe 
continued  to  be  organized  on  the  gentile  principle,  the 
retainers  of  the  chieftains,  or  the  followers  of  the  retainers, 
might  themselves  be  men  of  any  tribe.  No  question  of 
relationship  was  asked;  it  was  only  necessary  that  they 
should  be  loyal  adherents,  faithful  in  their  allegiance  to 
their  chosen  leader  and  protector.  Here  was  a  first  step 
in  that  momentous  change  which  was  finally  to  break  down 
tribal  organization  and  substitute  for  it  the  civil  organiza- 


The  Social  Composition  473 

tion  of  society  on  the  basis  of  industrial  and  political  asso- 
ciation, irrespective  of  the  limitations  of  blood  relationship. 

The  Ethnic  Nation.  — The  patronymic  confederation  tends 
to  develop  into  the  ethnic  nation,  usually  ruled  by  a  king. 

Confederations  of  patronymic  tribes  of  the  same  racial 
stock  were  formed,  as  confederations  of  metronymic  tribes 
had  been  formed,  under  the  pressure  of  a  common  danger, 
or  the  inspiration  of  a  common  ambition.  They  have  al- 
ways been  more  coherent,  more  formidable,  and  more  sta- 
ble than  the  strongest  of  metronymic  confederations.  Only 
patronymic  confederations  have  developed  into  great  states 
or  nations.  The  Egyptians,  the  Chaldeans,  the  He- 
brews, the  Greeks,  the  Romans,  the  Saxons,  the  Franks, 
the  Germans,  and  the  Slavs  were  originally  tribally  organ- 
ized peoples  which,  by  growth,  confederations,  and  consoli- 
dations, developed  into  national  states. 

When  patronymic  tribes  confederate  and  form  the  ethnic 
nation,  the  agnatic  principle  and  ancestor  worship,  com- 
bined with  political  and  military  conditions,  confer  great 
authority  upon  the  chief  of  the  confederation.  He  becomes 
a  military  leader,  a  religious  leader  or  priest,  and  a  supreme 
judge,  all  in  one.  The  chief,  in  a  word,  becomes  a  king. 

With  the  achievement  of  confederation  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  kingship,  ethnogenic  evolution  is  completed. 
A  gentile  folk  or  ethnos  has  come  into  existence.  Its  further 
development,  if  evolution  is  not  arrested  at  this  point,  car- 
ries it  into  the  new  conditions  of  civilization. 

Transition  to  Civil  Society 

The  transition  from  tribal  to  civil  organization  is  usually 
preceded  by  migration,  and  by  settlement  in  a  new  environ- 
ment won  by  conquest. 


474     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Migration  and  Settlement.  —  The  ethnic  society  that  has 
become  partly  feudalized  and  has  reached  the  stage  of 
confederation  and  kingship,  is  facing  conditions  that  will 
further  transform  its  organization.  It  is  increasing  in 
wealth  and  in  population  ;  and  it  must  resort  to  systematic 
agriculture.  But  the  rapid  evolution  of  energy  that  is  tak- 
ing place  is  followed  -by  expenditures  in  lawlessness  and 
restlessness.  The  semi-feudal  chiefs  and  their  retainers 
are  by  no  means  willing  to  settle  down  to  agricultural  life. 
To  conquer  and  plunder  and  to  compel  a  conquered  popu- 
lation to  do  agricultural  labour,  is  a  more  attractive  pro- 
gramme. 

The  first  effect  of  conquest  and  permanent  settlement 
has  been  a  varied  demotic  composition.  Aggregations  of 
racially  related  groups  have  been  brought  into  close  contact 
with  populations  of  a  different  race  or  sub-race  under  con- 
ditions that  have  made  social  and  demotic  amalgamation 
inevitable. 

England  in  the  Transition  from  Tribal  to  Civil  Society 

4.  I    now   commence    my   long    journey,    to    examine 
minutely  the  whole  island  and  its  particular  parts,  and 
shall  follow  the  footsteps  of  the  best  authors.      I  begin 
with  the  extreme  part  of  the  first  province,  whose  coasts 
are   opposite   Gaul.     This   province   contains   three  cele- 
brated and   powerful   states,  namely,   Cantium,   Belgium, 
and  Damnonium,  each  of  which  in  particular  I  shall  care- 
fully examine. 

First  of  Cantium. 

5.  Cantium  (Kent),  situated  at  the  extremity  of  Britannia 
Prima,  was  inhabited  by  the  Cantii,  and  contains  the  cities 
of  Durobrobis  (Rochester)  and  Cantiopolis  (Canterbury), 
which  was  the  metropolis,  and  the  burial-place  of  St.  Au- 
gustin,    the    apostle    of    the    English;     Dubrae    (Dover), 
Lemanus   (on  the    Lymne),  and    Regulbium   (Reculver), 
garrisoned  by  the  Romans ;    also   their   primary  station 


The  Social  Composition  475 

Rhutupis  (Richborough),  which  was  colonized  and  became 
the  metropolis,  and  where  a  haven  was  formed  capable  of 
containing  the  Roman  fleet  which  commanded  the  North 
Sea.  This  city  was  of  such  celebrity  that  it  gave  the 
name  of  Rhutupine  to  the  neighbouring  shores ;  which 
Lucan, 

"  Aut  vaga  quum  Thetis  Rhutupinaque  littora  fervent." 

From  hence  oysters  of  a  large  size  and  superior  flavour 
were  sent  to  Rome,  as  Juvenal  observes, 

"  Circaeis  nata  forent,  an 

Lucrinum  ad  saxum,  RHUTUPINOVE  edita  fundo 
Ostrea,  callebat  primo  deprendere  morsu." 

It  was  the  station  of  the  second  Augustan  legion,  under 
the  count  of  the  Saxon  coast,  a  person  of  high  distinction. 

6.  The  kingdom  of  Cantium  is  watered  by  many  rivers. 
The  principal  are  Madus  (Medway),  Sturius  (Stour),  Du- 
bris  (at  Dover),  and  Lemanus  (Rother),  which  last  sepa- 
rates the  Cantii  from  the  Bibroci. 

7.  Among  the  three  principal  promontories  of  Britain, 
that  which  derives  its  name  from  Cantium  (the  North  Fore- 
land) is  most  distinguished.     There  the  ocean,  being  con- 
fined in  an  angle,  according  to  the  tradition  of  the  ancients, 
gradually  forced    its   way,  and   formed   the  strait  which 
renders  Britain  an  island. 

8.  The  vast  forest  called  by  some  the  Anderidan,  and 
by  others  the  Caledonian,  stretches  from  Cantium  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles,  through  the  countries  of  the  Bibroci 
and  the  Segontiaci,  to  the  confines  of  the  Hedui.     It  is 
thus  mentioned  by  the  poet  Lucan  :  — 

"  Unde  Caledoniis  fallit  turbata  Britannos." 

9.  The  Bibroci  were  situated  next  to  the  Cantii,  and,  as 
some  imagine,  were  subject  to  them.      They  were  also 
called   Rhemi,   and  are  not  unknown  in  record.      They 
inhabited  Bibrocum,  Regentium  (Chichester),  and  Novio- 
magus  (Holwood  Hill),  which  was  their  metropolis.     The 
Romans  held  Anderida  (Pevensey). 

10.  On  their  confines,  and  bordering  on  the  Thames, 
dwelt  the  Attrebates  (part  of  Hants,  and  Berks),  whose 
primary  city  was  Calleba  (Silchester). 


476      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

11.  Below  them,  nearer  the  river   Kunetius  (Kennet), 
lived  the  Segontiaci  (part  of    Hants,  and   Berks),  whose 
chief  city  was  Vindonum  (Egbury  Camp). 

12.  Below,   towards  the  ocean,   and  bordering  on  the 
Bibroci,  lived  the  Belgae,  whose  chief  cities  were  Clausen- 
turn,    now   called    Southampton ;     Portus    Magnus   (Port- 
chester);  Venta  (Winchester),  a  noble  city  situated  upon 
the  river  Antona.     Sorbiodunum  (Old  Sarum)  was  gar- 
risoned by  the  Romans.     All  the  Belgae  are  Allobroges, 
or  foreigners,  and  derived  their  origin  from  the  Belgae  and 
Celts.     The  latter,  not  many  ages  before  the  arrival  of 
Caesar,  quitted  their  native  country,  Gaul,  which  was  con- 
quered by  the  Romans  and  Germans,  and  passed  over  to 
this  island :    the  former,   after   crossing   the   Rhine,   and 
occupying  the  conquered  country,  likewise  sent  out  colo- 
nies, of  which  Caesar  has  spoken  more  at  large. 

13.  All  the  regions  south  of   the   Thamesis  (Thames) 
were,  according  to  ancient  records,  occupied  by  the  war- 
like nations  of   the   Senones.     These  people,  under  the 
guidance   of    their   renowned   king   Brennus,    penetrated 
through  Gaul,  forced  a  passage   over  the  Alps,  hitherto 
deemed  impracticable,  and  would  have  razed  proud  Rome, 
had  not  the  fates,  which  seemed  like  to  carry  the  republic 
in  their  bosom,  till  it  reached  its  destined  height  of  glory, 
averted  the  threatened  calamity.    By  the  cackle  of  a  goose 
Manlius  was  warned  of  the  danger,  and  hurled  the  bar- 
barians from  the  capitol,  in  their  midnight  attack.     The 
same  protecting  influence  afterwards  sent  Camillus  to  his 
assistance,  who,  by  assailing  them  in  the  rear,  quenched 
the  conflagration  which  they  had  kindled,  in  Senonic  blood, 
and  preserved  the  city  from  impending  destruction.     In 
consequence  of  this  vast  expedition,  the  land  of  the  Senones, 
being  left  without  inhabitants,  and  full  of  spoils,  was  occu- 
pied by  the  above-mentioned  Belgae. 

14.  Near  the  Sabrina  and  below  the  Thamesis  lived  the 
Hedui  (nearly  all  Somersetshire),  whose  principal  cities 
were    Ischalis    (Ilchester)    and    Avalonia   (Glastonbury). 
The  baths  (Bath),  which  were  also  called  Aquae  Solis,  were 
made  the  seat  of  a  colony,  and  became  the  perpetual  resi- 
dence of  the  Romans  who  possessed  this  part  of  Britain. 
This  was  a  celebrated  city,  situated  upon  the  river  Abona, 


The  Social  Composition  477 

remarkable  for  its  hot  springs,  which  were  formed  into 
baths  at  a  great  expense.  Apollo  and  Minerva  were  the 
tutelary  deities,  in  whose  temples  the  perpetual  fire  never 
fell  into  ashes,  but  as  it  wasted  away  turned  into  globes  of 
stone. 

15.  Below  the  Hedui  are  situated  the  Durotriges,  who 
are  sometimes  called  Morini.      Their  metropolis  was  Du- 
rinum  (maiden  castle),  and  their  territory  extended  to  the 
promontory  Vindelia  (Isle  of  Portland).     In  their  country 
the  land  is  gradually  contracted,  and  seems  to  form    an 
immense  arm  which  repels  the  waves  of  the  ocean. 

1 6.  In  this  arm  was  the  region  of  the  Cimbri  (part  of 
Somerset  and    Devon),  whose  country  was  divided  from 
that  of  the  Hedui  by  the  river  Uxella  (Parret).     It  is  not 
ascertained  whether  the  Cimbri  gave  to  Wales  its  modern 
name,  or  whether  their  origin  is  more  remote.     Their  chief 
cities   were   Termolus  (probably  in  Devonshire)  and  Ar- 
tavia.     From  hence,  according  to  the  ancients,  are  seen 
the  pillars  of  Hercules,  and  the  island  Herculea  (Lundy 
Island)  not   far   distant.     From    the   Uxella   a   chain   of 
mountains    called    Ocrinum    extends   to   the   promontory 
known  by  the  same  name. 

17.  Beyond  the  Cimbri  the  Carnabii  inhabited  the  ex- 
treme angle  of  the  island  (part  of  Cornwall),  from  whom 
this  district  probably  obtained  its  present  name  of  Carnu- 
bia  (Cornwell).     Their  chief  cities  were  Musidum   (near 
Stratton)  and  Halangium  (Carnbre).     But  as  the  Romans 
never  frequented   these   almost   desert   and   uncultivated 
parts  of  Britain,  their  cities  seem  to  have  been  of  little 
consequence,  and  were  therefore  neglected  by  historians ; 
though  geographers  mention  the  promontories,  Bolerium 
and  Antivestaeum  (Land's  End,  and  Lizard  Point). 

1 8.  Near  the  above-mentioned  people  on  the  sea-coast 
towards  the  south,  and  bordering  on  the  Belgse  Allobroges, 
lived   the    Damnonii,  the  most  powerful  people  of  those 
parts ;  on  which  account  Ptolemy  assigns  to  them  all  the 
country  extending  into   the  sea   like   an    arm  (Cornwall, 
Devon,  Dorset,  and  part  of  Somerset).     Their  cities  were 
Uxella  (probably    near    Bridgewater),    Tamara    (on   the 
Tamar),  Voluba  (on  the  Fowey),  Cenia  (on  the  Fal),  and 
Isca  (Exeter),  the  mother  of  all,  situated  upon  the  Isca. 


478      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Their  chief  rivers  were  the  Isca,  Durius  (Dart),  Ta- 
marus  (Tamar),  and  Genius  (Fal).  Their  coasts  are  dis- 
tinguished by  three  promontories,  which  will  be  hereafter 
mentioned.  This  region  was  much  frequented  by  the 
Phoenician,  Grecian,  and  Gallic  merchants,  for  the  metals 
with  which  it  abounded,  particularly  for  its  tin.  Proofs  of 
this  may  be  drawn  from  the  names  of  the  above-mentioned 
promontories,  namely,  Hellenis  (probably  Berry  Head), 
Ocrinum  (Lizard  Point),  and  Kpiov  ^erwirov  (Ram  Head), 
as  well  as  the  numerous  appellations  of  cities,  which  show 
a  Grecian  or  Phoenician  derivation. 

19.  Beyond  this  arm  are  the  isles  called  Sygdiles  (Scilly 
Isles),   which   are   also   denominated   QEstromenides   and 
Cassiterides. 

20.  It  is  affirmed   that  the  emperor  Vespasian  fought 
thirty  battles  with  the  united  forces  of  the  Damnonii  and 
Belgae.      The  ten  different  tribes  who  inhabited  the  south 
banks  of  the   Thames  and  Severn  being  gradually   sub- 
dued,  their   country   was   formed    into   the   province   of 
Brittania  Prima,  so  called  because  it  was  the  first  fruit  of 
victory  obtained  by  the  Romans. 

21.  Next  in  order  is  Brittania  Secunda,  which  is  divided 
from  Brittania  Prima  by  the  countries  already  mentioned, 
and  from  the  Flavian  province  by  the  Sabrina  (Severn) 
and  the  Deva  (Dee) ;  and  the  remaining  parts  are  bounded 
by  the  internal  sea.     This  was  the  renowned  region  of  the 
Silures,  inhabited  by  three  powerful  tribes.     Among  these 
were  particularly  distinguished  the  Silures  Proper,  whom 
the  turbid  estuary  of  the  Severn  divides  from  the  country 
we    have    just   described.      These   people,    according   to 
Solinus,    still  retain  their  ancient  manners,  have  neither 
markets  nor  money,  but  barter  their  commodities,  regard- 
ing rather  utility  than  price.     They  worship  the  gods,  and 
both    men   and   women   are   supposed   to    foretell  future 
events. 

22.  The  chief  cities  of   the   Silures   were,   Sariconium 
(Rose  or   Berry   Hill),  Magna  (Kentchester),    Gobaneum 
(Abergavenny),   and  Venta  (Caerwent)  their    capital.     A 
Roman    colony    possessed    the    city    built   on   the    Isca 
(Caerleon  on  Usk),  and  called  after  that  name,  for  many 
years  the  station  of  the  second  or  Augustan  legion,  until  it 


The  Social  Composition  479 

was  transferred  to  the  Valentian  province,  and  Rhutupis 
(Richborough  in  Kent).  This  was  the  primary  station  of 
the  Romans  in  Britannia  Secimda. 

23.  The   country   of   the   Silures   was   long   powerful, 
particularly  under  Caractacus,  who  during  nine  years  with- 
stood  the    Roman  arms,    and  frequently  triumphed  over 
them,  until  he  was  defeated  by  Ostorius,  as  he  was  pre- 
paring   to    attack  the    Romans.      Caractacus,     however, 
escaped  from  the  battle,  and  in  applying  for  assistance  to 
the    neighbouring    chieftains    was    delivered    up    to   the 
Romans,    by  the  artifices  of  a  Roman    matron,    Carthis- 
mandua,   who   had  married  Venutius,  chief  of  Brigantia. 
After  this   defeat  the    Silures    bravely    defended    their 
country  till  it  was  over-run  by  Veranius,  and  being  finally 
conquered  by  Frontinus,  it  was  reduced   into   a    Roman 
province  under  the  name  Britannia  Secunda. 

24.  Two  other  tribes  were  subject  to  the  Silures.     First 
the  Ordovices,  who  inhabited  the  north  towards  the  isle 
of    Mona   (Anglesey);    and   secondly    the    Dimetiae,  who 
occupied  the  west,  where  the  promontory  Octorupium  (St. 
David's  Head)  is  situated,  and  from  whence  is  a  passage 
of  thirty   miles  to  Ireland.     The   cities   of  the    Dimetiae 
were  Menapia  (St.  David's)  and  Maridunum  (Csermarthen) 
the    metropolis.      The    Romans   seized    upon   Lovantium 
(Llanio  Issau  on  the  Teivi)  as  their  station.     Beyond  these, 
and  the  borders  of  the  Silures,  were  the  Ordovices,  whose 
cities  were  Mediolanum  (on  the  bank  of»  the  Tanat)  and 
Brannogenium  (near  Lentwardine).     The  Sabrina,  which 
rises  in  their  mountains,  is  justly  reckoned  one  of  the  three 
largest  rivers  of  Britain,  the  Thamesis  (Thames)  and  the 
Tavus  (Tay)  being   the   other   two.     The    name    of  the 
Ordovices  is  first  distinguished  in  history  on  account  of 
the  revenge  which  they  took  for  the  captivity   of   their 
renowned   chief.     Hence   they    continually    harassed   the 
Roman  army,  and  would  have  succeeded  in  annihilating 
their  power,  had  not  Agricola  turned  hither  his  victorious 
arms,  subdued  the  whole  nation,  and  put  the  greater  part 
to  the  sword. 

25.  The  territory  situated  north  of  the  Ordovices,  and 
washed  by  the  ocean,  was  formerly  under  their  dominion. 
These  parts  were  certainly    inhabited    by  the  Cangiani. 


480     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

whose  chief  city  was  Segontium  (Caer  Segont),  near  the 
Cangian  promontory,  (Brach  y  Pwyl  Point)  on  the 
Minevian  shore,  opposite  Mona  (Anglesey),  an  island  long 
distinguished  as  the  residence  of  the  druids.  This  island 
contained  many  towns,  though  it  was  scarcely  sixty  miles 
in  circuit ;  and,  as  Pliny  asserts,  is  distant  from  the  colony 
of  Camalodunum  two  hundred  miles.  The  rivers  of  the 
Cangiani  were  Tosibus  (Conway),  called  also  Canovius, 
and  the  Deva  (Dee),  which  was  their  boundary.  In  this 
region  is  the  stupendous  mountain  Eriri  (Snowdon). 
Ordovicia,  together  with  the  regions  of  the  Cangiani  and 
Carnabii,  unless  report  deceives  me,  constituted  a  province 
called  Genania,  under  the  reign  of  the  emperors  sub- 
sequent to  Trajan. 

RICHARD  OF  CIRENCESTER,  On  the  Ancient  State  of  Britain,  in 

GILES'  Six  Old  English  Chronicles,  437-444. 

Sovereignty  and  Institutions.  —  When  a  tribally  organ- 
ized people  has  established  itself  upon  a  conquered  territory, 
and  has  been  obliged  to  define  its  relations  to  a  subject 
race,  an  active  development  of  the  political  phases  of  the 
social  mind  has  always  followed. 

Sovereignty  has  then  assumed  a  relatively  definite  form 
and  a  relatively  positive  character,  and  it  has  then  speedily 
converted  the  social  relations  hitherto  existing  as  facts  of 
habit  or  custom  into  institutions,  including,  at  this  stage  of 
evolution,  government,  and  a  priesthood,  the  family,  prop- 
erty, and  slavery  or  serfdom.1 

The  Patriarchal  Kindred.  —  With  the  relatively  compact 
organization  of  society  that  is  permanently  settled  upon  a 
definite  territory,  changes  occur  in  all  of  the  component 
groups.  The  family  becomes  increasingly  definite,  the 
clan  gives  place  to  new  and  specialized  forms,  and  so  in 
like  manner  does  the  tribe.  Compact  kindreds,  hamlets, 
townships,  and  counties  succeed  to  the  old  series  of  organi- 
zations making  up  the  ethnic  nation. 

1  See,  for  more  detail,  Principles  of  Sociology,  314-316. 


The  Social  Composition  481 

The  increased  security  and  the  more  ample  subsistence 
resulting  from  a  settled  agricultural  life  are  followed  by 
an  increase  of  population  which  tends  to  make  the  clan 
organization  unwieldy.  Even  in  metronymic  tribal  society 
examples  occur  of  a  subdivision  of  clans,  and  in  patronymic 
tribal  society,  where  women  follow  the  residence  of  the 
husbands,  and  a  clan  or  some  subdivision  of  it  may  there- 
fore be  identical  with  a  village,  a  tendency  is  seen  to  rec- 
ognize some  definite  group  of  kindred  larger  than  a  single 
family,  but  only  a  small  part  of  the  clan,  as  for  many  pur- 
poses a  social  unit.  At  some  early  time  in  the  evolution 
of  the  European  peoples,  and  of  those  Asian  peoples  that 
are  included  in  the  Aryan  culture  stock,  the  Patriarchal 
Kindred  became  a  definite  unit  of  the  social  composition. 

This  patriarchal  kindred  wherever  found,  as  among  the 
Aryans  of  India,  the  Greeks,  the  Slavs,  the  Celts,  and  the 
Germans,  normally  consists  of  five  generations  of  de- 
scendants of  a  common  ancestor,  dwelling  together  as  a  com- 
munity, sometimes  as  a  joint  family,  and  owning  an  undi- 
vided estate.  At  the  end  of  the  fifth  generation  the  estate 
is  divided,  and  each  of  the  male  heirs  may  be  the  first 
ancestor  of  a  new  kindred  that  will  hold  together,  as  before, 
for  five  generations. 

For  certain  purposes  of  common  defence  kindred  to  the 
seventh  generation  are  recognized  as  a  wider  group,  and 
for  yet  rarer  occasions  of  common  protection  kindred  are 
counted  to  the  ninth  generation.  Even  this  widest  group 
of  relations,  however,  may  be  but  a  fraction  of  a  clan. 

Another  important  difference  between   the  patriarchal 

kindred  and  the  true  clan  is  that  while  kinship  through 

fathers  takes  precedence  of  kinship  through  mothers,  the 

group  may  fall  back  upon  metronymic  kinship  when  male 

21 


482      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

heirs  fail,  and  for  various  purposes  of  juristic  defence  the 
kinship  is  often  reckoned  through  both  fathers  and  mothers. 

The  patriarchal  kindred  gave  rank  and  authority  to 
elders,  and  the  undivided  estate  was  by  no  means  always 
shared  and  enjoyed  equally.  The  eldest  living  male  of  the 
kindred  was  in  many  matters  a  supreme  authority. 

But  on  the  lands  occupied  by  the  kindred  were  often 
found  dwellers  in  some  sense  attached  to  the  kindred, 
though  not  members  of  it  in  the  stricter  sense.  They 
were  of  different  origins,  often  representatives  of  a  con- 
quered people,  often  individuals  from  shattered  kindreds 
elsewhere  who,  by  some  service,  had  made  themselves 
objects  of  gratitude  or  of  hospitality  to  the  proprietary 
kindred,  and  by  adoption  had  been  taken  into  participation 
in  some  of  its  privileges. 

Such  individuals  were  commonly  organized  in  partial 
imitation  of  the  kindred  groups,  but  on  a  basis  of  strict 
equality  among  themselves.  As  occupants  of  the  land 
they  may  sometimes  have  paid  a  rent  in  produce  to  the 
proprietary  kindred,  or  have  rendered  various  services. 

In  this  differentiation  of  the  population  occupying  land 
held  by  a  proprietary  kindred  we  probably  see  the  be- 
ginnings of  that  sharper  division  which  at  a  later  time  is 
presented  within  the  manorial  community.  The  groups  of 
non-kindred,  inferiors,  equal  among  themselves,  were  prob- 
ably the  beginnings  of  the  class  afterward  known  as  vil- 
lain tenants.  And  that  democratic  equality  which  many 
students  of  economic  history  a  generation  ago  attributed 
to  the  "  village  community  "  probably  never  existed  except 
within  these  organizations  of  non-kinsmen.1 

1  See  F.  Seebohm,  The  Tribal  System  in  Wales,  and  Tribal  Custom  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  Law. 


The  Social  Composition  483 

The  Greek  Kindred 

It  was  extremely  improbable  that  a  man  would  see  fur- 
ther than  his  great-grandchildren  born  to  him  before  his 
death.  And  it  might  also  occasionally  occur  in  times  of 
war  or  invasion  that  a  man's  sons  and  grandsons  might  go 
out  to  serve  as  soldiers,  leaving  the  old  man  and  his  young 
great-grandchildren  at  home. 

If  the  fighting  members  of  the  family  were  killed,  the 
great-grandsons  (who  would  be  second  cousins  or  nearer  to 
each  other)  would  have  to  inherit  directly  from  their  great- 
grandfather :  and  thus,  especially  in  cases  where  the  prop- 
erty was  held  undivided  after  the  father's  death,  we  can 
easily  see  that  second  cousins  (i.e.  all  who  traced  back  to 
the  common  great-grandfather)  might  be  looked  upon  as 
forming  a  natural  limit  to  the  immediate  descendants  in  any 
one  ol/co?,  and  as  the  furthest  removed  who  could  claim 
shares  of  the  ancestral  inheritance. 

After  the  death  of  the  great-grandfather  or  head  of  the 
house,  his  descendants  would  probably  wish  to  divide  up 
the  estate  and  start  new  houses  of  their  own.  The  eldest 
son  was  generally  named  after  his  father's  father,  and 
would  carry  on  the  name  of  the  eldest  branch  of  his  great- 
grandfather's house,  and  would  be  responsible  for  the 
proper  maintenance  of  the  rites  on  that  ancestor's  tomb. 
He  would  also  be  guardian  of  any  brotherless  woman  or 
minor  amongst  his  cousins,  each  of  whom  would  be  equally 
responsible  to  him  and  to  each  other  for  all  the  duties  and 
privileges  entailed  upon  blood-relationship. 

Thus  seems  naturally  to  spring  up  an  inner  group  of 
blood-relations  closely  drawn  together  by  ties  which  only 
indirectly  reached  other  and  outside  members  of  the  76^09. 

In  the  fourth  century  B.C.  this  compact  group  limited  to 
second  cousins  still  survived  at  Athens,  responsible  to  each 
other  for  succession,  by  inheritance  or  by  marriage  of  a 
daughter  ;  for  vengeance,  and  purification  after  injury 
received  by  any  member.  .  .  . 

This  close  relation  was  called  a^urreta,  and  all  its 
members  were  called  a^ia-Tels,  i.e.  any  one  upon  whom 
the  claim  upon  the  next-of-kin  might  at  any  time  fall. 

H.  E.  SEEBOHM,  The  Structure  of  Greek  Tribal  Society,  54-55. 


484     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 


The  Aryan  Kindred  in  India 

The  kindred  in  the  Ordinances  of  Manu  is  divided  into 
two  groups :  — 

1 .  Sapindas,  who  owe  the  funeral  cake  at  the  tomb. 

2.  Samanodakas,  who  pour  the  water  libation  at  the 
tomb. 

"  To  three  ancestors  the  water  libation  must  be  made ;  for  three 
ancestors  the  funeral  cake  is  prepared ;  the  fourth  (descendant  or  gen- 
eration) is  the  giver  (of  the  water  and  the  cake)  ;  theyf/?/6  has  properly 
nothing  to  do  (with  either  gift)." 

This  may  be  put  in  tabular  form  :  — 

{i.   Great-grandfather's  great-grandfather. 
2.   Great-grandfather's  grandfather. 
3.   Great-grandfather's  father. 

i .  Great-grandfather. 

Receivers  of  cake.     \  2.  Grandfather. 

3.  Father. 

4.  Giver  of  cake  and  water. 

5.  Excluded. 

Or  inversely :  — 

Householder  1 

Givers  of  cake  or  &***«*«• 
2nd  Cousins  j 

3rd  Cousins    ] 

4th  Cousins    V   Pourers  of  water  or  Samanoda&as. 

5th  Cousins   j 

6th  Cousins  —  excluded. 

Within  the  Sapinda-ship  of  his  mother,  a  "  twice-born  " 
man  may  not  marry.  Outside  the  Saflinda-ship,  a  wife  or 
widow,  "  commissioned  "  to  bear  children  to  the  name  of 
her  husband,  must  not  go. 

"  Now  Safonda-ship  ceases  with  the  seventh  person,  but  the  relation- 
ship of  a  Samanodaka  (ends)  with  the  ignorance  of  birth  and  name." 

All  are  Sapindas  who  offer  the  cake  to  the  same 
ancestors. 

The  head  of  the  family  would  himself  offer  a  share  with 
all  his  descendants  in  the  offering  of  the  one  cake  to  his 
great-grandfather,  his  grandfather,  and  his  father.  And  if 


The  Social  Composition  485 

this  passage  is  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  one  quoted 
just  above,  the  number  sharing  in  the  cake-offering,  limited 
as  in  the  text  at  the  seventh  person  from  the  first  ancestor 
who  receives  the  cake,  is  just  sufficient  to  include  the 
great-grandson  of  the  head  of  the  family,  supposed  to  be 
making  the  offering. 

The  group,  thus  sharing  the  same  cake-offering,  would 
in  the  natural  course  be  moving  continually  downwards, 
generation  by  generation  as  the  head  of  the  family  died, 
thereby  causing  the  great-grandfather  to  pass  from  the 
receivers  of  the  cake-offering  to  the  receivers  of  the  water 
libation,  and  admitting  the  great-grandson's  son  into  the 
number  of  Sapindas  who  shared  the  cake-offering. 
And  at  no  time  would  more  than  four  generations  have  a 
share  in  the  same  cake  offered  to  the  three  nearest  ances- 
tors of  the  head  of  the  family. 

The  Samanodakas,  or  pourers  of  the  water  libation 
appear  to  have  been  similarly  grouped. 

"  Ignorance  of  birth  and  name  "  was  in  Wales  considered 
to  be  equivalent  to  beyond  fifth  cousins.  According  to  the 
Gwentian  Code,  "there  is  no  proper  name  in  kin  further 
than  that"  —  i.e.  fifth  cousins.  And  this  tallies  exactly 
with  the  previous  quotation  from  Manu  limiting  the  water 
libation  to  three  generations  of  ancestors  beyond  those  to 
whom  the  cake  is  due,  which,  as  has  been  seen,  includes 
fifth  cousins. 

And  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  fifth  cousins  are 
great-grandsons  of  the  great-grandsons  of  their  common 
ancestor,  or  two  generations  of  groups  of  second  cousins. 

H.  E.  SEEBOHM,  The  Structure  of  Greek  Tribal  Society,  51-54. 

The  Irish  Kindred 

The  nearest  hearths  or  "fine  who  bear  the  crimes  of 
each  kinsman  of  their  stock  "  were,  according  to  the  Sen- 
chus  Mor(\.  261):  — 


2.  Derb  fine  ; 

3.  lar  fine  ; 

4.  Ind  fine. 


brother. 

grandfather ; 
paternal  uncle ; 
nephew ; 
first  cousin. 

( great-grandfather ; 


486    The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

I  think  M.  D'Arbois  de  Jubainville  is  probably  right  in 
explaining  these  four  hearths  or  fines  to  be  groups  or 
grades  of  kindred.  He  divides  them  thus:  — 

f  father ; 
The^/fine      -n 


dcrb  fine 


second  cousin. 

(great-great-grandfather ; 
great-great-uncle ; 
great-great-nephew; 
third  cousin. 

Whether  this  interpretation  of  the  Brehon  scheme  of 
the  divisions  of  the  Irish  fine  or  kindred  be  correct  in 
every  detail  I  shall  not  venture  to  give  an  opinion,  further 
than  to  say  that,  viewed  in  the  light  of  other  tribal  sys- 
tems, it  seems  to  me  to  be  nearer  the  mark  than  the  vari- 
ous other  attempts  to  make  intelligible  what  after  all  are 
very  obscure  passages  in  the  Brehon  Laws.  The  seven- 
teen persons  making  up  the  four  divisions  of  the  fine  or 
kindred  must  be  taken,  I  think,  as  representing  classes  of 
relations  and  not  individuals ;  e.g.  under  the  head  "  first 
cousin"  must  be  included  all  "first  cousins,"  and  so  on 
throughout.1 

So  understood,  the  four  hearths  or  groups  of  kindred 
liable  for  the  eric  would  include  the  sixteen  grades  nearest 
of  kin  to  the  criminal.  He  himself,  or  the  chieftain,  would 
form  the  seventeenth  person  on  the  list. 

FREDERICK  SEEBOHM,  Tribal  Custom  in  Anglo-Saxon  Law,  76-77. 

The  Law  of  Brothers  for  Land 

i.  Thus  brothers  are  to  share  land  between  them  :  four 
erws  to  every  "  tyddyn  "  :  Bleddyn,  son  of  Cynvyn,  altered 

1  Cf.  ante,  458. 


The  Social  Composition  487 

it  to  twelve  erws  to  the  uchelwr,  and  eight  to  the  aillt,  and 
four  to  the  "godaeog  "  :  yet  nevertheless,  it  is  most  usual 
that  four  erws  be  the  tyddyn. 

2.  The  measure  of  the  legal  erw  is,  four  feet  in  the  length 
of  the  short  yoke,  and  eight  in  the  length  of  the  second 
yoke,  and  twelve  in  the  length  of  the  lateral  yoke,  and  six- 
teen in  the  long  yoke ;  and  a  rod  as  long  as  that,  in  the 
hand  of  the  driver,  with  his  other  hand  upon  the  middle 
spike  of  the  long  yoke,  and  as  far  as  he  can  reach  with  that 
rod  on  each  side  of  him,  is  the  breadth  of  the  erw ;  and 
thirty  times  that  is  the  length.     Others  say,  that  it  is  to  be 
a  rod  as  long  as  the  tallest  man  in  the  "  trev,"  with  his  hand 
above  his  head,  and  proceeding  in  a  similar  manner  as  in 
the  other. 

3.  If  there  be  no  buildings  on  the  land,  the  youngest 
son  is  to  divide  all  the  patrimony,  and  the  eldest  is  to  choose ; 
and  each,  in  seniority,  choose  unto  the  youngest.      If  there 
be  buildings,  the  youngest  brother  but  one  is  to  divide  the 
tyddyns,  for  in  that  case  he  is  the  meter ;  and  the  youngest 
to  have  his  choice  of  the  tyddyns :  and  after  that  he  is  to 
divide   all  the  patrimony ;  and  by   seniority   they  are  to 
choose  unto  the  youngest :  and  that  division  is  to  continue 
during  the  lives  of  the  brothers. 

4.  And  after  the  brothers  are  dead,  the  first  cousins  are 
to  equalize,  if  they  will  it;  and  thus  they  are  to  do  :  the  heir 
of   the   youngest  brother  is   to  equalize,  and  the  heir  of 
the  eldest  brother  is  to  choose,  and  so  by  seniority  unto 
the  youngest :  and  that  distribution  is  to  continue  between 
them  during  their  lives. 

5.  And  if  the  second  cousins  should  dislike  the  distribu- 
tion which  took  place  between  their  parents,  they  also  may 
co-equate   in  the  same  manner  as  the  first  cousins ;  and 
after  that  division  no  one  is  either  to  distribute  or  to  co- 
equate.    Hereditary  land  is  to  be  treated  as  we  have  above 
stated. 

6.  Geldable  land,  however,  is  not  to  be  divided  between 
brothers,  but  the  Maer   and    Canghellor   are  to  share  it 
equally  between  all  in  the  trev  ;  and  on  that  account  it  is 
called  register  land  :  and  there  is  to  be  no  extinguished  erw 
in  the  register  land ;  but  if  there  should  be  an  erw  of  that 
description  in  it,  the  Maer  and  Canghellor  are  to  share  it  in 


488      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

common  among  all ;  to  one  as  well  as  to  another.  And  no 
one  is  to  remove  from  his  legal  tyddyn,  if  an  equivalent  can 
be  obtained  for  it  of  other  land. 

The  Venedotian  Code,  XII.  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  Wales, 
Vol.  I.     167-169. 


The  Mark.  —  The  patriarchal  kindred  and  its  non- 
kindred  dependents  or  adherents  were  together  a  Village 
Community,  or  a  number  of  communities  or  hamlets  of  some 
sort.  Whether  the  group  so  composed  was  the  organiza- 
tion, known  in  Teutonic  history  as  the  Mark,  and  alleged 
to  have  been  brought  by  the  Saxons  to  Britain,  is  by  no 
means  certain.  We  do  not  know  so  much  about  the  mark 
as  we  should  be  glad  to  know.  The  mark  may  have  been 
a  clan,  or  it  may  have  been  a  sub-clan,  or  it  may  have  been 
a  patriarchal  kindred,  or  it  may  have  been  one  of  these 
organizations  in  one  place,  and  another  of  them  in  some 
other  place. 

The  County.  —  In  like  manner,  the  large  organization 
which  included  many  marks  or  hamlets,  and  which  among 
the  Saxons  was  called  the  ga,  later  the  scir  or  shire,  and 
still  later,  after  the  Norman  Conquest,  the  county,  may  have 
been  a  clan  occupying  a  clan  domain,  or  a  tribe  occupying 
a  tribal  domain.  This  point  also  is  obscure. 

All  that  we  can  affirm  with  certainty  about  the  evolution 
of  the  social  composition  of  the  civil  society  that  grew  out 
of  tribal  society  is,  that  the  confederation  of  tribes,  or 
ethnic  nation,  became  the  civil  state.  The  smallest  group 
of  kinsmen  larger  than  a  single  family  became  the  hamlet 
or  village,  the  deme  of  the  Greeks,  the  vicus  of  the  Romans, 
the  parish  of  the  English ;  while  some  larger  group  of 
kindred,  sometimes  possibly  the  clan,  sometimes,  perhaps, 
the  tribe,  became  the  shire,  or  county.  Those  organiza- 


The  Social  Composition  489 

tions  known  among  the  Saxons  as  the  tun,  or  ten,  and  the 
hundred,  it  is  more  than  probable  grew  out  of  the  organi- 
zations of  equal  non-kindred  dependents. 

The  Ga  or  Shire 

Next  in  order  of  constitution,  if  not  of  time,  is  the  union 
of  two,  three  or  more  marks  in  a  federal  bond  for  purposes 
of  a  religious,  judicial  or  even  political  character.  The 
technical  name  for  such  a  union  is  in  Germany,  a  Gau  or 
Bant ;  in  England  the  ancient  name  Ga  has  been  almost 
universally  superseded  by  that  of  Sci'r  or  Shire.  For  the 
most  part  the  natural  divisions  of  the  country  are  the 
divisions  also  of  the  Ga;  and  the  size  of  this  depends  upon 
such  accidental  limits  as  well  as  upon  the  character  and 
dispositions  of  the  several  collective  bodies  which  we  have 
called  Marks. 

The  Ga  is  the  second  and  final  form  of  unsevered 
possession  ;  for  every  larger  aggregate  is  but  the  result  of 
a  gradual  reduction  of  such  districts,  under  a  higher 
political  or  administrative  unity,  different  only  in  degree 
and  not  in  kind  from  what  prevailed  individually  in  each. 
The  kingdom  is  only  a  larger  Ga  than  ordinary ;  indeed  the 
Ga  itself  was  the  original  kingdom. 

But  the  unsevered  possession  or  property  which  we  thus 
find  in  the  Ga  is  by  no  means  to  be  considered  in  the  same 
light  as  that  which  has  been  described  in  the  Mark.  The 
inhabitants  are  settled  as  Markmen,  not  as  Ga-men  :  the 
cultivated  land  which  lies  within  the  limits  of  the  larger 
community  is  all  distributed  into  the  smaller  ones. 

As  the  Mark  contained  within  itself  the  means  of  doing 
right  between  man  and  man,  i.e.,  its  Markmot ;  as  it  had  its 
principal  officer  or  judge,  and  beyond  a  doubt  its  priest 
and  place  of  religious  observances,  so  the  County,  Sci'r  or 
Ga  had  all  these  on  a  larger  and  more  imposing  scale ;  and 
thus  it  was  enabled  to  do  right  between  Mark  and  Mark,  as 
well  as  between  man  and  man,  and  to  decide  those  differ- 
ences the  arrangement  of  which  transcended  the  powers  of 
the  smaller  body.  If  the  elders  and  leaders  of  the  Mark 
could  settle  the  mode  of  conducting  the  internal  affairs  of 


490     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

their  district,  so  the  elders  and  leaders  of  the  Ga  (the  same 
leading  Markmen  in  a  corporate  capacity)  could  decide 
upon  the  weightier  causes  that  affected  the  whole  com- 
munity ;  and  thus  the  Scirgemot  or  Shiremoot  was  the 
completion  of  a  system  of  which  the  Mearcmot  was  the 
foundation.  Similarly,  as  the  several  smaller  units  had 
arrangements  on  a  corresponding  scale  for  divine  service, 
so  the  greater  and  more  important  religious  celebrations  in 
which  all  the  Marks  took  part,  could  only  be  performed 
under  the  auspices  and  by  the  authority  of  the  Ga.  Thus 
alone  could  due  provision  be  made  for  sacrifices  which 
would  have  been  too  onerous  for  a  small  and  poor  district, 
and  an  equalization  of  burthens  be  effected  ;  while  the 
machinery  of  government  and  efficient  means  of  protection 
were  secured. 

At  these  great  religious  rites,  accompanied  as  they  ever 
were  by  the  solemn  Ding,  placitum  or  court,  thrice  in  the 
year  the  markmen  assembled  unbidden :  and  here  they 
transacted  the  ordinary  and  routine  business  required.  On 
emergencies  however,  which  did  not  brook  delay,  the 
leaders  could  issue  their  peremptory  summons  to  a  bidden 
Ding,  and  in  this  were  then  decided  the  measures  necessary 
for  the  maintenance  and  well-being  of  the  community,  and 
the  mutual  guarantee  of  life  and  honour.  To  the  Ga  then 
probably  belonged,  as  an  unsevered  possession,  the  lands 
necessary  for  the  site  and  maintenance  of  a  temple,  the 
supply  of  beasts  for  sacrifice,  and  the  endowment  of  a 
priest  or  priests :  perhaps  also  for  the  erection  of  a 
stockade  or  fortress,  and  some  shelter  for  the  assembled 
freemen  in  the  Ding.  Moreover,  if  land  existed  which 
from  any  cause  had  not  been  included  within  the  limits  of 
some  Mark,  we  may  believe  that  it  became  the  public  prop- 
erty of  the  Ga,  i.e.,  of  all  the  Marks  in  their  corporate 
capacity  :  this  at  least  may  be  inferred  from  the  rights 
exercised  at  a  comparatively  later  period  over  waste  lands, 
by  the  constituted  authorities,  the  Duke,  Count  or  King. 

Accident  must  more  or  less  have  determined  the  seat 
of  the  Ga-jurisdiction:  perhaps  here  and  there  some  pow- 
erful leading  Mark,  already  in  the  possession  of  a  holy 
site,  may  have  drawn  the  neighbouring  settlers  into  its 
territory :  but  as  the  possession  and  guardianship  of  the 


The  Social  Composition  491 

seat  of  government  could  not  but  lead  to  the  vindication 
of  certain  privileges  and  material  advantages  to  its  holders, 
it  is  not  unreasonable  to  believe  that  where  the  Marks 
coalesced  on  equal  terms,  the  temple-lands  would  be  placed 
without  the  peculiar  territorial  possession  of  each,  as  they 
often  were  in  Greece,  upon  the  eV^aria  or  boundary-land. 
On  the  summit  of  a  range  of  hills,  whose  valleys  sufficed 
for  the  cultivation  of  the  markmen,  on  the  watershed  from 
which  the  fertilizing  streams  descended,  at  the  point  where 
the  boundaries  of  two  or  three  communities  touched  one 
another,  was  the  proper  place  for  the  common  periodical 
assemblages  of  the  free  men :  and  such  sites,  marked  even 
to  this  day  by  a  few  venerable  oaks,  may  be  observed  in 
various  parts  of  England. 

The  description  which  has  been  given  might  seem  at 
first  more  properly  to  relate  to  an  abstract  political  unity 
than  to  a  real  and  territorial  one :  no  doubt  the  most  impor- 
tant quality  of  the  Ga  or  Sci'r  was  its  power  of  uniting 
distinct  populations  for  public  purposes  :  in  this  respect  it 
resembled  the  shire,  while  the  sheriff's  court  was  still  of 
some  importance;  or  even  yet,  where  the  judges  coming 
on  their  circuit,  under  a  commission,  hold  a  shiremoot  or 
court  in  each  shire  for  gaol-delivery.  Yet  the  Shire  is  a 
territorial  division  as  well  as  an  abstract  and  merely  legal 
formulary,  although  all  the  land  comprised  within  it  is 
divided  into  parishes,  hamlets,  vills  and  liberties. 

Strictly  speaking,  the  Shire,  apart  from  the  units  that 
make  it  up,  possesses  little  more  land  than  that  which  the 
town-hall,  the  gaol,  or  the  hospital  may  cover.  When  for 
the  two  latter  institutions  we  substitute  the  fortress  of  the 
king,  and  a  cathedral,  which  was  the  people's  and  not  the 
bishop's,  we  have  as  nearly  as  possible  the  Anglo-Saxon 
shire-property,  and  the  identity  of  the  two  divisions  seems 
proved.  Just  as  the  Ga  (Pagus]  contains  the  Marks  (vicos), 
and  the  territory  of  them  all,  taken  together,  makes  up  the 
territory  of  the  Ga,  so  does  the  Shire  contain  hamlets, 
parishes  and  liberties,  and  its  territorial  expanse  is  dis- 
tributed into  them.  As  then  the  word  Mark  is  used  to 
denote  two  distinct  things,  —  a  territorial  division  and  a 
corporate  body,  —  so  does  the  word  Ga  or  Sci'r  denote  both 
a  machinery  for  government  and  a  district  in  which  such 


492      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

machinery  prevails.  The  number  of  Marks  included  in  a 
single  Ga  must  have  varied  partly  with  the  variations  of 
the  land  itself,  its  valleys,  hills  and  meadows  :  to  this  cause 
may  have  been  added  others  arising,  to  some  extent,  from 
the  original  military  organization  and  distribution,  from  the 
personal  character  of  a  leader,  or  from  the  peculiar  tenets 
and  customs  of  a  particular  Mark.  But  proximity,  and 
settlement  upon  the  same  land,  with  the  accompanying 
participation  in  the  advantages  of  wood  and  water,  are  ever 
the  most  active  means  of  uniting  men  in  religious  and 
social  communities;  and  it  is  therefore  reasonable  to  believe 
that  the  influence  most  felt  in  the  arrangement  of  the  sev- 
eral Gas  was  in  fact  a  territorial  one,  depending  upon  the 
natural  conformation  of  the  country. 

Some  of  the  modern  shire-divisions  of  England  in  all 
probability  have  remained  unchanged  from  the  earliest 
times ;  so  that  here  and  there  a  now  existent  Shire  may 
be  identical  in  territory  with  an  ancient  Ga.  But  it  may 
be  doubted  whether  this  observation  can  be  very  exten- 
sively applied  :  obscure  as  is  the  record  of  our  old  divisions, 
what  little  we  know,  favours  the  supposition  that  the  origi- 
nal Gas  were  not  only  more  numerous  than  our  Shires, 
but  that  these  were  not  always  identical  in  their  boundaries 
with  those  Gds  whose  locality  can  be  determined. 

KEMBLE,  The  Saxons  in  England,  72-77. 

Developed  Feudalism.  —  Simultaneously  with  the  devel- 
opment of  sovereignty  and  institutions,  and  with  the  trans- 
formation of  ethnic  into  territorial  component  societies 
there  is  usually  a  highly  important  development  of  feudal- 
ism. The  semi-feudal  organization,  which  arose  before 
the  migration,  develops  into  that  territorial  feudalism 
which  is  familiar  to  the  readers  of  history.  Especially  is 
this  true  if  the  conquered  territory  is  relatively  wide  in 
extent,  so  that  the  conquering  tribes  make  but  a  scattered 
population  in  their  new  dominions.1 

1  For  a  more  detailed  statement,  see  Elements  of  Sociology,  276-278. 


The  Social  Composition  493 


Of  People's  Ranks  and  Law 

1.  It  was  whilom,  in  the  laws  of  the  English,  that  peo- 
ple and  law  went  by  ranks,  and  then  were  the  counsellors 
of  the  nation   of  worship  worthy,  each  according  to  his 
condition,  "  eorl  "  and  "  ceorl,"  "  thegen  "  and  "  theoden." 

2.  And  if  a  "  ceorl "  thrived,  so  that  he  had  fully  five 
hides  of  his  own  land,  church  and  kitchen,  bell-house  and 
"  burh"-gateseat,  and  special  duty  in  the  king's  hall,  then 
was  he  thenceforth  of  thane-right  worthy. 

3.  And  if  a  thane  thrived,  so  that  he  served  the  king,  and 
on  his  summons,  rode  among  his  household ;  if  he  then 
had  a   thane   who  him  followed,  who  to  the  king's  "  ut- 
ware,"  five  hides  had,  and  in  the  king's  hall  served  his  lord, 
and  thrice  with  his  errand  went  to  the  king  ;    he  might 
thenceforth,  with   his    "fore-oath,"  his  lord  represent,  at 
various  needs,  and  his  plaint  lawfully  conduct,  wheresoever 
he  ought. 

4.  And  he  who  so   prosperous  a  vicegerent   had   not, 
swore  for  himself  according  to  his  right,  or  it  forfeited. 

5.  And  if  a  thane  thrived,  so  that  he  became  an  "eorl," 
then  was  he  thenceforth  of  "eorl  "-right  worthy. 

6.  And  if  a  merchant  thrived,  so  that  he  fared  thrice 
over  the  wide  sea  by  his  own  means,  then  was  he  thence- 
forth of  thane-right  worthy. 

7.  And  if  there  a  scholar  were,  who  through  learning 
thrived,  so  that  he  had  holy  orders,  and  served  'Christ ;  then 
was  he  thenceforth  of  rank  and  power  so  much  worthy,  as 
then  to  those  orders  rightfully  belonged,  if  he  himself  con- 
ducted so  as  he  should  ;  unless  he  should  misdo,  so  that  he 
those  orders'  ministry  might  not  minister. 

8.  And  if  it  happened,  that  any  one  a  man  in  orders,  or 
a  stranger,  anywhere  injured,  by  word  or  work  ;  then  per- 
tained it  to  king  and  to  the  bishop,  that  they  that  should 
make  good,  as  they  soonest  might. 

Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  England,  Vol.  I.  191-193. 

Of  Friendless  Men 

And  if  a  friendless  man  or  a  comer  from  afar  be  so  dis- 
tressed, through  want  of  friends,  that  he  has  no  "  borh  "  at 


494     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  "  frum-tihtle";  let  him  then  submit  to  prison,  and  there 
abide,  until  he  go  to  God's  ordeal,  and  there  let  him  fare 
as  he  may.  Verily  he  who  dooms  a  worse  doom  to  the 
friendless  and  the  comer  from  afar  than  to  his  fellow,  in- 
jures himself. 

Laws  of  King  Cnut,  35,  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  England, 
Vol.  I.  397-399- 

Of  Lordless  Men 

And  we  have  ordained:  respecting  those  lordless  men 
of  whom  no  law  can  be  got,  that  the  kindred  be  com- 
manded that  they  domicile  him  to  folk-right,  and  find  him 
a  lord  in  the  folk-mote  ;  and  if  they  then  will  not  or  cannot 
produce  him  at  the  term,  then  be  he  thenceforth  a  "flyma," 
and  let  him  slay  him  for  a  thief  who  can  come  at  him : 
and  whoever  after  that  shall  harbour  him,  let  him  pay  for 
him  according  to  his  "  wer,"  or  by  it  clear  himself. 

Laws  of  King  dEthelstan,  2,  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  Eng- 
land, Vol.  I.  201. 

The  Rise  of  Towns.  —  Life  and  property  becoming 
more  and  more  secure,  population  and  wealth  increase. 
The  differentiation  of  town  from  rural  life  begins.1 

Citizenship.  —  Society  is  now  ready  for  the  final  step  in 
the  transition  from  the  ethnic  to  the  civil  system.  The 
clansman,  or  tribesman,  becomes  a  citizen.2 

The  Civic  Nation.  —  The  ethnic  has  now  become  a  civic 
nation.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed,  however,  that  the  crea- 
tion of  the  territorial  state  obliterates  the  thought  of  an 
ethnic  unity.  It  only  subordinates  it  to  a  higher  ideal,  in 
which  the  conception  of  territorial  unity  is  given  a  more 
important  place  than  it  has  hitherto  held.  The  state  still 

1  On  the  evolution  of  the  town,  the  beginnings  of  trade  and  the  rise  of  a 
trading  class,  see  Principles  of  Sociology,   317-319. 

2  On  the  genesis  of  citizenship  and  the  transition  from  the  ethnic  to  the 
civic  bond,  see  Principles  of  Sociology,  319-322. 


The  Social  Composition  495 

consciously  strives  to  secure  the  ethnic  unity  of  its  popula- 
tion ;  but  the  attempt  is  not  now  to  preserve  the  purity  of 
an  ancient  blood.  It  is  rather  to  perfect  a  new  ethnic 
unity  that  is  to  emerge  from  the  blending  of  many  ele- 
ments. The  consciousness  of  kind  has  broadened ;  the 
possibilities  of  assimilation  "are  perceived ;  it  is  realized 
that  men  who  have  identified  their  interests  with  those  of 
an  ancient  race,  who  have  learned  its  language,  and 
adopted  its  religion,  may,  by  these  means,  become  identi- 
fied with  it  in  spirit,  and  ultimately,  through  intermarriage, 
may  become  united  with  it  in  blood.  Through  the  influ- 
ence of  this  idea,  the  fiction  of  adoption  is  preserved  in 
the  law  of  naturalization. 

Origins  of  Civil  Society  in  Athens 

With  good  reason  the  common  people  trusted  Kleis- 
thenes.  Leading  them  and  having  their  support,  in  the 
fourth  year  after  the  fall  of  the  tyranny  in  the  archon- 
ship  of  Isagoras  (508  B.C.),  he  began  his  reforms  by  dis- 
tributing the  population  into  ten  tribes  instead  of  four, 
breaking  up  the  old  groupings  in  order  to  extend  the  pos- 
session of  the  franchise :  whence  the  advice  addressed  to 
those  who  would  scrutinize  the  list  of  the  clans,  not  to 
mind  the  ancient  tribes.  Next  he  constituted  the  Council 
of  500  instead  of  400  members,  taking  50  instead  of  100 
from  each  tribe.  In  fixing  the  number  of  tribes  he  rejected 
a  system  of  twelve  so  as  to  keep  his  new  sections  from  any 
coincidence  with  the  old  cleavage  into  twelve  trittyes 
which  trisected  the  former  tribes,  and  thus  to  secure  a 
complete  rearrangement  of  the  population.  The  land  as 
an  aggregate  of  units,  called  townships  or  demes,  was 
divided  into  thirty  sections  called  trittyes,  which  were 
again  united  in  three  groups,  ten  trittyes  being  urban, 
ten  inland,  ten  maritime ;  and  of  these  trittyes  three,  de- 
termined by  lot,  went  to  form  a  tribe,  with  the  condition 
that  each  tribe  included  one  trittys  of  every  group.  Mu- 
nicipal privileges  were  extended  to  all  residents  in  the  deme 


496     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

or  municipality,  all  who  lived  in  any  given  deme  being  de- 
clared to  be  f ellow-deemsmen ;  and  to  prevent  novelty  of 
franchise  being  betrayed  by  the  foreign  sound  of  a  father's 
name,  Kleisthenes  instituted  the  official  style  of  describing 
an  individual  that  prevails  in  the  present  day,  i.e.  by  speci- 
fying his  deme  instead  of  his  father.  The  forty-eight 
naukraries  were  superseded  by  100  demes,  and  demarchs 
were  created  with  the  functions  exercised  by  the  old  nau- 
kraroi.  The  demes  received  their  names  either  from  nat- 
ural features  of  the  locality  or  from  their  founders,  if  these 
were  not  irrevocably  buried  in  oblivion.  The  organization 
of  clans,  phratries,  and  priesthoods  was  allowed  to  continue 
unaltered.1  The  tribes  were  named  after  ten  heroes  sol- 
emnly sanctioned  by  the  Delphic  oracle  out  of  one  hun- 
dred selected  by  popular  vote. 

ARISTOTLE,  Constitution  of  Athens,  Chap.  21. 

The  Composition  of  Civil  Societies.  —  No  extended  des- 
cription is  necessary  of  that  composition  of  civil  societies 
which  is  finally  perfected  through  the  transitional  processes 
above  described.  The  series  of  component  societies  con- 
sists of  three  great  parts,  namely,  Local  Divisions,  Na- 
tional States,  and  Federal  States,  or  Empires. 

Minor  Divisions.  —  In  the  composition  of  the  minor  di- 
visions families  are  combined  in  hamlets,  villages  or  par- 
ishes ;  these,  in  turn,  are  combined  in  towns,  communes, 
or  cities ;  these,  in  their  turn,  are  combined  in  counties  or 
departments. 

Some  of  these  minor  divisions  are  still  undergoing 
evolution  in  modern  civil  society,  while  others  are  disinte- 
grating. In  western  Europe,  and  in  America,  the  patri- 
archal kindred,  or  compound  family,  long  since  broke  up 
into  single  families.  These  long  continued  to  be  industrial 

1  "  Thus,"  says  F.  G.  Kenyon,  Aristotle  on  the  Athenian  Constitution, 
"  the  ancient  divisions  were  maintained  for  the  benefit  of  the  older  fam- 
ilies, but  they  ceased  to  be  part  of  the  regular  organization  of  the  com- 
munity for  political  purposes." 


The  Social  Composition  497 

units,  and  in  a  large  proportion  of  European  states,  they 
remained  for  centuries  legally  indissoluble.  At  the  pres- 
ent time,  the  single  family,  having  ceased  to  be  an  indus- 
trial unit,  through  the  widening  of  opportunity  for  its 
individual  members  to  find  economic  occupation  indepen- 
dently of  one  another,  has  in  western  Europe  and  in 
America  become  legally  dissoluble. 

Everywhere  in  the  western  world,  large  towns  and  cities 
are  gaining  in  importance  at  the  expense  of  villages  and 
counties. 

National  States.  —  Counties  or  departments  are  com- 
bined in  kingdoms,  republics,  or  other  commonwealths. 
When  a  kingdom  or  a  republic  is  independent  of  any 
political  power  outside  itself,  it  is  known  as  a  national 
state. 

The  Federal  State  or  Empire.  —  Finally,  kingdoms  or 
other  commonwealths  may  be  combined  in  federal  states 
or  empires.  Such  were  the  vast  component  societies  created 
by  the  Egyptians,  the  Babylonians,  the  Assyrians,  the  Hit- 
tites,  the  Persians,  the  Phoenicians,  the  Greeks,  and  the 
Romans.  Imperial  or  federal  evolution  is  a  characteristic 
political  phenomenon  of  modern  times.  The  united  king- 
dom of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  has  grown  into  the  vast 
British  Empire.  The  federal  union  of  thirteen  independ- 
ent American  states  has  grown  into  a  federal  nation  of 
forty-seven  states  with  continental  territories  and  insular 
possessions  in  the  West  Indies  and  in  the  middle,  the 
southern,  and  the  eastern  Pacific. 

The  Process  of  Development  of  the  Social  Composition 

Generalizing  from  our  descriptive  and  historical  survey, 
we  discover  that  the  evolution  of  the  social  composition 


498       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

has  been  a  double  process.  As  small  groups  have  combined 
into  larger  ones,  they  also  have  subdivided  into  smaller 
ones.  The  unit  of  composition  has  become  both  smaller 
and  more  definite. 

Hordes  combined  to  form  tribes,  but  at  the  same  time 
they  subdivided  into  Punaluan  or  other  polyandrian 
families.  Tribes,  in  their  turn,  banded  together  in  con- 
federations, and  the  polyandrian  household  underwent 
changes  which  converted  it  into  the  patriarchal  kindred  or 
compound  family.  Later  on,  federations  of  tribes  became 
the  political  state,  and  the  compound  family  broke  up  into 
single  families,  each  consisting  of  father  and  mother  and 
their  immediate  children,  but  no  longer  including,  as  in 
the  patriarchal  kindred,  married  children  and  grand- 
children. Each  family  remained,  however,  an  industrial 
unit,  parents  and  children  earning  livelihood  together,  and 
each  in  a  large  proportion  of  states  remained  legally 
indissoluble. 

Now,  when  the  political  nations  are  combining  into  world 
empires,  the  single  family,  like  its  predecessors,  has  ceased 
to  be  an  industrial  unit,  and  has  nearly  everywhere  become 
legally  dissoluble.  More  and  more  it  depends  for  its  in- 
tegrity on  unforced  personal  choice.  Human  society  is 
becoming  humanity,  and  its  unit  is  no  longer  the  legally 
indissoluble  family,  but  is  the  freely  choosing  individual. 

At  every  step  in  this  long  developmental  process,  three 
things  have  happened.  The  dominant  social  group  has 
entered  as  a  component  into  a  larger  social  grouping. 
The  smallest  social  group  has  subdivided,  thereby  es- 
tablishing a  new  social  unit.  The  intermediate  social 
groups,  losing  their  identity,  have  tended  to  atrophy,  and 
in  many  instances  have  disappeared. 


The  Social  Composition  499 

The  Psychological  Origin  of  the  Social  Composition 

To  a  great  extent  all  degrees  of  social  composition  beyond 
the  family  and  the  horde  are  products  of  the  deliberative 
action  of  the  social  mind. 

The  social  mind  puts  its  impress  on  each  component 
group  and  moulds  it  into  conformity  with  a  certain  type. 
Thus,  in  a  given  community,  every  variety  of  the  family 
may  have  existed  at  the  outset,  or  may,  from  time  to  time, 
appear.  But  the  social  mind  gives  approval  to  some  one 
type  only,  —  for  example,  the  monogamic,  —  and  prohibits 
or  discountenances  all  others.  In  like  manner,  in  the  com- 
monwealth each  component  town,  and  in  the  federal  state 
each  component  commonwealth,  is  compelled  to  conform 
to  a  type  or  standard. 

In  a  particular  development  of  the  social  mind  we  find 
also  psychological  conditions  essential  to  the  transition 
from  ethnic  to  civil  organization. 

Ethnic  societies  belong  psychologically  to  that  kind  or 
class  which  we  have  called  sympathetic  societies.1  The 
earliest  civil  societies  that  attain  to  a  relative  stability  are 
despotic  or  authoritative  in  type.  We  have  seen  how 
ethnic  organization  is  broken  down,  and  civil  organization 
is  rendered  necessary,  by  an  intrusion  into  ethnic  groups 
of  various  unrelated,  often  highly  miscellaneous,  population 
elements.  Psychologically,  communities  that  are  thus 
heterogeneous  in  demotic  composition,  and  in  a  transitional 
state,  are  either  congenial  or  approbational  in  type. 
Making,  then,  a  rather  broad  generalization,  we  may  say 
that  congenial  and  approbational  types  of  society  mark 
the  transition  from  sympathetic  to  despotic  society,  and 

1  Cf.  ante,  II. 


500      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

that  corresponding  changes  in  the  social  mind  render  pos- 
sible the  transition  from  ethnic  to  civil  organization. 

The  Law  of  Development  of  Social  Composition 

The  social  mind  does  these  things  because  it  develops 
within  itself  a  passion  for  homogeneity  of  type,  and  a  judg- 
ment of  the  usefulness  of  integration  or  federation,  as  a 
defensive  and  offensive  measure. 

The  law  of  development  of  the  social  composition  there- 
fore is  :  — 

The  social  composition  develops  in  proportion  to  the 
intensity  and  the  scope  of  the  passion  for  homogeneity. 


CHAPTER   III 

THE    SOCIAL  CONSTITUTION 

Resemblance  in  Constituent  Societies 

ANY  association  organized  for  carrying  on  a  particular 
activity,  or  for  achieving  some  special  social  end,  is  a  con- 
stituent society.  This  name  is  descriptive  because  such 
associations  collectively,  when  harmoniously  correlated  so 
that  they  supplement  one  another's  functions,  are  the 
social  constitution  of  the  community.  Collectively,  they 
carry  on  the  greater  part  of  the  diversified  social  activities. 
Since  the  constituent  society  has  a  defined  object  in  view, 
it  is  purposive  in  character.  Its  members  are  supposed  to 
be  aware  of  its  object,  and  to  put  forth  effort  for  its 
attainment. 

Of  the  three  great  modes  of  resemblance,  —  namely,  the 
mental  resemblance  that  is  correlated  with  kinship,  the 
mental  and  practical  resemblance  that  is  independent  of 
kinship,  and  potential  likeness,  —  it  is  the  first  and  the 
third  that  are  chiefly  prominent  and  most  insisted  on  in 
the  component  society.  It  is  the  second,  or  actual  mental 
and  practical  resemblance  for  the  time  being,  that  is  most 
conspicuous  and  most  insisted  on  in  the  constituent  society. 

As  each  association  in  the  social  constitution  does  a 
specific  work,  it  may  be  said  to  have  a  social  function. 
From  this  point  of  view,  purposive  grouping  may  be 
described  as  Functional  Association.  The  combination  of 
purposive  associations  is,  therefore,  a  coordination  ;  and 

501 


502      The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

their  mutual  aid  is  not  limited  by  a  mere  increase  of  mass 
and  power.  It  is  effected,  also,  through  a  division  of 
labour. 

Types  of  Consistent  Societies 

Constituent,  like  component,  societies  are  ethnic  or  civil 
in  type.  In  membership  many  constituent  societies  are 
identical  or  nearly  identical  with  certain  component  socie- 
ties. In  these  cases  the  component  groups  are  functioning 
as  constituent  associations  ;  and  to  the  extent  that  this 
occurs,  the  social  constitution  is  not  yet  differentiated  from 
the  social  composition.  Other  constituent  societies  are 
entirely  distinct  from  component  groups  of  every  sort. 
Many  constituent  societies  are  secret  organizations,  others 
are  open.  Furthermore,  every  constituent  society  has  a 
composition  and  a  constitution  of  its  own. 

Ethnic  and  Civil  Constitutions . — In  communities  whose 
composition  is  ethnic  in  type  the  constituent  associations, 
like  the  component  groups,  are  organized  on  a  basis  of 
consanguinity.  They  insist  upon  those  resemblances  that 
are  correlated  with  the  [narrower  degrees  of  kinship.  In 
communities  whose  composition  is  civil  in  type  the  constit- 
uent associations,  like  the  component  groups,  are  based 
upon  mental  and  practical  resemblances  that  are  indepen- 
dent of  the  narrower  degrees  of  kinship. 

Degree  of  Separation  from  Component  Groups.  —  In  cer- 
tain cases  the  constituent  society  is  only  a  component 
society,  acting  in  a  particular  way,  at  a  particular  time,  for 
a  particular  purpose ;  as  if  a  village  should  on  a  special 
occasion  resolve  itself  into  a  hunting  party,  or  a  public 
meeting,  or  a  "  committee  of  the  whole "  to  celebrate  a 
great  event  or  to  enjoy  a  festival.  Differentiation  of  the 


The  Social  Constitution  503 

social  constitution  from  the  social  composition  is  far  more 
advanced  in  civil  than  in  ethnic  societies. 

Many  facts  point  to  the  conclusion  that  in  social  evolution 
constituent  societies  grow  out  of  and  are  differentiated 
from  component  societies  through  a  specialization  of  func- 
tion. Constituent  associations  that  are  separate  from  the 
social  composition  are  always  voluntarily  formed  purposive 
associations. 

Secret  and  Open  Societies.  —  Secrecy  and  a  rigorous  ex- 
ercise of  authority  over  members  are  conspicuous  features 
of  purposive  associations  in  savage  tribes,  and  hardly  less 
so  in  the  great  Oriental  empires  of  China,  Farther  India, 
and  Persia.  In  mediaeval  days  they  marked  the  social 
organization  of  Western  Europe,  but  they  are  now  excep- 
tional there,  and  are  rare  in  the  United  States,  if  the  whole 
number  of  organizations  is  taken  into  account. 

The  Organization  of  Constituent  Societies. —  Every  pur- 
posive association,  whether  differentiated  from  the  social 
composition  or  not,  whether  secret  or  open,  has  not  only  a 
function  but  also  a  composition  and  a  constitution  which 
are  adapted  to  the  performance  of  the  function. 

In  the  composition  of  purposive  associations  individuals 
are  combined  as  persons  and  by  categories,  —  for  example, 
the  categories  of  employer  and  employee  in  the  composi- 
tion of  an  industrial  group.  The  composition  of  associa- 
tions should  be  studied  with  reference  to  the  common  trait 
or  interest  that  unites  their  members. 

The  constitution  of  a  purposive  association  is  a  plan  of 
organization  of  its  membership.  The  categories  of  in- 
dividuals which  compose  it  are  combined  in  accordance 
with  some  principle  of  subordination  or  coordination,  and 
the  entire  membership  may  be  divided  into  sub-societies, 
bureaus,  or  committees. 


504     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  Constitution  of  Ethnic  Societies 

Ethnic  societies  are  so  much  smaller  than  civil  societies, 
their  culture  is  so  much  less  advanced,  and  their  activities 
are  so  much  simpler,  that  their  constitution  is  relatively 
simple  and  undifferentiated.  Some  of  its  features,  how- 
ever, are  unique. 

Component-Constituent  Societies.  —  This  term  may  be 
conveniently  used  to  designate  those  component  groups 
that  function  as  constituent  associations,  and  those  constit- 
uent societies  that  have  partially  but  not  yet  completely 
separated  from  component  groups  in  which  they  have 
originated.  The  component-constituent  associations  of 
ethnic  society  are  the  Household,  the  Clan,  the  Phratry, 
the  Tribe,  and  the  Confederation. 

i.  The  Household.  —  This  is  the  primitive  purposive  asso- 
ciation ;  it  is  an  organization  nearly  but  not  quite  identical 
with  the  family.  Its  functions  are  cultural  and  economic. 

The  family,  a  unit  in  the  social  composition,  is  a  genetic 
aggregation.  The  household  is  a  purposive  group  com- 
posed of  those  individuals  who  live  together  in  a  dwelling, 
and  who  cooperate  in  learning  their  environment,  in  ob- 
taining and  preparing  food,  in  manufacturing  clothing, 
tools,  and  utensils,  and  in  imparting  their  culture  to  their 
children.  Commonly,  but  not  always,  the  members  of  the 
family  and  the  members  of  the  household  are  identical. 
Individual  members  of  the  family  may  leave  their  own 
household  group  to  dwell  elsewhere,  and  the  household 
may  include  members  who  are  not  of  the  family  kindred. 
Therefore,  while  the  family  is  a  component  society,  the 
household,  strictly  speaking,  is  a  constituent  society  or 
purposive  association. 


The  Social  Constitution  505 


Fosterage  in  Ireland 

We  may  premise  at  the  outset,  that  a  system  of  foster- 
age, governed  by  accurately  defined  laws,  prevailed  uni- 
versally in  Erinn  from  the  remotest  period  of  her  history  ;  a 
system,  indeed,  which  in  many  of  its  features  continued  to 
prevail  even  down  so  late  as  to  the  sixteenth  and  seven- 
teenth centuries.  And  we  have  ample  proofs  that  this 
fosterage  was  not  a  mere  indiscriminate  custom  among  all 
classes  of  the  people,  nor  in  any  case  one  merely  confined 
to  the  bare  physical  nurture  and  rearing  of  the  child  which 
in  early  infancy  was  committed  to  the  care  of  a  nurse  and 
her  husband  ;  but  that  the  fosterhood  was  generally  that  of 
a  whole  family  or  tribe  ;  and  that  in  very  many  cases  it 
became  a  bond  of  friendship  and  alliance  between  two  or 
more  tribes  and  even  provinces.  In  those  cases  the  foster- 
ers were  not  of  the  common  class,  poor  people  glad  to  per- 
form their  nursing  for  mere  pay,  and  whose  care  extended 
to  the  physical  rearing  only.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  even  a 
question,  and  one  not  easily  settled,  whether  the  term 
"  nursing  "  in  the  modern  acceptation  of  the  word,  should  be 
applied  at  all  to  the  old  Gaedhelic  fosterage  and  whether 
the  term  "pupilage"  would  not  be  more  appropriate.  As 
the  present,  however,  is  not  the  time  to  go  into  this  very 
curious  subject,  I  must  content  myself  with  stating  as  a 
matter  of  fact  that  the  old  Gaedhelic  fosterage  extended  to 
the  training  and  education  not  only  of  children  up  to  the 
age  of  fourteen,  but  sometimes  of  youths  up  to  that  of 
seventeen  years. 

The  daughters  of  peasants  were  taught  by  their  foster- 
ers to  grind,  to  sift,  and  to  knead,  as  well  as  the  needle-work 
suited  to  their  way  of  life ;  whilst  the  sons  were  taught 
the  rearing  of  all  sorts  of  young  cattle,  besides  the  kiln- 
drying  of  corn,  and  the  preparation  of  malt,  etc. 

The  daughters  of  the  better  and  higher  classes  were 
instructed  in  sewing,  cutting,  and  embroidering  cloth  ; 
whilst  the  sons  were  taught  the  game  of  chess,  the  arts  of 
swimming  and  riding,  and  the  use  of  the  Sword  and  Spear. 

In  fact,  the  Gaedhelic  foster-parents  in  some  sense  filled 
the  place  among  the  ancients  of  what  would  now  be  called 
masters  of  boarding  schools,  and  they  did  often  actually 


506       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

keep  large  establishments  for  the  accommodation  of  many 
pupils ;  —  though  sometimes  also  they  were  simply  private 
tutors  residing  in  the  family  or  within  the  domain  of  the 
parents  of  their  pupils. 

O'CuRRY,  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Irish,  Vol.  II.  355. 

2.  The  Clan.  —  As  a   purposive  association,  the  clan 
cherishes  a  common  culture,  especially  in  religion  and  in 
amusements,  it  engages  in  many  common  economic  ac- 
tivities, it  enforces  rights  and  obligations,  and  it  preserves 
the  juridical  tradition. 

3.  The  Phratry.  —  The  functions  of  the   phratry  are 
cultural  and  juristic.     It  conducts  the  more  important  re- 
ligious ceremonies,  and  to  it  can  be  taken  capital  and  other 
serious  cases  of  criminal  accusation,  on  appeal  from  the 
clan. 

4.  The  Tribe.  —  Primarily  a  component  group,  the  tribe, 
functioning  as  a  constituent  association,  is  a  military  organi- 
zation, usually  presided  over  by  a  council  of  chieftains 
who  have  been  the  successful  leaders  of  war  parties. 

5.  The  Confederation.  —  Primarily  a  component  society, 
the  confederation,  functioning  as  a  constituent  association, 
is  a  political  organization.     Its  deliberations  are  conducted 
by  a  council  composed  of  leading  representatives  of  the 
federated  tribes. 

It  is  not  until  the  confederation  is  formed  that  juristic 
and  military  affairs  are  brought  under  one  common  author- 
ity. In  the  single  tribe  the  clan  is  practically  supreme  in 
juridical  matters,  as  the  tribe  is  in  military  matters.  The 
council  of  the  confederation  not  only  determines  war  and 
peace  for  all  the  confederated  tribes,  but  it  also  adjudicates 
the  relations  of  tribes,  and  of  the  members  of  different 
tribes  to  one  another,  as  the  council  of  the  clan  adjudi- 


The  Social  Constitution  507 

cates  the  relations  of  its  own  members.  Confederation, 
furthermore,  assimilates  the  slightly  differing  cultures  of 
the  federated  tribes,  especially  in  language. 

Special  Associations. — The  constituent  associations  dif- 
ferentiated and  separated  from  component  groups  that 
may  be  found  in  ethnic  society  are,  Religious  Secret 
Societies,  Hunting  Associations,  Feud  Associations,  Mili- 
tary Associations,  and  Political  Associations.1 

The  Constitution  of  Civil  Societies 

While  in  ethnic  society  the  social  constitution  is  on  the 
whole  incidental  to  the  social  composition,  in  civil  society 
the  social  constitution  subordinates  and  dominates  the 
social  composition. 

Component-Constituent  Societies. —  Each  component  group 
of  civil  society  functions  to  some  extent  as  a  purposive 
association  ;  or  rather,  to  speak  with  strict  accuracy,  each 
component  group  is  nearly,  but  not  quite,  identical  with 
some  one  constituent  society. 

As  in  ethnic  society,  the  household  is  not  always  pre- 
cisely the  same  group  as  the  family.  The  incorporated 
village,  a  constituent  society,  is  never  quite  identical  with 
the  village  as  a  component  group,  because  the  latter  con- 
tains inhabitants  who  are  neither  voters  nor  even  resi- 
dents, in  a  strict  legal  sense.  The  like  distinction  must  be 
made  between  the  municipality  as  a  public  corporation  and 
the  city  as  a  component  group,  —  a  dense  centre  of  popula- 
tion. The  state,  in  turn,  is  never  precisely  identical  with 
the  commonwealth  or  the  nation  as  a  component  society. 
The  latter  always  includes  inhabitants  who  are  neither 
voters  nor  even  citizens  in  the  state. 

1  For  detail,  see  Inductive  Sociology,  207,  208. 


508       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

1.  The  Household.  — The  functions  of  the  household  as 
a  purposive  association  in  civil  society  are  the  same  in  kind 
as  in  ethnic  society,  but  more  developed  in  form  and  in 
detail. 

At  a  certain  stage  in  the  evolution  of  civil  society  the 
household,  patriarchal  in  structure,  becomes  a  highly  com- 
plex economic  organization.  Such  was  the  ol/co?  of  the 
Greeks,  from  which  our  words  "  economy "  and  "  eco- 
nomics "  are  derived ;  such  also  were  the  wele  or  gwely  of 
the  Welsh  Celts,  and  the  similar  patriarchal  kindreds  of  the 
Saxons  and  the  Northmen.  In  later  evolution,  however, 
the  household  surrenders  most  of  its  industrial  activities  to 
specialized  associations. 

2.  The  Municipality.  —  The  public  municipal  corpora- 
tion, including  under  this  head  the  incorporated  town  or 
township,  and  the  incorporated   village  or  borough,  has, 
like  the   clan   in   ethnic    society,  cultural,  economic,  and 
juristic  functions. 

When  we  remember  that  there  are  reasons  for  supposing 
that  hamlets,  developing  into  villages,  themselves  origi- 
nated in  permanent  settlements  of  clans  or  sub-clans,  we 
shall  not  be  surprised  to  learn  that  the  incorporated  mu- 
nicipality in  times  past  has  maintained  public  religious  rites. 
In  many  parts  of  the  Old  World  it  provides  public  amuse- 
ments and  festivities,  and  everywhere,  in  modern  days,  it 
maintains  schools  and  other  educational  agencies,  often 
including  public  museums,  libraries,  and  galleries  of  art. 
It  maintains  bridges  and  roads,  sewers,  and  often  a  water 
supply.  In  earlier  days  it  often  owned  and  managed 
public  fields  and  commons.  Various  European  cities  have 
municipal  manufacturing  industries.  In  recent  years  many 
municipalities,  European  and  American,  have  experimented 


The  Social  Constitution  509 

with  the  ownership  and  management  of  street  railways 
and  of  the  lighting  service.  A  survival  of  the  semi-com- 
munism of  the  clan  is  the  municipal  relief  of  the  poor  and 
support  of  paupers.  Municipal  corporations  always  have 
their  machinery  of  public  order  and  justice,  including  con- 
stables or  a  police  service,  and  justices  or  magistrates. 

3.  The   County   or  Department.  —  While  it  is  possible 
that  the  county  was  originally  identical  with  the  tribe,  per- 
manently settled  on  the  land,  the  functions  of  the  modern 
county  are  chiefly  economic  and  juristic,  and  not  military. 

The  county  maintains  certain  roads  and  bridges,  courts 
and  jails,  and  such  officers  of  justice  as  judges,  justices, 
sheriffs,  and  deputies.  The  county  often  supports  paupers 
and  defectives. 

4.  The   State.  —  The  chief   purposive  organization  of 
civil  society  is  the  state,  through  which  the  social  mind 
dominates  the  integral  community,  prescribes  forms  and 
obligations  to  all  minor  purposive  associations,  and  shapes 
the   social   composition.       Coordinating  all  activities  and 
relations,  the  state  maintains  conditions  under  which  all  its 
subjects  may  live,  as  Aristotle  said,  "  a  perfect  and  self-suf- 
ficing life."  1 

Voluntary  Associations.  —  Voluntary  organization  is  co- 
extensive with  every  mode  of  human  activity.2 

The  Amphiktyonic  Council 

The  Amphiktyonic  Council  then,  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
was  in  no  wise  an  instance  of  Federal  Government,  even  in 
the  very  laxest  sense  of  the  word.  It  was  not  a  political, 
but  a  religious  body.  If  it  had  any  claim  to  the  title  of  a 

1  On  the  composition,  constitution,  and  functions  of  the  state,  see  Induc- 
tive Sociology,  210-213. 

2  For  detail,  see  Inductive  Sociology,  213-220. 


510       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

General  Council  of  Greece  it  was  wholly  in  the  sense  in 
which  we  speak  of  General  Councils  in  Modern  Europe. 
The  Amphiktyonic  Council  represented  Greece  as  an  Ec- 
clesiastical Synod  represented  Western  Christendom,  not 
as  a  Swiss  Diet  or  an  American  Congress  represents  the 
Federation  of  which  it  is  the  common  legislature.  Its 
primary  business  was  to  regulate  the  concerns  of  the  temple 
of  Apollo  at  Delphi.  And  the  Amphiktyonic  Council  which 
met  at  Delphi  and  at  Thermopylae  was  in  truth  only  the 
most  famous  of  several  bodies  of  the  same  kind.  An  Am- 
phiktyonic, or,  more  correctly,  an  Amphiktionic,  body  was 
an  Assembly  of  the  tribes  who  dwelt  around  any  famous 
temple  gathered  together  to  manage  the  affairs  of  that 
temple.  There  were  other  Amphiktyonic  Assemblies  in 
Greece,  amongst  which  that  of  the  isle  of  Kalaureia,  off 
the  coast  of  Argolis,  was  a  body  of  some  celebrity.  The 
Amphiktyons  of  Delphi  obtained  greater  importance  than 
any  other  Amphiktyons  only  because  of  the  greater  impor- 
tance of  the  Delphic  sanctuary,  and  because  it  incidentally 
happened  that  the  greater  part  of  the  Greek  nation  had 
some  kind  of  representation  among  them.  But  that  body 
could  not  be  looked  upon  as  a  perfect  representation  of  the 
Greek  nation  which,  to  postpone  other  objections  to  its  con- 
stitution, found  no  place  for  so  large  a  fraction  of  the  Hel- 
lenic body  as  the  Arkadians.  Still  the  Amphiktyons  of 
Delphi  undoubtedly  came  nearer  than  any  other  existing 
body  to  the  character  of  a  general  representation  of  all 
Greece.  It  is  therefore  easy  to  understand  how  the  reli- 
gious functions  of  such  a  body  might  incidentally  assume  a 
political  character.  Thus  the  old  Amphiktyonic  oath  for- 
bade certain  extreme  measures  of  hostility  against  any  city 
sharing  in  the  common  Amphiktyonic  worship.  Here  we 
get  on  that  mixed  ground  between  spiritual  and  temporal 
things  on  which  Ecclesiastical  Councils  have  often  appeared 
with  more  honour  to  themselves  than  in  matters  more  strictly 
within  their  own  competence.  The  Amphiktyonic  Council 
forbade  any  Amphiktyonic  city  to  be  razed  or  its  water  to 
be  cut  off,  with  as  good  an  intention,  and  with  about  as 
much  effect,  as  Christian  Synods  instituted  the  Truce  of  God, 
and  forbade  tournaments  and  the  use  of  the  cross-bow.  But 
more  than  this,  the  Amphiktyonic  Council  was  the  only 


The  Social  Constitution  511 

deliberative  body  in  which  members  from  most  parts  of 
Greece  habitually  met  together.  On  the  few  occasions 
when  it  was  needed  that  Greece  should  speak  with  a  com- 
mon voice,  the  Amphiktyonic  Council  was  the  natural,  in- 
deed the  only  possible,  mouth-piece  of  the  nation.  Once 
or  twice  then,  in  the  course  of  Grecian  history,  we  do  find 
the  Amphiktyonic  body  acting  with  real  dignity  in  the 
name  of  United  Greece.  We  naturally  find  this  more 
distinctly  the  case  immediately  after  the  repulse  of  the 
Persians,  when  a  common  Greek  national  feeling  existed 
for  the  moment  in  greater  strength  than  either  before  or 
afterwards.  Then  it  was  that  the  Amphiktyonic  Council, 
evidently  acting  in  the  name  of  all  Greece,  set  a  price  upon 
the  head  of  the  Greek  who  had  betrayed  the  defenders  of 
Thermopylae  to  the  Barbarians.  But,  in  setting  a  price  on 
the  head  of  Ephialtes,  the  Amphiktyonic  Council,  as  head 
of  Greece,  hardly  did  more  than  was  done  by  the  Athenian 
Assembly,  if  not  as  the  head  of  Greece,  yet  as  its  worthiest 
representative,  when  it  proscribed  Arthmios  of  Zeleia  for 
bringing  barbaric  bribes  into  Hellas.  Sometimes  again  we 
find,  naturally  enough,  this  great  religious  Synod,  like  re- 
ligious Synods  in  later  times,  preaching  Crusades  against 
ungodly  and  sacrilegious  cities,  against  violators  of  the  holy 
ground  or  of  the  peaceful  worshippers  of  Apollo. 

E.  A.  FREEMAN,  History  of  Federal  Government,  Vol.  I.  126-129. 

Voluntary  Associations  in  the  Reign  of  William  III 

There  is  a  very  large  Body  of  Persons,  compos'd  of  the 
Original  Society  beforementioned,  with  the  Additions  that 
have  been  since  made  of  Persons  of  Eminency  in  the  Law, 
Members  of  Parliament,  Justices  of  Peace,  and  consider- 
able Citizens  of  London,  of  known  Abilities  and  great  In- 
tegrity, who  frequently  meet  to  consult  of  the  best  methods 
for  carrying  on  the  Business  of  Reformation,  and  to  be 
ready  to  advise  and  assist  others  that  are  already  engaged, 
or  any  that  are  willing  to  join  in  the  same  Design. 

This  Society  is  at  a  considerable  Yearly  Charge  for  the 
effectual  managing  their  Business  ;  but  takes  no  Contribu- 
tions of  any  but  their  own  Members,  by  whose  Endeavors, 
as  was  said  before,  Thousands  of  Offenders  in  London 


512       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

and  Westminster  have  been  brought  to  Punishment  for 
Swearing,  Drunkenness,  and  Prophanation  of  the  Lord's- 
Day  ;  and  a  great  part  of  the  Kingdom  has  been  awak- 
ened, in  some  measure,  to  a  sence  of  their  Duty  in  this 
respect,  and  thereby  a  very  hopeful  Progress  is  made  tow- 
ards a  General  Reformation. 

A  Second  Society  is  of  about  Fifty  Persons,  Tradesmen 
and  others,  who  have  more  especially  applied  themselves 
to  the  Suppression  of  Lewdness,  by  bringing  the  Offend- 
ers to  legal  Punishment :  These  may  have  actually  sup- 
pressed and  rooted  out  about  Five  Hundred  Disorderly 
Houses,  and  caused  to  be  punished  some  Thousands  of 
Lewd  Persons,  besides  Swearers,  Drunkards,  and  Pro- 
phaners  of  the  Lord's-Day,  as  may  appear  by  their 
Printed  Lists  of  Offenders.  These  Persons,  by  their  pru- 
dent and  legal  management  of  their  Business,  have  received 
great  Countenance  and  Encouragement  in  our  Courts  of 
Judicature,  and  very  particular  Encouragement  and  Assist- 
ance, for  several  Years  past,  from  the  Lord-Mayor  and 
Court  of  Aldermen,  who  are  sensible  of  the  great  Service 
that  is  done  by  them,  which  they  express  upon  proper 
Occasions. 

A  Third  Society  is  of  Constables,  (of  which  sort  of  Offi- 
cers care  is  taken  to  form  Yearly  a  new  Body  in  this  City) 
who  meet  to  consider  of  the  most  effectual  way  to  discharge 
their  Oaths,  to  acquaint  one  another  with  the  Difficulties 
they  meet  with,  to  resolve  on  proper  Remedies,  to  divide 
themselves  in  the  several  Parts  of  the  City,  so  as  to  take 
in  the  whole  to  the  best  Advantage,  for  the  inspecting  of 
Disorderly  Houses,  taking  up  of  Drunkards,  Lewd  Persons, 
Prophaners  of  the  Lord's-Day,  and  Swearers  out  of  the 
Streets  and  Markets,  and  carrying  them  before  the  Magis- 
trates ;  and  I  must  observe,  that  this  is  found  a  very  advis- 
able and  successful  Method  for  Constables  to  take,  for  the 
Suppressing  of  the  abominable  Sin  of  Swearing,  when 
private  Persons  are  negligent  in  giving  of  Informations, 
and  the  Magistrate  is  careless  of  his  Duty. 

A  Fourth  Rank  of  Men,  who  have  been  so  highly  in- 
strumental in  this  Undertaking,  that  they  may  be  reckoned 
a  Corner-Stone  of  it,  is  of  such  as  have  made  it  some  part 
of  their  Business  to  give  Informations  to  the  Magistrate, 


The  Social  Constitution  513 

as  they  have  had  Opportunity,  of  such  Breaches  of  the 
Laws  as  were  beforementioned.  Many  of  these  Persons 
have  given  the  World  a  great  and  almost  unheard  of  Ex- 
ample, in  this  corrupt  Age,  of  Zeal  and  Christian  Courage, 
having  underwent,  at  the  beginning  more  especially  of  these 
Proceedings,  many  Abuses,  and  great  Reproaches,  not 
only  from  exasperated  and  hardened  Offenders,  but  often 
from  their  hike-warm  Friends,  irreligious  Relations,  and 
sometimes  from  Unfaithful  Magistrates,  by  whom  they 
have  been  reviled,  brow-beaten,  and  discouraged  from  per- 
forming such  important  Service,  so  necessary  to  the  Wel- 
fare of  their  Country. 


Besides  those  beforementioned,  there  are  about  Nine 
and  Thirty  Religious  Societies  of  another  kind,  in  and 
about  London  and  Westminster,  which  are  propagated 
into  other  Parts  of  the  Nation ;  as  Nottingham,  Glouces- 
ter, etc.,  and  even  into  Ireland,  where  they  have  been 
for  some  months  since  spreading  in  divers  Towns 
and  Cities  of  that  Kingdom ;  as  Kilkenny,  Drogheda, 
Mannouth,  etc.,  especially  in  Dublin,  where  there  are  about 
Ten  of  these  Societies,  which  are  promoted  by  the  Bishops 
and  Inferior  Clergy  there.  These  Persons  meet  often  to 
Pray,  Sing  Psalms,  and  Read  the  Holy  Scriptures  together, 
and  to  Reprove,  Exort,  and  Edifie  one  another  by  their 
Religious  Conferences.  They  moreover  carry  on  at  their 
meetings,  Designs  of  Charity,  of  different  kinds;  such  as 
Relieving  the  Wants  of  Poor  House-keepers,  maintaining 
their  Children  at  School,  setting  of  Prisoners  at  Liberty, 
supporting  of  Lectures  and  daily  Prayers  in  our  Churches. 
These  are  the  Societies  which  our  late  Gracious  Queen, 
as  the  Learned  Bishop  that  hath  writ  an  Essay  on  her 
Memory  tells  us,  took  so  great  Satisfaction  in,  That  She 
enquired  often  and  much  about  them,  and  was  glad  they 
went  on  and  prevailed ;  which,  Thanks  be  to  God,  they 
continue  to  do  ;  as  the  Reverend  Dr.  Woodward,  who  hath 
obliged  the  World  with  a  very  particular  Account  of  the 
Rise  and  Progress  of  them,  hath  lately  acquainted  us. 
And  these  likewise  are  Societies  that  have  proved  so 
exceedingly  serviceable  in  the  Work  of  Reformation  that 

2L 


514       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

they  may  be  reckoned  a  chief  support  to  it,  as  our  late 
Great  Primate  Arch-Bishop  Tillotsen  declar'd,  upon  sev- 
eral Occasions,  after  he  had  examined  their  Orders  and 
enquired  into  their  Lives,  That  he  thought  they  were  to 
the  Church  of  England. 

JOSIAH  WOODWARD,  An  Account  of  the  Societies  for  the  Reforma- 
tion of  Manners  in  England  and  Ireland,  8-10 ;  12-13. 

Evolution  of  the  Social  Constitution 

As  in  the  evolution  of  the  social  composition,  so  in  the 
evolution  of  the  social  constitution  a  double  process  is 
revealed,  or  rather  a  number  of  double  processes. 

Governments  and  private  organizations  duplicate  each 
other's  functions.  In  the  social  constitution  either  public 
or  private  associations  can,  at  need,  assume  any  social 
function. 

In  times  of  danger  the  government  can  operate  fleets 
and  railways,  build  bridges,  manufacture  goods,  and  trans- 
act financial  operations  on  a  vast  scale,  because,  in  times  of 
security,  it  often  does  such  things  on  a  small  scale.  In 
times  of  anarchy  or  revolution,  private  associations  can 
protect  life  and  property,  administer  justice,  and  organize 
a  provisional  government,  because,  in  times  of  peace,  they 
initiate  legislation,  watch  the  enforcement  of  law,  and  hold 
governments  to  their  work. 

This  generalization  is  of  practical  no  less  than  of  scien- 
tific value.  It  is  the  one  adequate  principle  by  which  to 
judge  the  pretensions  of  socialism  and  of  individualism. 
The  socialists  are  right  when  they  say  that,  if  it  were  nec- 
essary or  desirable,  the  state  could  carry  on  all  social 
undertakings  through  public  agencies.  The  individual- 
ists are  equally  right  when  they  say  that  society  could  exist 
and,  after  a  fashion,  could  achieve  its  ends,  without  authori- 


The  Social  Constitution  515 

tative  government.  Socialists  and  individualists  are  both 
wrong  when  they  suppose  that  either  of  these  things  will 
happen  under  a  normal  social  evolution. 

The  actual  distribution  of  functions  between  public  and 
private  agencies  is  a  varying  one.  It  changes  with  chang- 
ing circumstances. 

So  long  as  conditions  are  normal,  movements  that  tend, 
on  the  one  hand,  to  increase  public  activity,  or,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  enlarge  the  opportunities  for  private  initia- 
tive, are  self -limiting.  They  are  tendencies  toward  equi- 
librium. Whatever  belittles  the  state  or  destroys  belief  in 
its  power  to  perform  any  kind  of  social  service,  whatever 
impairs  the  popular  habit  of  achieving  ends  by  private  ini- 
tiative and  voluntary  organization,  endangers  society  and 
prevents  the  full  realization  of  its  ends. 

Simultaneously  with  the  development  of  this  duplica- 
tion of  functions  there  has  been  developed  an  increasing 
mobility  and  freedom  of  the  individual,  as  a  member  of  the 
social  constitution,  while,  at  the  same  time,  the  stability  of 
the  social  constitution  itself,  so  far  from  being  impaired  by 
such  mobility  of  its  members,  has,  on  the  contrary,  been 
steadily  increased.  The  social  constitution,  in  a  word,  has 
become  at  once  both  strong  and  flexible. 

The  metronymic  clansman  who  lost  his  clan  connection 
was  an  outlaw.  Every  man's  hand  was  against  him.  The 
member  of  the  patriarchal  kindred  who  departed  from  the 
hearth  was  a  "  kin-wrecked  "  man.  The  villain  tenant  was 
bound  to  his  manor  for  life.  The  mediaeval  craftsman 
could  not  leave  his  guild.  Until  the  nineteenth  century  was 
well  advanced,  the  English  labourer  could  not  go  from 
parish  to  parish  in  search  of  work.  Until  within  the  nine- 
teenth century  the  non-conformist  protestant,  no  less  than 


516       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

the  churchman,  was  made  to  suffer  social  penalties  if  he 
changed  his  religious  allegiance.  Hardly  more  than  a 
generation  ago  the  man  who  severed  his  political  party 
connection  to  cast  in  his  lot  with  another,  or  to  vote  inde-, 
pendently,  was  an  object  of  objurgation,  and  expatriation 
is  a  very  modern  right  in  the  law  of  nations. 

To-day  a  man  can  go  freely  from  occupation  to  occu- 
pation. He  can  dissolve  a  partnership  and  enter  into 
another.  He  can  be  a  director  in  one  and  another  cor- 
poration this  year,  and  in  entirely  different  ones  next  year. 
He  can  move  freely  from  township  to  township,  from  city 
to  city,  and  from  state  to  state.  He  can  leave  his  church 
or  his  political  party  at  will. 

Yet  the  social  constitution  does  not  suffer.  The  organi- 
zation that  loses  certain  individuals  from  its  membership 
gains  others  in  their  place.  Like  the  organs  of  the  living 
body,  each  is  composed  of  changing  units,  yet  each  main- 
tains its  integrity  as  a  whole,  and  performs  its  functions 
without  interruption. 

From  this  plasticity  and  mobility  two  great  advantages 
arise.  Sooner  or  later  individuals  find  the  place  where 
their  maximum  efficiency,  as  contributors  to  the  social 
well-being,  is  realized.  And  at  all  times  an  increase  of 
working  force  can  be  secured  at  any  point  in  the  social 
system  where  the  demand  is  exceptionally  great,  by  with- 
drawing units  from  points  where  the  demand  is  for  the 
time  being  relatively  small. 

Another  generalization  from  the  description  of  the  social 
constitution  is,  that  the  various  organizations  of  society 
are  not  only  correlated,  but  are  also  subordinated,  some  to 
other  organizations,  and  all  to  a  general  end. 

The  supreme  end  of  society  in  general  is  the  protection 


The  Social  Constitution 


517 


and  perfecting  of  sentient  life.  The  end  of  human  society 
is  the  development  of  the  rational  and  spiritual  personality 
of  its  members.  Only  the  cultural  associations  are  imme- 
diately concerned  in  this  function.  Educational  institu- 
tions, ethical,  scientific,  religious,  and  aesthetic  organizations, 
and  polite  society  act  for  good  or  ill  directly  upon  the 
individual.  To  these  the  economic,  the  legal,  and  the 
political  organizations  are,  in  a  functional  sense,  subordi- 
nate. In  a  functional  sense  they  exist  for  the  sake  of 
cultural  organization  and  activity.  The  social  mind  has 
always  perceived  this  truth,  and  by  means  of  its  sanctions 
has  endeavoured  to  mould  the  social  constitution  into 
accordance  with  it.  Associations  and  relationships  are 
fostered  or  abolished  with  a  view  to  cultural,  no  less  than 
to  protective,  ends. 

For  both  ends  specialization  and  a  division  of  labour 
are  necessary.  Therefore,  while  society  maintains  the 
homogeneity  of  its  composition,  it  is  obliged  to  tolerate 
and. to  promote  differentiation  in  its  constitution.  Psycho- 
logically, therefore,  the  social  constitution  is  the  precise 
opposite  of  the  social  composition.  It  is  an  alliance  in 
each  simple  association  of  individuals  who,  in  respect  to 
the  purpose  of  the  association,  must  be  mentally  and 
morally  alike,  but  who  in  all  other  respects  may  be 
unlike ;  supplemented,  in  the  relations  of  associations  to 
one  another  and  to  integral  society,  by  toleration,  and  by 
coordination  of  the  unlike. 

Law  of  Development 

Still  further  generalizing,  we  may  state  the  law  of 
development  of  the  social  constitution  as  follows  :  — 

The  development  of  the  social  constitution  is    propor- 


518       The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

tional  to  the  growth  of  an  appreciation  of   the  value  of 
variety  or  unlikeness  in  society.. 

The  social  constitution,  therefore,  is  the  result  of  a 
desire  to  combine  variety  with  homogeneity  in  a  complex 
unity. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  CHARACTER  AND  EFFICIENCY  OF  ORGANIZATION 
Coercion  and  Liberty 

THE  forms  of  social  organization,  whether  component  or 
constituent,  whether  public  or  private,  whether  incorpo- 
rated or  unincorporated,  are  either  created  by  social 
authority  or  are  permitted  by  it.  Not  only  so,  but  any 
social  organization  may  be  an  agency  for  the  transmission 
of  social  control  to  its  individual  members.  On  the  one 
hand,  it  may  bring  to  bear  upon  them  a  social  pressure 
to  which  they  must  yield,  a  social  command  which  they 
must  perforce  obey.  On  the  other  hand,  it  may  allow 
them  the  utmost  freedom  of  thought  and  action,  may  even 
be  a  means  of  defending  their  individual  liberties. 

In  these  features  we  discover  the  general  character  of 
the  social  organization  of  a  community.  Organization  is, 
on  the  whole,  coercive,  or  it  is,  on  the  whole,  liberal. 

The  Source  of  Liberty.  — Social  control,  expressing  itself 
either  as  sovereignty,  —  the  will  of  the  whole  people  mani- 
festing itself  through  forms  of  government,  —  or  express- 
ing itself  in  those  lesser  degrees  felt  by  the  members  of 
non-governmental  associations,  may  be  so  coercive  that  no 
individual  can  successfully  oppose  it.  If,  therefore,  the 
individual  actually  enjoys  a  high  degree  of  liberty,  it  is 
because  the  social  mind  permits  him  to  do  so.  It  is 
because  the  sovereign  state  creates  for  him  immunities, 
and  protects  him  in  the  enjoyment  of  them. 


520     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

The  Laws  of  Liberty.  —  The  first  law  may  be  stated  as 
follows:  Social  organization  is  coercive  in  those  commu- 
nities in  which  sympathetic  and  formal  like-mindedness 
strongly  predominate  over  deliberative  like-mindedness. 
Conversely,  social  institutions  are  liberal,  allowing  the 
utmost  freedom  of  thought  and  action  to  the  individual 
only  in  those  communities  in  which  there  is  a  high  devel- 
opment of  deliberative  like-mindedness. 

A  second  law  is  of  not  less  importance. 

The  forms  of  social  organization,  whether  political  or 
other,  in  their  relation  to  the  individual,  are  necessarily 
coercive  if,  in  their  membership,  there  is  great  diversity 
of  kind  and  great  inequality.  Conversely,  institutions  or 
other  forms  of  social  organization  can  be  liberal,  conceding 
the  utmost  freedom  to  the  individual,  if,  in  the  population, 
there  is  fraternity,  and,  back  of  fraternity,  an  approximate 
mental  and  moral  equality.1 

Efficiency  of  Organization 

Since  the  social  constitution  is  purposive  organization,  it 
should  be  studied  not  only  from  the  standpoint  of  its  plan 
or  system,  and  of  its  character  as  more  or  less  liberal,  but 
also  from  the  standpoint  of  its  efficiency  as  a  means  to 
the  attainment  of  the  special  and  general  ends  to  promote 
which  it  exists. 

Organization  must  Benefit  the  Organized.  —  The  general 
condition  upon  which  the  efficiency  of  social  organization 
depends,  by  implication  is  stated  when  it  is  said  that  any 
association  exists  for  the  protection  and  development  of 
the  lives  of  its  individual  members. 

Since  an  organization  depends  upon  the  loyal  and  ear- 

1  For  the  demonstration  of  these  laws,  see  Inductive  Sociology,  226-228. 


Character  and  Efficiency  of  Organization     521 

nest  cooperation  of  its  members,  its  efficiency  depends  upon 
their  devotion  to  it.  Their  devotion,  in  turn,  depends 
upon  their  conviction  that,  in  the  long  run,  they  actually 
secure  the  benefits,  including  all  possible  pleasures  and 
utilities  of  association.  Putting  it  in  briefer  terms,  we 
may  say  that,  to  be  efficient,  all  social  organizations  must 
be  regarded  by  the  organized  as  beneficial  to  themselves. 

To  secure  this  end  the  community  must  accept  the 
moral  principle  that  office  is  a  trust,  and  it  must  recognize 
and  demand  expert  knowledge. 


PART   IV 
THE  SOCIAL  WELFARE 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  FUNCTIONING  OF  SOCIETY 
The  Ends  for  which  Society  Exists 

THE  final  tests  of  the  efficiency  of  social  organization  are 
to  be  looked  for  in  the  results  which  organization  brings 
about  in  the  political  and  the  juristic,  the  economic,  the 
intellectual,  and  the  moral  life  of  the  community,  and 
especially  in  the  development  of  an  improving  type  of 
human  personality.  Throughout  the  foregoing  pages 
these  results  have  been  recognized  as  the  objects  of  collec- 
tive desire,  for  the  attainment  of  which  social  relations 
and  activities  are  organized.  Collectively  they  make  up 
the  Social  Welfare.  The  social  welfare,  then,  is  the  sum 
of  the  ends  for  which  society  exists.  To  secure  and  to 
perfect  the  social  welfare  is  the  social  function. 

These  ends  for  which  society  exists  are  of  two  great 
classes,  —  the  proximate  and  the  ultimate. 

Proximate  Ends :  Public  Utilities.  —  The  immediate  re- 
sults of  efficient  social  organization  are  certain  general 
conditions  of  well-being,  in  which  all  members  of  the  com- 
munity share,  or  may  share  if  they  like,  and  which,  though 
external  to  the  individual  personality,  are  yet  necessary  to 
its  perfection  and  happiness.  They  include  the  security 

522 


The  Functioning  of  Society  523 

of  life  and  of  possessions,  which  is  maintained  by  the 
political  system ;  the  liberty  and  the  justice,  which  are 
maintained  by  the  legal  system ;  the  economic  opportunity 
and  material  well-being,  which  are  created  and  maintained 
by  the  economic  system ;  cultural  opportunity,  knowledge 
and  fearlessness,  created  and  maintained  by  the  cultural 
system.  The  proximate  ends  collectively  we  may  call 
Public  Utilities. 

Ultimate  Ends :  Social  Personality.  —  Public  utilities 
themselves,  however,  are  means  to  an  ultimate  end.  We 
value  them  and  strive  to  augment  them  because  they  serve 
the  individual  life.  Life  itself  is  the  ultimate  social  end, 
but  not  life  irrespective  of  form  or  quality.  It  is  life  in  its 
higher  developments,  especially  its  moral  and  intellectual 
developments,  that  society  creates  and  perfects.  It  creates 
the  higher  from  the  lower  types  by  multiplying  helpful 
variations,  and  subsequently  selecting  the  best  results.  It 
slowly  shapes  a  social  nature,  or  personality,  adapted  to 
social  cooperation  and  enjoyment.  This  Social  Personal- 
ity—  the  moral,  intellectual,  and  social  man,  the  highest 
product  of  evolution  —  is  the  ultimate  end  of  social 
organization. 

In  thus  creating  personality  society  converts  mere  evolu- 
tion into  progress.  Evolution  is  integration  and  differ- 
entiation :  it  is  correlation  and  coordination :  it  is  not 
necessarily  a  betterment  of  conscious  existence.  Evolution 
is  also  progress  when  each  unit  of  the  integrated  mass  or 
group  becomes  an  end  as  well  as  a  means.  In  the  evolu- 
tion of  vegetal  and  of  animal  life  there  has  been  much 
ruthless  sacrificing  of  the  individual  to  the  race.  In 
human  evolution  the  race  has  been  maintained  and  differ- 
entiated at  a  diminishing  cost  to  the  individual.  This  has 


524     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

been  accomplished  by  and  through  society.  In  the  higher 
types  of  civilization  individual  freedom  and  well-being  are 
continually  increased,  without  necessary  injury  to  the  race. 
Race  maintenance  and  evolution,  with  diminishing  cost  of 
individual  life,  with  increasing  freedom,  power  and  happi- 
ness of  the  individual  person,  —  is  progress. 

Genetic  and  Functional  Order 

In  the  chapters  on  the  Social  Mind  the  genetic  order,  in 
which  the  practical  activities  are  evolved,  was  presented. 
Appreciation  appears  first,  then  utilization,  then  charac- 
terization, and  finally  socialization.  Among  the  generali- 
zations relating  to  the  social  constitution,  however,  it  was 
shown  that  the  political,  juristic,  and  economic  activities 
of  society  exist  in  a  functional  sense  for  the  sake  of  the 
cultural.  It  thus  appears  that  the  functional  order  of 
social  activity  and  organization  reverses  the  genetic.  This 
conclusion  we  may  expect  to  see  demonstrated  by  further 
inductive  study. 

Without  some  cultural  development  there  could  be  no 
more  than  an  organic  or  instinctive  economy,  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  there  would  be  no  need  of  more  than  an  organic 
or  instinctive  economy  were  there  no  cultural  interests  to 
be  served  by  higher  economic  methods.  Without  a  some- 
what developed  economic  system  there  could  be  no  juridical 
organization,  and,  at  the  same  time,  no  juridical  organiza- 
tion would  be  needed  were  there  no  economic  interests  to 
be  equitably  adjusted.  Without  a  cultural,  an  economic, 
and  a  juristic  system  there  could  be  no  political  organiza- 
tion, and  there  would  be  no  need  of  any  if  there  were  no 
juristic,  economic,  and  cultural  interests  to  be  defended  or 
extended. 


The  Functioning  of  Society  525 

Thus  far  our  analysis  has  followed  the  genetic  order. 
In  the  study  of  the  social  welfare  it  will  follow  the  func- 
tional order.1 

1  An  interesting  study  of  the  hierarchy  of  social  activity  and  organization 
will  be  found  in  De  Greef 's  Introduction  a  la  Sociologie,  premiere  partie. 


CHAPTER   II 

PUBLIC  UTILITIES 

Security 

FIRST  among  all  the  results  of  social  activity  and  organi- 
zation must  be  named  Security.  In  the  order  of  genesis 
a  relatively  perfect  security  may  be  the  last  result  achieved ; 
but  in  the  functional  order  it  stands  at  the  beginning  of 
the  series.  That  there  may  be  prosperity  and  enlight- 
enment there  must  be  not  only  security  of  life,  but  also 
security  of  territory  and  of  institutions.  There  must,  in 
short,  be  both  international  peace  and  domestic  peace  and 
order.  To  secure  and  to  maintain  these,  as  far  as  possible, 
is  the  supreme  function  of  the  political  system. 

Ancient  Insecurity  on  the  ££gean 

For  in  ancient  times  both  Hellenes  and  Barbarians,  as 
well  the  inhabitants  of  the  coast  as  of  the  islands,  when 
they  began  to  find  their  way  to  one  another  by  sea  had 
recourse  to  piracy.  They  were  commanded  by  powerful 
chiefs,  who  took  this  means  of  increasing  their  wealth  and 
providing  for  their  poorer  followers.  They  would  fall 
upon  the  unwalled  and  straggling  towns,  or  rather  villages, 
which  they  plundered,  and  maintained  themselves  by  the 
plunder  of  them ;  for,  as  yet,  such  an  occupation  was  held 
to  be  honourable  and  not  disgraceful.  This  is  proved  by 
the  practice  of  certain  tribes  on  the  mainland  who,  to  the 
present  day,  glory  in  piratical  exploits,  and  by  the  witness 
of  the  ancient  poets,  in  whose  verses  the  question  is  in- 
variably asked  of  newly-arrived  voyagers,  whether  they 
are  pirates ;  which  implies  that  neither  those  who  are 

526 


Public   Utilities 


527 


questioned  disclaim,  nor  those  who  are  interested  in  know- 
ing censure  the  occupation.  The  land  too  was  infested  by 
robbers  ;  and  there  are  parts  of  Hellas  in  which  the  old 
practices  still  continue,  as  for  example  among  the  Ozolian 
Locrians,  ^tolians,  Acarnanians,  and  the  adjacent  regions 
of  the  Continent.  The  fashion  of  wearing  arms  among  the 
continental  tribes  is  a  relic  of  their  old  predatory  habits. 
For  in  ancient  times  all  Hellenes  carried  weapons  because 
their  homes  were  undefended  and  intercourse  was  unsafe  ; 
like  the  Barbarians  they  went  armed  in  their  every-day 
life.  And  the  continuance  of  the  custom  in  certain  parts 
of  the  country  proves  that  it  once  prevailed  everywhere. 

THUCYDIDES,  History  of  the  Peloponnesian    War,  translated  by 
Jowett,  4. 

Equity 

Next  to  security  in  functional  order,  and  as  an  element 
in  the  social  welfare,  is  Equity,  a  certain  compromise  and 
reconciliation  of  the  differing  interests  and  claims  of  the 
individuals,  the  racial  elements  and  the  classes,  making  up 
the  social  population. 

As  security  is  a  result  and  expression  of  socialization,  so 
is  equity  a  result  and  expression  of  both  socialization  and 
characterization.  To  establish  and  to  maintain  it  is  the 
function  of  the  moral  and  juristic  organization  of  society. 

That  there  may  be  a  compromise  and  reconciliation  of 
interests,  there  must  be  a  limitation  of  liberty. 

In  principle,  liberty  must  not  destroy  or  limit  liberty, 
except  to  save  or  to  extend  liberty.  Those  who  enjoy  liberty 
must  not  fetter  or  enslave  themselves,  they  must  not 
fetter  or  enslave  others.  Practically,  however,  in  concrete 
human  behaviour  those  who  have  great  power  of  any  kind 
seldom  refrain  from  using  it  in  endless  ways  to  curtail  the 
liberty  of  weaker  or  less  fortunate  men. 

Practically,   therefore,   in   actual   experience,  only   one 


528     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

way  has  been  found  to  restrain  liberty  from  destroying 
liberty.  Liberty  has  been  conserved  and  extended  only 
by  establishing  certain  modes  of  equality. 

Subjective  equality  is  impossible.  Mental  and  moral 
equality  no  more  exist  than  equality  of  physical  health 
or  strength.  Equality  of  objective  conditions  is  possible 
to  any  extent  that  may  be  necessary  or  desired.  And  an 
approximation  to  such  equality  is  necessary  in  a  society 
that  would  make  continuing  progress  in  liberty,  prosperity, 
and  enlightenment. 

Men  must  have  equal  political  rights,  or  those  who  have 
more  will  use  the  political  organization  to  destroy  the 
liberty  of  those  who  have  less.  In  like  manner,  they  must 
have  equal  juristic  rights,  or  the  strong  and  clever  will 
despoil,  or  perhaps  enslave,  the  weak.  These  truths  have 
long  been  recognized.  Agreement  has  not  yet  been 
reached  upon  the  question  whether  men  can  have  very 
unequal  material  possessions,  economic  opportunities, 
and  cultural  advantages,  without  a  wholesale  destruction 
of  the  liberties  of  the  economically  weak  by  the  economi- 
cally strong,  with  a  consequent  disruption  of  society  and 
an  ultimate  overthrow  of  liberty.  In  all  progressive 
societies,  however,  we  discover  a  tendency  toward  a  public 
control  of  the  economic  system,  in  the  interest  of  a  greater 
equality  of  economic  opportunity,  and  a  tendency,  also, 
toward  a  complete  equality  of  cultural  advantages. 

A  Fair  Chance  in  the  Race  of  Life 

This  is  essentially  a  people's  contest.  On  the  side  of 
the  union  it  is  a  struggle  for  maintaining  in  the  world  that 
form  and  substance  of  government  whose  leading  object  is 
to  elevate  the  condition  of  men;  to  lift  artificial  weights 


Public   Utilities  529 

from  all  shoulders ;  to  clear  the  paths  of  laudable  pursuit 
for  all ;  to  afford  all  an  unfettered  start  and  a  fair  chance 
in  the  race  of  life.  Yielding  to  partial  and  temporary 
departures,  from  necessity,  this  is  the  leading  object  of  the 
Government  for  whose  existence  we  contend. 

I  am  most  happy  to  believe  that  the  plain  people  under- 
stand  and  appreciate  this. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  Special  Session  Message,  1861. 

Economic  Opportunity 

Third  among  public  utilities,  and  in  the  functional  order 
of  the  ends  for  which  society  exists,  is  that  sum  total  of 
Economic  Opportunity  which  society  controls,  extends,  and 
apportions  among  its  members. 

The  Creation  of  Economic  Opportunity.  —  Material  well- 
being  is  derived  from  the  natural  resources  which  the  com- 
munity has  at  its  disposal,  and  depends  upon  the  effective- 
ness with  which  they  are  utilized.  But  natural  resources, 
once  taken  possession  of  by  a  social  population,  are  thence- 
forward socially  controlled,  and  effective  utilization  is  con- 
ditioned throughout  by  socially  established  arrangements. 
Actual  economic  opportunity,  therefore,  is  a  social  creation 
—  a  product  of  the  social  functioning,  as  truly  as  security 
and  equity  are. 

The  Apportionment  of  Economic  Opportunity.  —  Society 
not  only  establishes  and  expands  economic  opportunity, 
but  it  also  apportions  it  among  its  members. 

The  first  attempts  at  apportionment  are  made  through 
the  institution  of  property.  At  first,  tribal,  or  gentile,  and 
later  on  collective  within  the  narrower  kindred,  property 
presently  becomes  individual  or  private,  as  the  old  col- 
lective holdings  are  broken  up.  Consequent  upon  private 
property  come  developments  of  individual  liberty  in  agri- 


2  M 


530     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

culture,  in  trade  and  in  industry,  and  a  wide  extension  of 
freedom  to  contract. 

Under  this  regime  of  economic  liberty  and  private 
property,  the  apportionment  of  economic  opportunity  is 
determined  by  individual  ability  and  ruthlessness  in  com- 
petition. The  daring  and  the  resourceful  obtain  increasing 
control  over  economic  opportunity,  while  the  industrial 
weaklings  become  increasingly  dependent  upon  the  strong 
and  the  assertive.  The  most  important  natural  resources 
become  monopolized  as  private  property. 

Reaction  against  the  increasing  disparity  of  economic 
condition,  resulting  from  the  uncontrolled  enjoyment  of 
industrial  freedom  and  exercise  of  the  right  of  private 
property,  leads  to  new  developments  of  public  control. 
Partly  through  the  exercise  of  the  police  power,  partly 
through  the  rights  of  eminent  domain  and  of  taxation,  and 
partly  through  greater  strictness  in  fixing  the  rights  and 
obligations  of  corporations,  the  state  begins  to  attach 
conditions  to  the  power  of  private  property,  and  to  limit 
industrial  liberty,  all  with  the  distinct  purpose  of  broaden- 
ing economic  opportunity  for  the  many. 

As  society  becomes  more  complex,  public  control,  tak- 
ing the  forms  above  mentioned,  ceases  to  be  entirely  ade- 
quate to  secure  an  equitable  apportionment,  and  other 
means  are  resorted  to.  Chief  among  these  is  the  creation 
of  public  property.  The  public  takes  title  in  certain  lands, 
thereby  preventing  their  monopolization  by  individuals  or 
by  a  class.  This  policy,  long  since  applied  to  water  fronts 
and  navigable  waters,  and  in  various  countries  to  forests, 
may  in  the  near  future  be  extended  to  mineral-bearing 
lands.  The  United  States  carried  out  the  greatest  policy 
of  public  landownership  and  disposition  in  history  in  its 


Public   Utilities 


531 


distribution  of  a  vast  western  domain  to  actual  settlers 
under  its  homestead  laws. 

The  demand  of  socialism  is  that  the  partial  conver- 
sion of  private  into  public  property  in  the  means  of 
production  shall  be  made  complete.  According  to  the 
socialist,  the  equitable  apportionment  of  economic  op- 
portunity, and  its  utmost  expansion,  are  possible  only  by 
substituting  public  for  private  ownership  in  all  natural 
resources  and  in  the  railways,  factories,  and  workshops  by 
which  resources  are  exploited. 

Material  Well-being.  —  The  product  of  economic  op- 
portunity, developed  and  organized,  is  material  well-being, 
which  is  roughly  measured  and  described  by  the  increase 
and  apportionment  of  wealth. 

The  Reforms  of  Lykurgus 

The  second  and  the  boldest  of  Lykurgus's  reforms  was 
the  redistribution  of  the  land.  Great  inequalities  existed, 
many  poor  and  needy  people  had  become  a  burden  to  the 
state,  while  wealth  had  got  into  a  very  few  hands.  Lykur- 
gus abolished  all  the  mass  of  pride,  envy,  crime,  and  luxury 
which  flowed  from  those  old  and  more  terrible  evils  of 
riches  and  poverty,  by  inducing  all  landowners  to  offer 
their  estates  for  redistribution,  and  prevailing  upon  them 
to  live  on  equal  terms  one  with  another,  and  with  equal 
incomes,  striving  only  to  surpass  each  other  in  courage 
and  virtue,  there  being  henceforth  no  social  inequalities 
among  them  except  such  as  praise  or  blame  can  create. 

'Putting  his  proposals  immediately  into  practice,  he 
divided  the  outlying  lands  of  the  state  among  the  Periceki, 
in  thirty  thousand  lots,  and  that  immediately  adjoining  the 
metropolis  among  the  native  Spartans,  in  nine  thousand 
lots,  for  to  that  number  they  then  amounted.  Some  say 
that  Lykurgus  made  six  thousand  lots,  and  that  Polydorus 
added  three  thousand  afterwards;  others  that  he  added 
half  the  nine  thousand,  and  that  only  half  was  allotted  by 
Lykurgus. 


532     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Each  man's  lot  was  of  such  a  size  as  to  supply  a  man 
with  seventy  medimni  of  barley,  and  his  wife  with  twelve, 
and  oil  and  wine  in  proportion ;  for  thus  much  he  thought 
ought  to  suffice  them,  as  the  food  was  enough  to  maintain 
them  in  health,  and  they  wanted  nothing  more.  It  is  said 
that,  some  years  afterwards,  as  he  was  returning  from  a 
journey  through  the  country  at  harvest-time,  when  he  saw 
the  sheaves  of  corn  lying  in  equal  parallel  rows,  he  smiled, 
and  said  to  his  companions  that  all  Laconia  seemed  as  if  it 
had  just  been  divided  among  so  many  brothers. 

He  desired  to  distribute  furniture  also,  in  order  completely 
to  do  away  with  inequality ;  but,  seeing  that  actually  to  take 
away  these  things  would  be  a  most  unpopular  measure,  he 
managed  by  a  different  method  to  put  an  end  to  all  osten- 
tation in  these  matters.  First  of  all  he  abolished  the  use  of 
gold  and  silver  money,  and  made  iron  money  alone  legal ; 
and  this  he  made  of  great  size  and  weight,  and  small  value, 
so  that  the  equivalent  for  ten  minse  required  a  great  room 
for  its  stowage,  and  a  yoke  of  oxen  to  draw  it.  As  soon  as 
this  was  established,  many  sorts  of  crime  became  unknown 
in  Lacedaemon.  For  who  would  steal  or  take  as  a  bribe 
or  deny  that  he  possessed  or  take  by  force  a  mass  of  iron 
which  he  could  not  conceal,  which  no  one  envied  him  for 
possessing,  which  he  could  not  even  break  up  and  so  make 
use  of ;  for  the  iron  when  hot  was,  it  is  said,  quenched  in 
vinegar,  so  as  to  make  it  useless,  by  rendering  it  brittle  and 
hard  to  work. 

After  this,  he  ordered  a  general  expulsion  of  the  workers 
in  useless  trades.  Indeed,  without  this,  most  of  them  must 
have  left  the  country  when  the  ordinary  currency  came  to 
an  end,  as  they  would  not  be  able  to  sell  their  wares :  for 
the  iron  money  was  not  current  among  other  Greeks,  and 
had  no  value,  being  regarded  as  ridiculous  ;  so  that  it  could 
not  be  used  for  the  purchase  of  foreign  trumpery,  and  no 
cargo  was  shipped  for  a  Laconian  port,  and  there  came 
into  the  country  no  sophists,  no  vagabond  soothsayers,  no 
panders,  no  goldsmiths  or  workers  in  silver  plate,  because 
there  was  no  money  to  pay  them  with.  Luxury,  thus  cut 
off  from  all  encouragement,  gradually  became  extinct ;  and 
the  rich  were  on  the  same  footing  with  other  people,  as 
they  could  find  no  means  of  display,  but  were  forced  to 


Public   Utilities  533 

keep  their  money  idle  at  home.  For  this  reason  such 
things  as  are  useful  and  necessary,  like  couches  and  tables 
and  chairs,  were  made  there  better  than  anywhere  else, 
and  the  Laconian  cup,  we  are  told  by  Kritias,  was  espe- 
cially valued  for  its  use  in  the  field.  Its  colour  prevented 
the  drinker  being  disgusted  by  the  look  of  the  dirty  water 
which  it  is  sometimes  necessary  to  drink,  and  it  was  con- 
trived that  the  dirt  was  deposited  inside  the  cup  and  stuck 
to  the  bottom,  so  as  to  make  the  drink  cleaner  than  it 
would  otherwise  have  been.  These  things  were  due  to  the 
lawgiver ;  for  the  workmen,  who  were  not  allowed  to  make 
useless  things,  devoted  their  best  workmanship  to  useful 
ones. 

PLUTARCH,  Lives  of  Illustrious  Men,  translated  by  AUBREY  STEW- 
ART and  GEORGE  LONG,  Vol.  I.  74-76. 

The  Aristocratic  Socialism  of  Athens 

What  is  a  socialistic  organization  of  a  city  ?  The  owner- 
ship and  operation  of  land  and  capital  collectively  by  the 
city,  for  the  good  of  its  citizens.  Did  Athens  under 
Pericles  have  this  ?  No  student  of  Boeckh's  Public 
Economy  of  Athens,  nor  one  who  can  put  together  the 
statements  of  hundreds  or  thousands  of  passages  in  the 
classic  Greek  authors,  can  well  deny  this.  Athens  owned 
lands,  mines,  forests,  farms,  houses,  markets,  which  it 
worked,  under  one  form  or  another,  for  the  profit  of  the 
citizens.  Its  citizens  did  not  support  the  city ;  the  city 
supported  the  citizens  —  at  least  all  such  as  needed  sup- 
port. Out  of  the  revenues  derived  from  its  possessions, 
Athens  practically  guaranteed  a  livelihood  to  every  citizen. 
Have  we  not  here  the  essence  of  a  very  complete 
Socialism?  ...  It  practically  asked  from  each  citizen  ac- 
cording to  his  ability,  and  gave  to  each  according  to  his 
need.  This  was  accomplished  in  the  main  by  two  institu- 
tions :  the  so-called  "  liturgies,"  securing  from  the  rich 
gratification  for  the  less  fortunate,  and  above  all  by  the 
"  dicasticon,"  or  daily  money  payment  for  public  service, 
given  to  any  citizen  who  wished  it,  and  in  quantity  suffi- 
cient to  enable  him  to  live  upon  it  in  respectability  and 
ordinary  comfort.  It  was  the  latter  institution  which 


534     Tke  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

above  all  made  Athens  socialistic,  and  was  introduced  by 
Pericles,  as  we  may  clearly  learn,  among  other  sources, 
from  Aristotle  (Politics  II,  12)  and  Plato  (Gorgias,  575). 

W.  D.  P.  BLISS,  Where  Socialism  Was  Tried,  The  Outlook,Hov.  n, 
1905,  618-619. 

Cultural  Opportunity 

Fourth  in  the  functional  order  of  social  ends,  and  as  an 
element  in  the  social  welfare,  is  Culture,  that  product  of  the 
fundamental  activities  of  conscious  beings  for  the  sake  of 
which  the  political,  the  juristic,  and  the  economic  activi- 
ties of  society  are  maintained,  and  which,  in  its  own  turn, 
ministers  directly  to  the  higher  development  of  self- 
conscious  life. 

The  public  utility  corresponding  to  this  phase  of  welfare 
is  Cultural  Opportunity,  the  sum  total  of  those  arrange- 
ments, activities,  and  policies  whereby  society  secures  to  its 
members  the  possibility  of  obtaining  and  enjoying  culture 
in  the  measure  of  their  appreciative  range  and  energy. 

The  Educational  System.  —  Collectively,  the  cultural 
opportunities  which  society  conserves  and  places  at  the 
disposal  of  the  people  constitute  an  educational  system. 
This  system  includes  so  much  of  the  social  organization  as 
is  directly  active  in  teaching,  promoting  learning,  conduct- 
ing research,  and  furthering  discovery,  and  includes  fur- 
ther the  policies  adopted  and  the  methods  followed. 

In  simple,  almost  primitive,  society,  the  educational 
system  is  but  slightly  differentiated  from  the  household 
and  its  interests.  It  teaches  the  practical  arts  of  life  and 
the  simpler  social  traditions  of  language,  religion,  and  con- 
duct. In  a  somewhat  more  advanced  stage  of  social 
evolution,  the  ecclesiastical  organization  is  the  chief  edu- 
cational agency,  and  it  emphasizes  religious  culture.  In 


Public   Utilities  535 

modern  society,  the  social  constitution  includes  a  highly 
specialized  secular  educational  organization.  In  its  high- 
est development,  this  secular  educational  organization 
includes  primary  and  grammar  schools,  high  schools  and 
colleges,  universities  and  professional  faculties,  special 
laboratories  and  libraries. 

In  the  early  stages  of  social  evolution  educational  op- 
portunity beyond  very  elementary  instruction  in  the  most 
necessary  arts  of  life  is  extended  only  to  a  few  individuals. 
In  a  somewhat  more  advanced  stage  it  is  extended  to 
favoured  classes.  In  modern  democratic  nations,  oppor- 
tunities of  the  widest  range,  and  maintained  at  vast  cost, 
are  extended  to  the  entire  people  without  distinction  of 
wealth,  class,  creed,  or  race. 

The  Cultural  Product.  —  Culture  itself,  the  product  of 
educational  opportunity,  consists  chiefly  in  knowledge  and 
the  diminution  of  fear. 

Rise  of  Knowledge  of  Sanitation 

The  fearful  visitations  of  disease,  whether  devastating 
plague,  or  stoupe  gallante,  the  sweating  sickness  of  the 
Tudor  reigns,  impressed  fear  upon  all  classes,  and  gave 
some  individuals  of  the  better  sort  an  impression  that 
cleanliness  was  a  preservative  against  these  evils.  Some 
nobles  were  before  the  age  in  enlightened  views  upon 
sanitary  matters.  Those  who  would  fain  connect  cleanli- 
ness with  godliness,  and  who  advocated  the  removal  of 
noisome  collections  of  matter,  found  in  too  many  unwilling 
ears.  Like  many  improvers,  their  wisdom  was  accounted 
impertinent  folly.  Thomas  Howard,  afterwards  the  third 
Lord  Bindon,  once  Mayor  of  Weymouth,  wrote  in  1581  to 
William  Pyt,  his  correspondent  in  the  corporation: 

"  I  ernst  to  find  the  town  clene,  and  all  the  annoyance 
behind  the  town  removed  according  to  promise." 

The  Court   of    Hustings   at   Lyme  had  made  sanitary 


536     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

orders  respecting  the  casting  filth  upon  the  beach  at  the 
Cobb  gate,  where  the  tide  might  carry  the  same  away. 
These  orders  were  by  some  disregarded,  and  probably 
ridiculed.  The  offenders  figure  in  a  presentment  at  the 
Hustings  Court,  A.D.  1580. 

******* 

The  sweating  sickness,  the  plague,  and  other  great 
forms  of  the  visitation  of  disease,  entered  our  towns.  Our 
magnates  treated  them  like  unruly  characters,  and  en- 
deavoured to  shut  them  up,  to  imprison  them  wherever 
they  were  found,  and  set  watchmen  to  guard  the  locality 
in  which  they  had  seated  themselves  by  night  and  day. 

When  the  plague  visited  the  Universities,  those  who  did 
not  set  off  shut  themselves  up  in  the  colleges,  allowing  no 
one  to  have  intercourse  with  them.  The  plague  was 
believed  to  be  greatly  dependent  upon  the  moon,  and  that 
the  change  of  that  satellite  made  appear  who  was  infected 
or  not. 

Families  could  not  be  shut  up  without  some  care  being 
taken  of  their  having  food  for  their  subsistence  during  the 
period  of  their  incarceration.  Hence  there  were  entries 
in  borough  archives  about  expenses  incurred  in  carrying 
out  this  system. 

In  the  year  1590,  there  was  paid  at  Lyme,  to  "those 
that  did  watch  by  day  for  fear  of  the  sickness,  for  four 
days  is.  6d."  The  watchmen  were  to  prevent  intercourse 
with  infected  parts  and  persons. 

There  is  an  entry  in  1645  of  money  paid  for  the  con- 
stables' bill  for  relieving  thirty-two  poor  persons  shut  up 
upon  suspicion  of  infection,  io/.  os.  yd.  This  shutting-  up  of 
so  many  may  have  often  proved  a  very  cruel  proceeding. 
Occasionally  charges  were  made  for  the  support  of  infected 
people  who  were  shut  up  in  other  contiguous  parishes. 
The  mayor,  7th  Aug.  1593,  "delivered,"  as  he  entered  it 
"to  the  constables  of  Whitchurch,  2Os.  for  the  infected 
people,  whereof  I  (he  enters)  could  collect  but  14^.  6d.  so 
the  rest  to  the  town  account." 

******* 

When  any  infectious  disease  broke  out,  the  authorities 
were  empowered,  by  an  Act  passed  in  the  reign  of 


Public   Utilities  537 

James  I.,  to  shut  up  the  sick ;  and  the  watchmen  or 
guards  were  protected  from  any  proceedings  against  them, 
owing  to  violence  used  in  keeping  them  closely  confined. 
Discipline  had  to  be  administered,  when  the  persons  so 
watched  proved  troublesome.  At  Great  Stoughton,  Hunt- 
ingdonshire, the  constables,  so  late  as  the  year  1710,  charged 
thus  in  their  accounts :  "  Pd.  Thomas  Hawkins  for  whip- 
ping two  people  that  had  the  smallpox,  8d. ;  "  and  in  1714, 
"  Pd.  for  watching,  victuals,  and  drink  for  Mary  Mitchell, 
2s.  6d.  Pd.  for  whipping  her,  4</." 

Individuals  in  good  circumstances  would  not  always 
readily  obey  borough  mandates. 

At  Lewes,  in  1710,  a  Mr.  Holmwood  occasioned  a 
charge  of  12s.  for  several  men  to  watch  to  prevent  him 
from  bringing  his  son  up  in  the  town  with  the  smallpox. 

Parties  running  away  from  the  plague  without  a  clean 
bill  of  health  were  advertised  in  the  newspapers,  and  the 
parish  in  the  country  in  which  they  were  supposed  to  have 
secreted  themselves. 

We  must  not  confound  the  watching  or  sitting  up  with 
an  individual  sick  person  with  this  public  exercise  of  cau- 
tion towards  other  towns.  The  mayor  ministered  to  the 
wants  of  the  afflicted  like  an  overseer  now-a-day.  Mr. 
William  Ellesdon,  Mayor  of  Lyme,  in  his  accompt  1595, 
enters  — 

Item,  paid  to  Goodford's  daughter  for  watching  two 
nights  with  Hill  the  hellyer,  6d. 

Friendly  parishes  sent  persons  round  upon  the  outbreak 
of  disease.  "  These  prophets  of  ills "  were  rewarded  as 
was  really  just :  "  Paid  two  messengers  from  Halstock  to 
give  notice  the  Small  Pox  was  there,  $s." 

In  1602  a  surgeon  was  paid  for  "searching  a  corpse  sus- 
pected to  be  of  the  plague,  $.$•.  4^."  This  is  equivalent  to 
"making  a  post  mortem  examination." 

The  plague  being  once  declared,  all  dogs,  swine,  cats, 
and  tame  pigeons  seen  at  large  were  killed,  as  it  was 
believed  these  animals  spread  infection. 


Windows  facing  houses  suspected  of  containing  infec- 
tion were  to  be  kept  closed. 


538     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Fires  were  to  be  made  in  movable  pans  in  churches. 
Bonfires  were  lighted  in  the  streets.  At  Leicester  the  fol- 
lowing bye-law  was  made,  which  may  indeed  be  styled  a 
despotism:  —  "Any  one  having  been  visited  with  the  plague 
who  for  two  months  presumes  to  go  among  those  that  are 
clean,  to  forfeit  5/.,  or  lose  his  freedom  and  be  banished 
for  ever  out  of  the  town  without  any  redemption." 

The  presence  of  the  plague  being  declared,  the  inhab- 
itants of  towns  took  flight.  Herein  they  deemed  their 
safety  to  lie.  In  certain  "Constitutions"  or  laws  framed 
at  Lyme  in  the  year  1570,  we  may  learn  the  habit  of  fly- 
ing from  the  seat  of  the  dreadful  pestilences  of  early  times, 
which  desolated  England. 

A  freeman  was  to  lose  his  valuable  franchise  if  absent  a 
year  from  the  borough,  plague  time  excepted. 

ROBERTS,  Social  History  of  the  Southern  Counties  of  England,  283- 
288. 

Enlightenment  in  America 

It  may  be  affirmed  without  extravagance  that  the  free 
institutions  we  enjoy  have  developed  the  powers  and  im- 
proved the  condition  of  our  whole  people  beyond  any  ex- 
ample in  the  world.  Of  this  we  now  have  a  striking  and 
an  impressive  illustration.  So  large  an  army  as  the  Gov- 
ernment has  now  on  foot  was  never  before  known  without 
a  soldier  in  it  but  who  had  taken  his  place  there  of  his 
own  free  choice.  But  more  than  this,  there  are  many  sin- 
gle regiments  whose  members,  one  and  another,  possess 
full  practical  knowledge  of  all  the  arts,  sciences,  profes- 
sions, and  whatever  else,  whether  useful  or  elegant,  is 
known  in  the  world ;  and  there  is  scarcely  one  from  which 
there  could  not  be  selected  a  President,  a  Cabinet,  a  Con- 
gress, and  perhaps,  a  court,  abundantly  competent  to 
administer  the  Government  itself. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  Special  Session  Message,  1861. 

Persisting  Fear  of  the  Unconventional 

The  religious  activity  of  Blanktown,  during  the  second 
period,  presents  two  phases,  a  survival  of  the  old-time 
religious  fear,  the  function  of  which  is  the  sanction  of  the 


Public   Utilities  539 

customary  life,  and  a  phase  with  a  function  comparatively 
new.  Both  are  evident  in  the  prevailing  method  of  Sun- 
day observance.  The  Sabbath  is  still  observed  by  strict 
abstinence  from  work.  Not  only  has  there  never  been  an 
attempt  to  have  Sunday  base-ball,  golf,  or  horse-racing,  in 
Blanktown,  but  such  a  movement  never  has  been  seriously 
agitated.  Children  are  very  rarely  allowed  to  coast  or  to 
throw  and  catch  a  ball  on  Sunday.  The  card  or  dancing 
party  scrupulously  comes  to  an  end  before  midnight  on 
Saturday.  .  .  .  Sunday  is  observed  not  only  by  absti- 
nence from  work  but  also  by  church  attendance.  Indi- 
viduals who  go  to  an  extreme  of  self-indulgence  during 
the  six  days  observe  a  strict  abstinence  therefrom  on  the 
seventh,  .  .  .  using  Sunday  to  display  before  the  assem- 
bled citizens  their  disposition  to  submit  to  the  requirements 
of  social  propriety.  Thus,  as  in  the  first  period,  Sabbath 
observance  serves  as  a  testimony  on  the  part  of  each  citi- 
zen to  his  submission  to  the  canons  of  social  propriety.  It 
is  a  sign  of  respectability,  that  is,  a  sign  of  that  fearful 
state  under  the  influence  of  which  the  individual  submits 
to  the  socially  approved  customs  of  self-denial.  In  virtue 
of  this  submission,  he  is  respected  by  the  community. 

JAMES  M.  WILLIAMS,  An  American  Town,  237-238. 

A  Liberal  Education 

That  man,  I  think,  has  had  a  liberal  education,  who  has 
been  so  trained  in  youth  that  his  body  is  the  ready  servant 
of  his  will,  and  does  with  ease  and  pleasure  all  the  work 
that,  as  a  mechanism,  it  is  capable  of;  whose  intellect  is  a 
clear,  cold,  logic  engine,  with  all  its  parts  of  equal  strength, 
and  in  smooth  working  order;  ready,  like  a  steam  engine, 
to  be  turned  to  any  kind  of  work,  and  spin  the  gossamers 
as  well  as  forge  the  anchors  of  the  mind ;  whose  mind  is 
stored  with  a  knowledge  of  the  great  and  fundamental 
truths  of  Nature  and  of  the  laws  of  her  operations ;  one 
who,  no  stunted  ascetic,  is  full  of  life  and  fire,  but  whose 
passions  are  trained  to  come  to  heel  by  a  vigorous  will,  the 
servant  of  a  tender  conscience ;  who  has  learned  to  love  all 
beauty,  whether  of  Nature  or  of  art,  to  hate  all  vileness, 
and  to  respect  others  as  himself. 


54°     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

Such  an  one  and  no  other,  I  conceive,  has  had  a  liberal 
education ;  for  he  is,  as  completely  as  a  man  can  be,  in 
harmony  with  Nature.  He  will  make  the  best  of  her,  and 
she  of  him.  They  will  get  on  together  rarely;  she  as  his 
ever  beneficent  mother;  he  as  her  mouth-piece,  her  con- 
scious self,  her  minister  and  interpreter. 

HUXLEY,  Essays :  A  Liberal  Education. 


CHAPTER   III 

THE  SOCIAL  PERSONALITY 

Final  Results 

THE  supreme  result  of  efficient  social  organization  and 
the  supreme  test  of  efficiency  is  the  development  of  the 
personality  of  the  social  man.  If  the  man  himself  becomes 
less  social,  less  rational,  less  manly ;  if  he  falls  from  the 
highest  type,  which  seeks  self-realization  through  a  critical 
intelligence  and  emotional  control,  to  one  of  those  lower 
types  that  manifest  only  the  primitive  virtues  of  power  ;  if 
he  becomes  unsocial,  the  social  organization,  whatever 
its  apparent  merits,  is  failing  to  achieve  its  supreme  object. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  the  man  is  becoming  ever  better  as 
a  human  being,  more  rational,  more  sympathetic,  with  an 
ever  broadening  consciousness  of  kind,  then,  whatever 
its  apparent  defects,  the  social  organization  is  sound  and 
efficient. 

The  development  of  social  personality  is  measured  by 
the  increase  of  vitality,  of  sound  and  high  mentality,  of 
morality  and  of  sociality ;  by  a  decrease  in  the  population 
of  the  number  of  the  defective,  the  abnormal,  the  immoral, 
and  of  the  desocialized,  the  deindividualized,  and  the 
degraded.1 

Men  of  Athens 

What  a  record  it  is  !  Socrates  (469-399  B.C.),  Plato 
(428-347  B.C.),  Aristotle  (384-322  B.C.),  surely  in  the 

1For  the  detailed  treatment  of  this  subject,  see  Inductive  Sociology, 
249-264. 

541 


542     The  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

history  of  thought  there  are  no  greater  names  than  these. 
In  the  drama,  jEschylus  (525-456  B.C.),  Sophocles  (495- 
406  B.C.),  Euripides  (480-406  B.C.)  —  here  are  the  masters 
of  the  classic  tragedy ;  while  Aristophanes  (444-380  B.C.) 
is  the  unique  founder  of  the  world's  comedy.  In  history, 
Thucydides  (470-404  B.C.)  has  perhaps  no  rival,  while 
Xenophon  (430-355  B.C.)  has  but  few.  In  sculpture, 
Phidias  (490-432  B.C.)  and  Praxiteles  (390  B.C.)  stand 
supreme,  while  Myron  (480  B.C.)  and  Scopas  (370  B.C.) 
occupy  high  place.  In  architecture,  Ictinus  and  Callicrates, 
the  architects  of  the  Parthenon  (438  B.C.),  and  Mnesicles, 
the  builder  of  the  Propylaea  (437  B.C.)  produced  works,  of 
their  period  certainly  the  most  beautiful,  and  of  all  periods 
the  most  perfect  buildings  in  the  world.  In  painting, 
Polygnotus  (460  B.C.)  did  work  which  cultured  Athens 
placed  on  a  par  with  her  sculpture.  In  oratory,  every 
school-boy  knows  of  Demosthenes  (385-322  B.C.),  every 
college  boy  of  yEschines  (389-314  B.C.);  while  their  con- 
temporaries compared  Lysias  (445-378  B.C.)  and  Isocrates 
(436-338  B.C.)  with  these.  In  statesmanship,  Pericles 
(495-429  B.C.),  Cimon  (504-449  B.C.),  and  Themistocles 
(514-449  B.C.)  are  names  that  would  stand  out  in  any 
history ;  while  in  generalship,  Miltiades  (490  B.C.),  the 
hero  of  Marathon,  and  Nicias,  the  leader  in  the  Spartan 
wars,  can  never  be  forgotten.  Other  names,  among  them 
Alcibiades  (450-404  B.C.),  Cleon  (422  B.C.),  Thrasybulus 
(390  B.C.),  Lycurgus,  the  orator  (395-323  B.C.),  and  Myron- 
ides  (457  B.C.),  belong  to  this  period.  Thirty-one  names  ! 
Where  in  history  is  there  another  city  that  can  produce 
even  an  approximation  of  such  a  record  ? 

W.  D.  P.  BLISS,  Where  Socialism  Was  Tried,  The  Outlook,  Nov.  n, 
1905,  617. 


CHAPTER  IV 

CONTRIBUTIONS  TO   HUMANITY 

Society  and  Humanity 

As  society  in  general  should  be  judged  by  its  function- 
ing as  a  creator  of  security,  equity,  economic  well-being, 
culture,  and  personality,  so  any  particular  society,  a  city, 
or  a  nation,  wherever  placed,  or  in  whatever  historical 
period  existing,  should  be  judged  by  its  contribution  in 
one  or  all  of  these  particulars  to  that  universal  society  — 
humanity  —  which  is  slowly  being  evolved,  and  to  the  ulti- 
mate well-being  of  mankind. 

Polity.  —  Some  societies  there  have  been  and  are  which 
will  forever  be  remembered  among  men  for  their  contribu- 
tions to  that  supreme  form  of  social  organization  —  the 
state.  They  have  been  above  all  things  creators  of  polity. 
Such  were  Athens  and  Rome — Athens  the  creator  of 
democracy,  Rome,  of  administration.  Such  are  England 
and  the  United  States,  the  creators  of  those  great  federal 
forms  which  conserve  local  liberties  while  establishing 
efficient  central  power. 

Equity.  —  These  same  societies  preeminently  have  been 
creators  also  of  equity  —  that  balancing  of  liberty  and  jus- 
tice which  is  the  supreme  achievement  in  the  realm  of 
law.  Rome,  first  among  all  peoples,  shaped  the  tradi- 
tional materials  of  law  into  logical  and  correlated  systems 
of  universal  validity.  The  modern  nations,  England,  the 
United  States,  France,  Germany,  Switzerland,  and  others, 

543 


544     Ttie  Elements  and  Structure  of  Society 

are  slowly  adapting  these  forms,  making  them  more  service- 
able, and,  above  all,  more  liberal. 

Economy.  —  Perhaps  we  shall  never  know  to  whom  man- 
kind owes  the  supreme  debt  in  the  realm  of  economy.  For 
perhaps  we  shall  never  be  able  to  determine  who  were  the 
first  inventors  of  the  chief  economic  arts.  Egypt  probably 
was  the  first  nation  to  carry  them  to  a  high  perfection. 
The  last  century,  however,  has  witnessed  greater  achieve- 
ments in  man's  power  over  nature  than  all  former  centu- 
ries combined,  since  the  first  inventions,  and  for  these 
achievements  the  world  is  indebted  chiefly  to  England  and 
the  United  States. 

Scientific  Discovery.  —  All  nations  have  made  noble  con- 
tributions to  our  scientific  knowledge,  but  in  this  field,  also, 
certain  peoples  have  been  preeminent.  Egypt,  Babylonia, 
and  Greece  made  the  first  discoveries.  The  Saracens 
must  through  all  time  be  remembered  with  gratitude  for 
preserving  and  extending  this  knowledge  through  the  long 
scientific  night  of  the  European  Middle  Ages.  Since  the 
European  Renaissance  every  western  nation  has  contributed 
noteworthy  discoveries ;  but  scientific  activity  has  been 
especially  characteristic  of  Italy,  France,  Germany,  Eng- 
land, and  the  United  States. 

Religion.  —  Egypt  and  India,  rather  than  Babylonia, 
were  the  creators  of  religion.  Arabia  and  Syria  have  been 
realms  of  religious  genius.  The  most  nearly  universal, 
and  the  most  complex  of  the  world  religions,  Christianity, 
is  not  less  a  product  of  Greek  and  Roman  civilization  than 
an  inheritance  of  Semitic  tradition.  Among  European 
nations,  the  so-called  Latin  peoples  have  made  larger 
contributions  to  the  forms  of  worship,  and  in  general  to 
the  arts  of  religious  expression,  than  have  the  people  of 


Contributions  to  Humanity  545 

the  north.  The  religious  interest  of  the  north  has  ex- 
pressed itself  rather  in  the  creation  of  theologies  and  new 
forms  of  ecclesiastical  organization. 

Art.  —  Comparatively  few  communities  have  attained 
supreme  excellence  in  art,  and  made  incomparable  contri- 
butions to  the  art  treasures  of  the  world.  Greece  has  had 
no  equal  in  the  whole  field.  But  the  creators  of  Italian 
painting  and  of  Gothic  architecture  were  worthy  successors 
of  Greek  genius. 

Personality.  —  In  comparing  communities  one  with  an- 
other as  creators  of  the  highest  personality,  it  is  impossible 
to  regard  quality  alone.  Every  nation  can  point  to  one  or 
more  men  who  will  forever  rank  among  the  immortals. 
But  there  have  been  two  or  three  places  and  occasions  that 
have  witnessed  so  marvellous  a  multiplication  of  exalted 
personalities  as  to  place  the  communities  in  which  they 
appeared  far  beyond  all  other  societies  in  human  history 
in  this  supreme  result  of  social  evolution.  Such  were 
Athens  in  the  age  of  Pericles,  and  Florence  in  the  days 
of  the  Medici.  Such  was  France  on  the  eve  of  the  Revo- 
lution, and  such  was  England  in  her  noble  Victorian  age. 


2N 


INDEX 


Achaean  League,  13. 

Activities,  complex,  374~37S;   cultural, 

377.  378.  379- 
Activity,  economic,  384-386;    cultural, 

375 ;   juristic,  388;   as  a  development 

of  deliberative  like-mindedness,  388; 

moral,    387;    political,    390;    public, 

388. 
Adams,  J.  Q.,  on  limited  minority  rule 

in  Silesia,  366-370. 
Adams,  S.,  on  ideal  of  limited  majority 

government,  371. 
Addison,  J.,  on  convivial  character,  223- 

224. 

Esthetic  ideas,  origin  of,  376. 
Affection,  as  a  mode  of  the  conscious- 
ness of  kind,  285-286. 
Aggregation,  72,  et  seq.;  causes  of,  91- 

92;   density  of,  73;   genetic,  76-77. 
Agnati,  defined  by  Justinian,  440. 
Amphiktyonic  Council,  509-511. 
Ancestor  Worship,  464;  in  Japan,  465- 

467-  . 
Andrews,    J.,    on    imitation    of    social 

superiors  in  England,  157-160. 
Appreciation,  defined,  187;    degrees  of, 

188-190;  examples  of,  1 88;  methods 

of,  195;    motives  of,  190. 
Aristocratic  Socialism,  in  Athens,  533- 

534- 

Aristotle  on  friendship,  285,  286; 
origins  of  civil  society  in  Athens,  495- 
496;  on  reciprocity  of  affection,  287. 

Art,  states  that  have  created,  545. 

Assimilation,  defined,  304;  causes 
entering  into,  312;  concerted,  304; 
difficulties  of,  309;  in  language, 
306-307;  process  of,  309-310;  resist- 
ance to,  309;  spontaneous,  304. 

Assistance,  policies  of,  415-417. 

Association,  169;  examples  of,  169-172; 
expansive,  172. 


Balch,  T.  W.,  on  conflict  of  imitations 
in  Alsace  and  Lorraine,  319-322. 

Barbaric  feudalism,  benefits  of,  472. 

Bi'ni  marriage,  445-447. 

Bliss,  W.  D.  P.,  on  aristocratic  social- 
ism in  Athens,  533-534;  on  the 
development  of  social  personality  in 
Athens,  541,  542. 

Booth,  C.,  a  London  suburb,  25;  on 
London  workingmen's  clubs,  171-172. 

Bryce,  J.,  on  diversity  of  laws  in 
America,  262-263;  on  manners  in 
America,  248-249 ;  on  political  unity 
in  America,  263-264;  on  types  of 
opinion  in  America,  249-253. 

Carpini,  J.  P.,  on  metronymic  survivals 
among  the  Tartars,  438. 

Catiline,  conspiracy  of,  49-52. 

Causation,  social,  178-179. 

Censorship,  of  the  press  in  England, 
404-409. 

Character,  types  of,  214-215 ;  American, 
233-234;  austere,  230-231;  classifi- 
cation of,  214;  convivial,  223-229; 
forceful,  218-224;  rationally  con- 
scientious, 231-233. 

Characterization,  defined,  211;  degrees 
of,  211 ;  methods  of,  212-214;  mo- 
tives  of,  211-212. 

Cirencester,  Richard  of,  on  the  ancient 
state  of  Britain,  474-480. 

Citizen,  conception  of  the  ideal,  391. 

Citizenship,  494. 

Civic  nation,  the,  494. 

Civil  Societies,  composition  of,  496; 
constitution  of,  507. 

Civil  Society,  origin  of,  in  Athens,  495- 
496;  transition  from  tribal  to,  473; 
474-480. 

Clan,  the,  defined,  453-454;  functions 
of,  506;  in  Ireland,  456;  the  metro- 


547 


548 


Index 


nymic  in  Shechem,  435;    the  patro- 
nymic, 453- 

Clifford,  W.  K.,  on  object  and  eject,  301. 

Climatic  conditions,  influence  of,  68-70. 

Communication,  136;  examples  of,  136- 

145- 
Component-Constituent  Societies,  504- 

5°9- 
Component  Societies,  resemblance  in, 

433- 

Concerted  Volition,  326,  et  seq.;  causes 
affecting  the  character  of,  330;  con- 
strained, 327;  laws  of,  351;  objective 
conditions  of,  326;  spontaneous, 
326;  subjective  conditions  of,  326. 

Confederation,  the,  462;  functions  of, 
506. 

Conflict,  social,  defined,  161 ;  examples 
of,  162-169;  persistence  of,  313-315- 

Congregation,  defined,  90. 

Consciousness  of  kind,  the,  275,  et  seq.; 
as  a  development  of  like-response, 
184;  as  dynamic,  302 ;  expansion  of, 
303,  304;  local,  294-295;  scope  and 
mode  of,  289,  290;  the  total,  288- 
289;  subjectively  considered,  275. 

Constituent  Societies,  502;  organiza- 
tion of,  503;  resemblance  in,  501; 
separation  of,  from  component 
groups,  502;  types  of,  502. 

Contributions  to  humanity,  543,  et  seq. 

Cooperation,  causes  of,  353;  extent  of, 
355;  forms  of,  354;  order  of  motives 
°f>  353  >  permanence  of,  429;  poli- 
cies of,  395,  private,  355 ;  public,  355 ; 
regarded  as  concerted  volition,  352; 
utilitarian  motive  in,  353. 

County,  the,  488;    functions  of,  509. 

Crawley,  E.,  on  sexual  taboo,  290-291. 

Crevecceur,  J.  H.  St.  John.,  on  demotic 
unity  of  early  inhabitants  of  Nan- 
tucket,  77. 

Crowd,  the,  characteristics  of,  334. 

Cucking-stool,  44. 

Cultural  opportunity,  as  a  social  end,  534. 

Culture,    animistic   ideas  in   primitive, 

375- 
Cuming,  F.,  on  early  American  travel, 

175,  176- 
Curtis,  G.  W.,on  peril  of  spoils  system,  64. 

Dante  Alighieri,  on  friendship,   286. 
Darwin,    C.,    on    beginnings   of    com- 
munication, 136-137. 


Dawes,  T.  R.,  on  bilingual  teaching  in 
Belgian  schools,  165-169. 

De  Foe,  D.,  on  the  great  plague,  146-148. 

Demotic  composition,  104,  et  seq.; 
causes  of,  118;  environment  and, 
118-121  ;  examples  of,  106-112. 

Deploige,  S.,  on  the  referendum  in 
Switzerland,  347-349- 

Differentiation  and  resemblance,  186, 
et  seq. 

Di'ga  marriage,  445-447. 

Diminishing  and  increasing  return, 
laws  of,  100-102; 

Disposition,  types  of,  209;  classifica- 
tion of,  209-211. 

Durkheim,  E.,  impression  theory  of 
society,  5. 

Dwight,  Timothy,  on  assimilation  in 
Connecticut  Valley,  311;  on  austere 
character,  230-231;  on  Dutch- 
English  assimilation,  309-310;  on 
ethnic  composition  of  early  Boston, 
76 ;  on  Shaker  doctrine  and  discipline, 
342-344;  on  witchcraft,  152-154. 

Economic  opportunity,  apportionment 
of,  529-531;  creation  of,  529. 

Economy,  ceremonial,  385;  consump- 
tion, 386;  business,  386;  instinctive, 
385 ;  organic,  385 ;  production,  386. 

Economy,  states  that  have  created,  544. 

Educational  system,  the,  534-535. 

Eject,  301. 

Ejective  interpretation,  defined,  301. 

Emotion,  types  of,  196;  examples  of, 
203-205. 

Endogamy,  441. 

Enlightenment,  in  America,  538. 

Environment,  relation  of  energy  to,  92- 
94. 

Epicurus,  on  the  social  contract,  5. 

Equality,  genesis  of,  411;  growth  of, 
425;  policies  of,  410-412. 

Equilibration,  social,  323;  mode  of,  324. 

Equity,  527,  528;  states  that  have 
created,  543. 

Ethnic  consciousness,  example  of,  293, 
294- 

Ethnic  nation,  the,  473. 

Ethnic  societies,  as  genetic  aggregations, 
434;  constitution  of,  504. 

Evolution,  laws  of,  99-102. 

Exogamy,  441. 

Exploitation,  decline  of,  425 ;  in  the  Isle 


Index 


549 


of  Man,  415;  in  Thessaly,  414; 
policies  of ,  414 ;  of  conquered  peoples, 
422;  reactions  of  the  policy  of,  427. 

Faith,  the  age  of,  426. 

Family,   causes  determining    forms    of 

the,  450-451;    the    polygynous,   442. 
Feudalism,    benefits   of   barbaric,   472; 

in  ancient  England  (of  people's  ranks 

and  law),  493. 
Fine,  the,  460. 

Flaith,  the,  460;    rise  of,  469-471. 
Fosterage,  in  Ireland,  505-506. 
Fourier,  C.,  and  Sylvania  association,  60. 
France,  authoritative  society  in,  43. 
Frazer,  J.  G.,  on  primitive  magic,  379- 

381;   on  totemism,  454-456. 
Freeman,  E.  A.,  on  the  Amphiktyonic 

Council,  509-511. 
French  revolution,  the,  335-337. 
Friendless  men,  law  of,  493-494. 
Fustel  de  Coulanges,  on  the  rise  of  class 

sovereignty  in  Athens,  360-362. 

Ga,  the,  480-492. 

Galfridus,  on  amalgamation  of  Britons 
and  Norsemen,  122-123;  on  tne 
sovereignty  of  Arthur,  360. 

Gardiner,  P.,  on  Greek  emotional  types, 
198—199. 

Gerard,  E.,  on  diversity  of  manners  in 
Transylvania,  242-246;  on  survival 
of  wife  capture  in  Transylvania,  448- 
450;  on  tradition-loving  Transyl- 
vanians,  340-342. 

Ghibelline  conspiracy,  52-54. 

Gibbon,  E.,  on  despotic  society  under 
Constantine,  35-37;  on  pagans  and 
Christians,  131-132;  on  race  con- 
sciousness, 291-292;  on  subjugation 
of  the  Dacians,  413-414. 

Giles,  H.  A.,  crying  one's  wrongs  in 
China,  330;  on  mass  sovereignty  in 
China,  362-363. 

Ginnell,  L.,  on  the  clan  in  Ireland,  456- 
461;  on  rise  of  the  flaiths,  469-471. 

Government,  causes  and  conditions 
determining  the  form  of,  372-374; 
limited  majority,  371-372;  limited 
minority,  366-370. 

Green,  J.  R.,  on  demotic  composition  of 
Norman  England,  90-91;  on  White- 
field's  revival,  134-135. 

Grote,  G.,  on  exploitation  in  Thessaly, 


414;  on  group  migration  in  Greece, 
112-113;  on  population  of  Thessaly, 
113-114;  on  unity  of  language  in 
Greece,  241. 

Gummere,  F.  B.,  on  old  German  festi- 
vals, 171. 

Gunaratna,  J.  A.,  on  polyandry  in 
Ceylon,  443-445. 

Hazlitt,  W.,  on  power  of  Napoleon's 
personality,  154-156. 

Heat  belt,  influence  of,  upon  social 
population,  68-70. 

Herodotus,  on  assimilation  in  language 
in  Greece,  306-307 ;  on  conspiracy 
of  Peisistratos,  48-49. 

Holmes,  T.  R.,  on  demotic  composition 
of  the  Gaels,  122 ;  on  Gallic  resistance 
of  Rome,  162;  on  the  population  of 
Gaul,  114-115. 

Homer,  on  the  Argives'  launching  of 
the  ships,  327;  on  assembly  of  the 
Argives,  335;  on  Menelaus'  feast, 
327-328;  on  the  leadership  of  Aga- 
memnon, 267;  on  tribal  system  of 
the  Greeks,  468. 

Homogeneity,  degree  of,  in  social  popu- 
lation, 118. 

Horde,  the,  defined,  451-452. 

Household,  the,  as  a  component  con- 
stituent society,  504-508. 

Hozumi,  N.,  on  ancestor  worship  in 
Japan,  465-467. 

Humanity,  contributions  to,  543,  et  seq.; 
the  age  of,  428. 

Huxley,  T.  H.,  on  character  of  Joseph 
Priestley,  231-233;  on  a  liberal 
education,  539-540. 

Ideas,  economic,  384-385;  juristic, 
387;  moral,  387-388;  political,  390- 

395- 

Imitation,  as  a  factor  of  the  social  mind, 
157;  examples  of,  157-160;  geo- 
metrical progression  of,  1 60 ;  laws  of, 

157- 

Imitations,  conflict  of,  319-322. 

Impression,  154. 

Increasing  and  diminishing  return,  law 
of,  100-102. 

Industry,  exploitive,  423;   pastoral,  464. 

Inglis,  H.  D.,  on  difficulties  of  assimi- 
lation, 308-309. 

Inheritance,  by  maternal  right,  437-438. 


550 


Index 


Institutions,  defined,  431. 
Intellect,  types  of,  196,  204-206. 
Intellectual  strife,  influence  of,  324-325. 
Inter-stimulation  and  response,  135-136. 
Ireland,  Alleyne,   on  effect  of  climate 
upon  civilization,  68-70. 

Janssen,  J.,  on  commercial  relations 
of  Germany  and  Italy,  175. 

Jevons,  F.  B.,  on  Greek  emotional 
types,  198-199. 

Johnson,  Samuel,  on  the  laird  in  Sky, 
471-472. 

Jones,  T.  J.,  on  character  types,  235- 
236;  on  degrees  of  appreciation,  187- 
189;  on  dispositions,  210-211;  on 
intellective  types,  206 ;  on  methods  of 
characterization,  212-214;  on  methods 
of  appreciation,  208-209 »  on  motives 
of  appreciation,  189-194;  on  motives 
of  characterization,  211-212;  on 
motives  of  utilization,  207;  on  types 
of  mind,  239-240. 

Juristic  activity,  primitive  forms  of,  388. 

Justinian,  on  Agnati,  440. 

Kemble,  J.  M.,  on  the  English  kindred, 

18-20;    on  the  ga  or  shire,  489-492. 
Kidd,  B.,  on  projected  efficiency,  415- 

416. 

Kind,  the  consciousness  of,  275,  et  seq. 
Kindred,    the     Aryan',     484-485;     the 

Greek,  483;   the  Irish,  485-486;  the 

partiarchal,  480-482. 
Kinship,  transition  from  metronymic  to 

patronymic,  462-463. 
Knapp,  A.  M.,  on  literacy  in  Japan, 

241-242. 
Krans,    H.    S.,    on   Irish    conviviality, 

224-229. 
Kropotkin,  P.,  on  animal  societies,  13- 

14;  on  Asiatic-European  migrations, 

95-96- 

Land-holding  by  brothers,  Welsh  law  of, 

486-488. 
Law   of   sympathy,    Adam   Smith   on, 

298-299. 
Laws,    of    increasing    and   diminishing 

return,  100-102;    of  stimulation  and 

response,  125. 
League,    Achaean,    the,     13;     of     the 

Iroquois,  13,  56-58. 
Le  Bon,  G.,  on  impression  theory  of 

society,  5. 


Lecky,  W.  E.  H.,  on  consciousness  of 
nationality,  295-297. 

Le  Mesurier,  on  Bi'ni  and  Di'ga 
marriage,  445-447;  inheritance  by 
maternal  right,  43  7-438 ;  on  polyandry 
in  Ceylon,  443. 

Liberal  Education,  Huxley  on,  539-540. 

Liberalism,  growth  of,  423. 

Liberty,  laws  of,  520;  policies  of,  409- 
412;  source  of,  519. 

Licensing  act,  404-409. 

Like-mindedness,  deliberative,  344; 
dogmatic,  338;  instinctive,  332; 
relative  extent  of  each  mode  of,  349; 
sympathetic,  333-334- 

Like  response,  179,  182. 

Lilienfeld,  P.,  on  organic  theory  of 
society,  4. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  on  American  democ- 
racy, 63-64;  on  enlightenment  of  the 
American  people,  538;  on  equity, 
528,  529;  on  growth  of  American 
population,  73 ;  on  Federal  Volunteer 
Army,  135. 

Longstaff,  G.  B.,  on  migration,  77-79. 

Lordless  men,  law  of,  494. 

Lykurgus,  the  reforms  of,  531-533. 

Magic,  ideas   of,   376-377;    primitive, 

379-38i- 
Mark,  the,  488. 
Marriage,  Bi'ni,  445-447;    Di'ga,  445- 

447- 
Maternal   right,   inheritance   by,   437- 

438- 
Maurice,  C.  E.,  on  Mazzini's  republican 

movement,    347;    on   population   of 

Austria-Hungary,  116-118. 
Mayhew,  H.,  on  survivals  of  ancient 

religion  in  Thuringia,  381-384. 
Mazzini,  G.,  the  republican  movement 

of,  347- 
McMaster,  J.    B.,  on    assimilation   in 

Dutch  New  York,  309. 
Metronymic,    clan    in   Shechem,    435; 

societies,  434  ;  survivals  among  the 

Hebrews,   435;    survivals  among  the 

Tartars,  438;  survivals  in  Salic  law, 

438-440. 
Micheaux,  A.,  on  burning  the  prairie 

dead  grass,  356. 
Migration,  474;    group,   112;  physical 

causes  of,  94-96;  ultimate  causes  of, 

96-103. 


Index 


Migrations,  classification  of,  77-79. 

Militarism,  policies  of,  421-422. 

Mind,  the  social,  124,  et  seq.;  differentia- 
tion and  resemblance  in,  186;  types 
of,  236-241. 

Montesquieu,  C.,  on  causes  of  assimi- 
lation, 312-313;  on  metronymic 
survival  in  Salic  law,  438-440;  on 
relation  of  climate  to  type  of  mind, 
272-274. 

Moore,  A.  W.,  on  amalgamation  of 
northmen  and  Gaels,  122;  on  Celtic- 
Teutonic  assimilation,  308 ;  on  popu- 
lation of  Isle  of  Man,  115-116. 

Moore,  J.,  on  political  ranks  in  Ger- 
many, 264-267. 

Moral  ideas,  traditional  nature  of,  387. 

Morgan,  L.  H.,  on  the  League  of  the 
Iroquois,  56-58. 

Motion,  laws  of,  97-98. 

Motor  reaction,  types  of,  195-196. 

Municipality,  functions  of  the,  508. 

National  states,  social  composition  of, 

49 1- 

Nicholls,  Sir  G.,  on  conspiracies  in  the 
reign  of  Richard  II,  55-56;  on  Wat 
Tyler's  rebellion,  328-330. 

Noyes,  D.,  on  demotic  composition  of 
Norway,  Maine,  106-108. 

Noyes,  J.  H.,  on  the  Skaneateles  as- 
sociation, 23-25;  on  the  Sylvania 
association,  59-61. 

O'Curry,  E.,  on  fairs  in  Ancient  Ire- 
land, 169-171;  on  fosterage  in 
Ireland,  505-506. 

Olmsted,  F.  L.,  on  standards  of 
comfort  in  North  and  South,  256-259. 

Ordeals,  defined  in  laws  of  King  ^Ethel- 
Stan,  388-389. 

Organic  Variation,  in  the  social  popu- 
lation, 104. 

Organization,  character  and  efficiency 
of,  519,  et  seq.;  forms  of,  430-431; 
patronymic,  467. 

Paine,  T.,  on  ideal  of  limited  majority- 
rule,  371-372- 

Pa'  Nabokke,  on  polyandry  in  Ceylon, 
443;  on  Bi'ni  and  Di'ga  marriage, 

445-447- 

Parker,  E.  L.,  on  ethnic  and  sectarian 
consciousness,  292-293. 


Pastoral  industry,  in  tribal  organization, 
464. 

Patriarchal  kindred,  the,  480-482. 

Patronymic  kinship,  462 ;  advantages  of, 
468 ;  in  America,  463 ;  in  the  east,  463. 

Patronymic  organization,  467. 

Peace,  reactions  of,  428. 

Personality,  social,  541,  et  seq.;  as  an 
end  of  social  organization,  541;  as 
developed  in  Athens,  541-542 ;  states 
that  have  created,  545. 

Phratry,  the,  461;    functions  of,  506. 

Plutarch,  on  a  Greek  election,  131;  on 
character  of  Julius  Caesar,  218-219; 
on  character  of  Lykurgus,  229-230; 
on  discipline  in  Sparta,  397-398;  on 
troublesome  elements  in  Athens,  398- 
399 ;  on  the  leadership  of  Pericles,  268- 
269;  on  the  reforms  of  Lykurgus,  531- 

533- 

Policies,  social,  external,  413;  external- 
internal,  421;    internal,  396. 
Policy,  causes  determining  prevailing, 

417-418. 
Political  ideas,  nature  of,  393 ;  primary, 

391;    secondary,  392-393. 
Polity,  states  that  have  created,  543. 
Polyandry,    in    Britain,    447-448;     in 

Ceylon,  443;    in   Italy,  448;    Nair, 

442;  Tibetan,  442. 
Population,  social,  67,  etseq.;  compound, 

113;    growth  of,  74-76. 
Powell,  J.  W.,  on  patronymic  origins  in 

America,  463. 

Progress,  measure  of  social,  179. 
Public  opinion,  defined,  345. 
Public  sanction,  429. 
Public  utilities,  526,  et  seq. 

Race  consciousness,  example  of,  291- 
292. 

Recognition,  desire  for,  286-287. 

Referendum,  in  Switzerland,   347-349. 

Religion,  states  that  have  created,  544. 

Resemblance,  degrees  of  total,  269-270; 
in  component  societies,  433;  mental 
and  practical,  182 ;  potential,  303-304. 

Response,  complete,  182;  partial,  182; 
prompt,  180,  181. 

Responsiveness,  degrees  and  stages  of, 
179. 

Returns,  law  of  increasing  and  dimin- 
ishing, 100-102. 

Ribot,  Th.,  on  organic  sympathy,  278. 


552 


Index 


Roberts,  G.,  on  authoritative  society 
in  England,  43-44;  on  decay  of  Eng- 
lish coast  towns,  85-90 ;  on  riding  the 
Skimmington,  132-133;  on  rise  of 
knowledge  of  sanitation,  535-538; 
on  travel  by  English  stage-coach, 

I43~I45- 
Roberts,  P.,  on  standards  of  living  in  the 

coal  regions,  259-261. 
Royce,    J.,    on    a    California    mining 

camp,  25-29. 

Sanitation,  rise  of  the  knowledge  of, 

535-538- 
Schaffle,  A.  E.  F.,  on  organic  theory  of 

society,  4. 

Science,  the  age  of,  428. 
Scientific    discovery,    states    that    have 

created,  544. 
Secret  societies,  503. 
Security,  defined,  526;    absence  of,  on 

the  ^Egean,  526-527. 
Seebohm,    F.,    on    the   Irish    kindred, 

485-486. 
Seebohm,  H.  E.,  on  the  Aryan  kindred 

in   India,    484-485;     on   the    Greek 

kindred,  483. 
Seneca,  on  Roman  standards  of  living, 

254-256. 

Sexual  taboo,  survival  of,  in  Transyl- 
vania, 448-450. 
Shakers,  doctrine  and  discipline  of  the, 

342-344- 

Shire,  the,  489-492. 
Sienkiewicz,    H.,    on    rumour    in    the 

Ukraine,  140-143. 

Silesia,  limited  minority  rule  in,  366-370. 
Situation,  67-68. 
Smiles,  S.,  on  assimilation  through  social 

imitation,  315-318;    on  migration  of 

Flemings    to     England,    80-85;     on 

the  Huguenots  in  England,  21-23. 
Smith,  Adam,  on  reflective  sympathy, 

284;   on  the  law  of  sympathy,  298- 

299;      the     sympathetic     origin     of 

virtues,  287-288. 

Smith,  A.  H.,  on  life  in  China,  180-181. 
Social  causation,  nature  of,  178-179. 
Social   composition,   the,   433,    et  seq.; 

of     ethnic     societies,     434;    law    of 

development  of,    500;    psychological 

origin  of,  499-500. 
Social  conflict,  161;    examples  of,  162- 

169;   persistence  of,  313-315. 


Social   constitution,  the,  501,    et  seq.j 

defined,  432;    evolution  of,  514-517; 

law  of  development  of,  517-518. 
Social  equilibration,  322;   mode  of,  323. 
Social   imitation,    in   the   perfecting  of 

national  types,  313. 
Socialization,  304. 
Social  mind,  the,  124,  et  seq.;   defined, 

185;    formation  of,  124;    reaction  of 

policies  of  government  upon,  426. 
Social    organization,  the,  429,  et  seq.; 

character  and  efficiency  of,  519  etseq.; 

end  to  be  desired  in,  520-521. 
Social  personality,  the,  543,  et  seq.;  as 

an    end    of    organization,    541 ;     as 

developed  in  Athens,  541-542. 
Social  policies,  395,  et  seq. 
Social  population,  the,  67,  et  seq. 
Social  welfare,  the,  522,  et  seq. 
Societies,     animal,     13-14;     civil,     10; 

ethnic,    10,     14-17,    441;    kinds    of, 

10,  etseq.;  metronymic,  434;   patro- 
nymic, 434. 

Society,  approbational,  12,  25-29; 
authoritative,  12,  42-44;  basis  of, 
67;  instinct  theory  of,  6;  congenial, 

11,  20-25;    contractual,    13,    56-58; 
conspirital,  13,44-56;  defined,  3,8-9; 
despotic,   12,    29-42;    elements  and 
structure    of,    67,  et  seq.;    ends   for 
which  it  exists,  522-524;   functioning 
of,  522;   genetic  and  functional  order 
of,  524-525;     idealistic,    13,    59-64; 
nature  of,  4;    psychological  concep- 
tion of,  5;  sympathetic,  n,  18-20. 

Socius,  the,  391-392. 

Sovereignty,  defined,  357;  beginnings 
of,  480;  class,  359,  360-362;  causes 
determining  prevailing  mode  of,  363- 
366;  general,  359;  mass,  359,  362- 
363;  personal,  359. 

Spencer,  Herbert,  an  organic  sym- 
pathy among  animals,  278-281;  on 
physical  causes  of  migration,  94-95; 
on  relation  of  environment  to  energy, 
92-94. 

Spinoza,  B.,  on  desire  for  recognition, 
287;  on  reflective  sympathy,  283. 

State,  functions  of  the,  509. 

Steele,  Sir  R.,  on  the  convivial  character, 
223-224. 

Stimulation  and  response,  examples  of, 
128-135;  extent  and  degrees  of 
common,  312;  laws  of,  125. 


Index 


553 


Stimuli,     classification     of,     176-177; 

response  to  the  four  classes  of,  331- 

332- 

Subjugation,  policies  of,  413-414. 
Suggestion,  as  a  mode  of  stimulation, 

145;    examples  of,  145-154. 
Survivals,      metronymic,     among     the 

Hebrews,  435;    among  the  Tartars, 

438;    in  Salic  law,  438-440. 
Sydney,    W.     C.,    on     the    witchcraft 

delusion,  148-152. 
Sympathy,   organic,  276,  278-281;  law 

of,  298-299 ;  reflective,  283 ;  Spinoza 

on  reflective,  283;    Adam  Smith  on 

reflective,  284. 

Taboo,  sexual,  290,  291 ;  survival  of,  in 
Transylvania,  448-450. 

Tacitus,  on  ethnic  composition  of  prim- 
itive Germans,  76. 

Taine,  H.  A.,  on  polyandry  in  Italy, 
448;  on  the  French  revolution,  335- 

337- 
Tarde,    G.,    on    imitation    theory    of 

society,  5. 
Taswell-Langmead,  T.  P.,  on  despotic 

society  in  England,  37-42. 
Thucydides,  on  absence  of  security  on 

the  ^Egean,  526,  527;  on  migrations 

of  the  Greeks,  79,  80. 
Thuringia,  survivals  of  ancient  religion 

in,  381-384. 

Totem,  a,  defined,  454-456. 
Totemism,  nature  of,  454-456. 
Towns,  the  rise  of,  494. 
Tradition-loving    Transylvanians,  the, 

340-342. 
Transition,  from  tribal  to  civil  society  in 

England,  474-480. 
Tribal  system,  of  the  Greeks,  468. 
Tribe,  the,  461;  functions  of,  506. 
Tylor,  E.  B.,  on  patronymic  origins  in 

the  East,  463. 

Types,  of  character,  214-236;  of  dis- 
position, 209-211;  of  emotion,  195- 


204;  of  intellect,  195,  204-206;  of 
mind,  236-240;  of  motor-reaction, 
197. 

Unconventional,  fear  of  the,  538-539. 

Uniformity,  act  of,  400-403. 

Unity,  demotic,  121;   policies  of,  among 

the  Hebrews,  396;    in  Athens,  398, 

399;     in    Saxon    England,    399;     in 

Sparta,  397-398- 
Unlike  response,  128,  131,  134. 
Utilization,    defined,    207;    degrees  of, 

207;    motives  of,  207;    methods  of, 

208. 

Villani,  G.,  on  the  conspiracies  of  Cat- 
iline, 49-52;  on  conspirital  society 
in  Florence,  52-54. 

Volition,  concerted,  326,  et  seq. 

Voluntary  association,  509  ;  in  the  reign 
of  William  III,  511-514. 

Warner,  C.  D.,  on  character  of  Captain 

John  Smith,  219-222. 
Wat  Tyler's  rebellion,  328-330. 
Webster,    D.,   on   preservation   of   the 

Union,  62-63. 

Welfare,  the  social,  522,  et  seq. 
Well-being,  contributions  to,  in  ethnic 

society,  452. 
Wife  capture,  survival  of,  in  Transyl- 

vania, 448-450. 
Wife  purchase,  464. 
Williams,   D.,   on  religious  revival  in 

Wales,  338. 
Williams,  J.  M.,  on  fear  of  the  uncon- 

ventional, 538-539. 
Winsor,  J.,  on  religious  consciousness, 

293- 

Woodward,  J.,  on  voluntary  associa- 
tion in  reign  of  William  III,  511- 


Zwingli,    H.,    on     Catholic-Protestant 
strife,  163-165. 


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